charcoal making_pomeroy_inprint

The Pennsylvania Geographer

48

CHARCOAL MAKING AND DEFORESTATION IN GROS MANGLE,

HAITI: EXPLORING SUSTAINABILITY AT LOCAL SCALE

Jennifer Y. Pomeroy

Department of History and Political Science

York College of Pennsylvania

Agnès Ragone

Modern Language Department

Shippensburg University of Pennsylvania

Abstract

The charcoal industry has been linked as a main driver of tropical

deforestation in land use/land cover change studies. However, many studies have

focused their research in “hot spots,” such as the Amazon rainforest and the

Congo River Basin as they are larger in size. Small island regions such as La

Gonâve of Haiti are not being adequately studied. La Gonâve is Haiti’s largest

offshore island covering an area of 287 square miles. With no official census, the

island has an estimated population of 80,000 people. This study uses the village

of Gros Mangle on the island of La Gonâve in Haiti as a case study to examine

landscape change and the charcoal making industry. A historical review suggests

that varying rates of deforestation have prevailed across several different time

periods despite of some level of governmental efforts to mitigate such

deforestation. Field observations and transect walks show that the island’s

current landscape displays a level of environmental degradation which includes

deforestation, soil erosion, rocky desertification, and water scarcity. Semi-

structured interviews reveal that charcoal industry remains as an important

income source supporting villagers’ cooking energy in their day-to-day life.

Some suggestions for sustainable development that must first focus on local needs and landscape conservation are made.

Introduction

Charcoal production and use has been linked as a main driver of

deforestation and land use/land cover change of tropical regions (Lea 1996;

Volume 53, No. 2 – Fall/Winter 2015

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Lambin, Geist, and Lepers 2003; White et al. 2013; Mwampamba et al. 2015).

Large “hot spots” such as the Amazon rainforest and the central African Congo

River Basin have received substantial research attention and efforts investigating

charcoal making and deforestation. However, small island regions in the tropical

zone have not been studied adequately. Heterogeneity of these island regions and

lack of systematic charcoal data present many challenges for researchers. A case

study is invaluable in shedding light into much better understanding of the

linkage between cause and effect.

Haiti is a tropical nation that stands at the poorest end of the development

spectrum in the western hemisphere. It is reported that 80 percent of Haitians live

in extreme poverty. Life expectancy at birth is only 57 years. Infant mortality rate

is 62.3 per 1,000—an astounding 10 times the rate of that in the United States. It

is estimated that there is one doctor for every 9,846 persons, whereas the rate for

the U.S. is one doctor is for every 365 people (Population Reference Bureau

2015). Haiti continues to experience problems of deforestation. The forested land

cover stood at 98 percent in 1878 but dropped to 6.7 percent by 1978. Such

drastic decline continues to today; the nation has only 2 percent of forest cover

remaining (White et al. 2013; FAO 1998).

Taking the charcoal making industry as an entry point, this paper first

examines Haiti’s laws and governmental efforts related to (de)forestation over

several historical time periods. Then, this paper switches to portray and assess the

current landscape in the case study village of Gros Mangle, which is the largest

settlement on the island of La Gonâve. Gros Mangle, one of eleven settlements

on the island of La Gonâve, is a classic example of impoverished and

geographically remote communities. Next, this study analyzes the processes of

current charcoal industry exercised by local villagers and the consequences of

charcoal making on the environment and society. Lastly, landscape assessment

and recommendations are made for sustainable development at the local scale.

Using the data collected from field surveys and interviews, this paper investigates

the actors and paths in the charcoal making industry in terms of production,

distribution, and consumption.

A Historical Perspective

Issues of deforestation have progressively and drastically plagued Haiti

since colonial times. Those issues of deforestation are well documented since the


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country’s independence. For example, deforestation is explained by that “[f]rom

a land blanketed with tropical forest before European colonization, the country

had been reduced to a forest cover of only 6.7 percent by 1978” (Stevenson

1989). Of interesting historical evidence is that Henry Christophe, one of the

leaders of the war against France and ruler of the country from 1807 to 1811, was

quite aware of the problem and included in his Code Henry provisions meant to

prevent further deforestation. The Code Henry is a set of laws that addresses a

variety of issues, from criminal law to commerce and to agriculture. The chapter

titled Loi Concernant la Culture, or Law Pertaining to Cultivation, is very

specific in regards to land clearing. For example, in the second section of this

chapter, subsection 35 explains that no more than a third of standing trees should

be taken down to clear land for agriculture and that growers will be punished for

not obeying the law. In this same subsection, it is also stipulated that mountain

tops should not be cleared and should have enough standing trees to be used in

housing construction. However, written in French, the law may not have been

common knowledge among peasants and growers who were generally illiterate

and could not speak French. Such language barrier inevitably prohibits the

common Haitians to know what the law states. That “was the case in Saint-

Domingue1, and as is still the case in Haiti today, only the dominant members of

the community mastered both languages [French and Creole] and were genuinely

bilingual. The majority of the population is monolingual in the low language

[Creole] since its access to the high language is restricted” (Valdman 2005, 155).

Whether in 1812 or in 2015, the use of French creates an obstacle for the

understanding of laws that should be readily accessible and therefore the

importance of these laws is lost. It is also interesting to note that presently, in the

area discussed in this paper, two hundred years after the Code Henry was written,

wood is hardly used for construction and that finding timber tall and strong

enough for the mast of a sailboat is an event worthy of celebration, as we

witnessed in the winter of 2013.

Landscape changes that have occurred in various historical time periods,

particularly during the French rule time, can be linked to agricultural clearing for

sugar cane and coffee plantation and later the use of wood for fuel. An 1878

description of La Gonâve paints a picture very different from its appearance

today and says that it “is covered with forest of mahogany and other valuable

wood. The soil is excellent and the climate delicious” (Stuart 1878, 257). We will

see below that the mahogany trees were to disappear soon after 1878. It has been


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stated that “[t]he tropical rain forest was largely destroyed by the end of the 19th

century; by 1954 it was estimated that only eight to nine percent of the land

remained under forest” (Lewis and Coffey 1985, 159). The disappearance of

mahogany tree is attributed to “reasons of geology, topography and history, Haiti

presents an example of one of the most degraded physical environments in the

tropics” (Hosier and Bernstein 1992, 130). Two reasons stipulated that could be

rooted in history are: “agricultural clearing and the use of wood for fuel”

(Stevenson 1989, 59). Long time colonial cash cropping for sugar cane and

coffee plantation has been responsible for the chopped down of almost every tree.

Such destructive clearings are documented to have started under the French rule

to claim lands for sugar cane and later for coffee—in fact the law of the Code

Henry mentions repeatedly the clearing needed for coffee plantations.

Nonetheless, it is argued that the deforestation in colonial times was much slower

than during the period of the republic when “forests have been rapidly

depleted…by the rapidly growing population” (Klein 1945, 5). Klein did his

research in 1944 and visited La Gonâve and Tortue Islands where he expresses

his disappointed by the paucity of trees: “they had been described as the principal

existing source of the Haitian Mahogany which has a reputation for high quality.

The so-called ‘Mahogany grove’ on Gonâve (sic) has about a dozen trees, and the

mahogany on Tortue is very scattered and small” (6). Today, Haiti’s forested

land stands at only 3 percent on the mainland. After the mainland exhausted its

forests, La Gonâve becomes one of major suppliers of charcoal to the urban

consumers on the mainland, for example, the nation’s capital, Port-au-Prince

(White et al., 2013; Dolisca 2007; FAO 1998).

There is no doubt either that the clearing, or rather over-clearing, continues

presently as the consumption of charcoal is part of the everyday life in rural and

even urban areas. As well-meaning as the laws are, whether in the times of King

Christophe or now, the reality is that there is a “lack of investment in the

resources (e.g., tree planting and husbandry) and overexploitation of the existing

resources [while] government land in the Haitian hinterland is poorly controlled,

and as a result any peasant may gather wood from it” (Lundhal 1991, 60). The

loss of control is explained by that peasants have tended to resist rules enacted by

the government in an effort to be protected “against the predatory features of the

state” (Ibid.), echoing remarks by Barthélemy (1989) who states that peasants try

to ignore formal power and prefer self-regulation.


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A slower rate of deforestation took place in the 1930s and the government

seems to attempt to still reverse the trend of loss. One documented effort by the

government to slow deforestation is the decree-law of June 23, 1937 which

forbids any sort of activity on mountain sides, and it clearly states that without

vegetation these sides are prone to be eroded by water runoff. During that time

period, La Gonâve, greatly affected by deforestation as it was the main producer

of charcoal for Port-au-Prince, saw the intervention of La section de la

Production Agricole et de l’Enseignement Rural, a government agency dedicated

to stopping the constant tree cutting and educating local farmers to its dangers.

However, this intervention could not be fully implemented due to lack of funds

(Paret 1954).

In recent years, President Martelly has been instrumental in trying to

reverse the deforestation trend and his efforts have been well publicized. An

article in The Guardian details how the Haitian government would like to double

the country’s forest cover by 2016 and states that it has fallen to “the perilous

level of 2% – one of the lowest rates in the world” (Lall 2013). Cooking fuel is

specifically named as one of the sources of trouble. The article goes on

explaining that efforts have been sporadic and foreign-led until now, and that

Martelly’s goal is to empower Haiti by making a forest guard out of every

Haitian. Lall quotes Jean François Thomas who was at the time environment

minister, as saying that “[i]n three years, this level of planting will give us forest

cover of 4.5%; in 10 years, it will be 8% to 10% and in 50 years, we hope to be at

the level of Cuba, a regional role model, and have 29%.”

The rate of success for the Martelly’s endeavour is difficult to assess so far

and data about it is equally difficult to obtain, but, as reported in Haiti Libre in

January 30, 2014, “Jean Francois Thomas, Minister of the Environment,

presented to the press, the main lines of the Phase II of reforestation project of

Haiti, to be carried out in collaboration with 20 expert Cubans.” The article states

that Phase I had seen the planting of 4 million trees but nothing is said to the

survival of the trees planted, the areas covered or the regions where the planting

had taken place. McLaughlin (2014) states however that the “loss of tree cover

has been so profound that exotic fast growing trees, rather than native species, are

being used to halt soil erosion and lessen the risk of mudslide.”


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The last chapter of deforestation issue in Haiti has also attracted attention

of external figures such as U.S. Senator Durbin of Illinois. In 2013, Durbin

sponsored a bill which had been intended to help Haiti and Armenia in their

reforestation efforts. Unfortunately for its advocates, the bill failed. The bill

stated that it would “authorize the President to provide assistance to the

Governments of Haiti and Armenia to reverse the effects of deforestation and

restore within 20 years the extent of forest levels in Haiti and Armenia in

existence during the year 1990, and for other purposes” (GovTrack 2013). This

Senate bill did not even reach the House.

This brief overview of Haiti’s history of deforestation unmistakably shows

that the problem is endemic and has steadily progressed over the centuries. The

international community, including institutions such as the United Nations and

World Bank, is well aware of the consequences of this drastic destruction. There

have also been local attempts at slowing or reversing the trend. These attempts

have met with mixed success due, among other things, to a lack of understanding

of the existing laws among peasant or to a tendency to resist government

intervention. The latest efforts are promising but results are yet to be quantified

in a reliable manner. We will now turn specifically to the situation in La Gonâve

and more precisely to the issued faced by the village of Gros Mangle.

Study Area—Gros Mangle, La Gonâve Island, Haiti

Figure 1 shows the geographical location of the village of Gros Mangle.

The village is located at the northcentral coast of the island of La Gonâve

approximately 50 miles away from the mainland of Haiti, which itself is on the

western half of the island of the Hispaniola. Even though it is largest offshore

island of Haiti, La Gonâve is only accessible by limited daily ferry service. Most

daily necessities are shipped in from Port-au-Prince2. Due to geographic

separation from the mainland, the island is known as “the land that Haiti forgot.”

The island of La Gonâve covers 287 mi2 (743 km2) with a terrain that can

be generally described as barren and hilly. Geologically, the La Gonâve is a

complex northwest trending regional anticlinal feature (Adamson 2013). The

western part of the island where the village of Gros Mangle is located is made up

of Pliocene and Pleistocene-aged coral limestone forming a typical coastal karst

topography landscape. The highest point on the island reaches up to 760 meters.


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No surface water is available. Ground water depth is limited from 30 to 60

meters.

Figure 1. Location of Gros Mangle, La Gonâve, Haiti.


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The entire island of La Gonâve is situated within the tropical arid region.

The average monthly temperature on the island is 82°F. There are two seasons:

wet and dry. The dry season typically is from late October to April. The rainfall

ranges from 31 to 62 inches annually; most of it occurs during the summer

months. The particular type of limestone in the village of Gros Mangle allows

precipitation to infiltrate in a manner so that no water is retained, which presents

challenges to local residents’ water use. During the recent years, worsening

droughts have been reported. Local villagers shared similar experiences during

the interviews. This drier climatic condition could possibly be connected to

climate change. For example, 2014 experienced a lasting drought event that the

locals remember.

Gros Mangle is part of the commune, or administrative division, of Pointe-

à-Raquette. The commune is considered to be one of most destitute and it has not

seen investments from the government of Haiti for many years. Most business

and commercial activity is taking place in Anse-à-Galets, the other commune of

La Gonâve. The commune of Pointe-à-Raquette is often described as

dysfunctional in regard to infrastructure. Ninety percent of its inhabitants live in

rural areas (Joseph 2003). There are no post offices in the commune and, while

there is a police station, there are no police officers. The authors can attest to the

fact that Gros-Mangle has no paved roads—although an undated USAID

billboard3 promises to have a stretch built inside the village (see Figure 2a and

b)—and no electricity, although it has three street lights powered with solar

panels. It also has a cell phone tower and cell phones are common in the village

(see Figure 2c and d). The affairs of government and justice are taken care by

three casecs (administrators) who are de facto agents of Haitian law, as defined

in the constitution of the country. Casecs are elected through universal suffrage.

Joseph (2003) mentions that the main sources of income in the commune are

provided by agriculture, animal husbandry and commerce. In regards to Gros

Mangle, agriculture is scarce and takes place mostly in the rainy season, from

May to October. The available fruits (mostly limes, sour oranges and bananas)

and vegetables (green onions, peppers and carrots) are few and often come from

Port-au-Prince. They are sold in a very modest village market where half a dozen

of women also sell beans, candy, and dried fish. Along the main thoroughfare,

there are some stands, perhaps three or four, in front of the home of their owners,

which sell a limited number of additional goods, such as cookies, beverages, and

snacks. At times they also sell school supplies, such as notebooks and pens or


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(a) A typical house. (b) The only presence of international

community.

(c) The only Digicel booth (d) One of three solar panels spotted.

Figure 2. Gros Mangle village landscape at a glimpse. Source: Jennifer

Pomeroy, field visit, January 11, 2015. (Note: The little boy in photo

c insisted to be in the photo.)

pencils. A larger business, in a cinder-block building, has been trying since 2014

to establish itself and stocks bottled water, rum, beer, beans, and rice. It is open

sporadically. Fishing is one of the activities in the village but what is caught is

only for local consumption. No export takes place for lack of refrigeration. The


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omnipresence of goats has led to brisk business with Port-au-Prince but it would

be difficult to qualify this as a type of animal husbandry since the goats tend to

proliferate on their own. They also add to the existing overgrazing problem, to

which very lean cows and donkeys also contribute, particularly in the dry season

when the animals are let loose. The goats are transported live to the markets of

Port-au-Prince. Raising cattle used to be a good business when pastures were

abundant and exporting them to Port-au Prince was lucrative as local cattle had a

good reputation for being fat, but this activity had already ceased by the middle

of the 20th century (Paret 1962).

Reasons for the Charcoal Industry in Gros Mangle and Process of Charcoal

Making

The above survey of Gros Mangle’s administrative organization,

commerce, and communications makes it clear that the village has scant

resources and even scantier sources of income. The government control over or

help for the area is practically non-existent, a fact to which the Gros Manglois are

probably not adverse. As noted earlier, actions from the government are

oftentimes not seen favorably in the Haitian countryside. Commerce and

agriculture provide meager revenues as well. There is, however, a constant as far

as business is concerned, and that is charcoal making and trading. Figure 3

captures the scene of charcoal bags piled up waiting to be transported for sale in

the market of Port-au-Prince. Charcoal is used for cooking and baking bread

exclusively—not for any industry nor to heat water for bathing or washing

clothes, although a very small amount is consumed for ironing clothes with hot

coal being placed in cast irons. There are no gas stoves in Gros Mangle and, since

there is no electricity, there are obviously no electrical ones. Charcoal is thus

essential for local domestic consumption. There is no local awareness of solar

powered stoves. The housewives who were interviewed did not appear to know

about this option, while a few other interviewees derided it. Lack of alternative

for locals is explained by that “[f]ull-time charcoal producers [in Haiti] are often

poor, landless peasants who have no other means of livelihood” (Stevenson 1989,

60), which certainly seems to be the case in Gros Mangle. In fact, while solar-

powered stoves would seem like a good solution in a country where there is

sunshine for the most part of the year, such stoves would also require an initial

investment that the average Gros Manglois are not able to afford. Their present

cooking arrangement—a sort of metal frame that holds the charcoal and on which

pots are directly set—requires minimal investment and minimal maintenance. It


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is also easy to build or replace locally. Charcoal is also essential for trade; i.e., it

produces income for a variety of people in the production and selling chain. Port-

au-Price relies heavily on it and has, over the years, become progressively

dependent on charcoal production that is taking place farther and farther away

due to deforestation (Stevenson 1989).

In Creole as in French, a person involved with any aspect of the charcoal

trade is called a charbonnier. Charbonniers make the charcoal, transport it to the

markets in Port-au-Prince and sell it there, but it is not necessarily the same

persons who are taking care of each stage of the trade (Figure 3). For the making

of the charcoal, there are also different scales in the production. Some people

produce the charcoal for themselves and sell the surplus as a complement to their

regular income. In 1996, it was observed that charcoal making became a part-

time activity supplementing household incomes both in wet and dry seasons (Lea

1996). In many cases, charcoal pits are relatively small and producers can have

charcoal within a day for immediate household consumption. Others produce

charcoal in a quasi-industrial manner with very large pits that require several

attendants. The persons who were interviewed did not give exactly the same

information but an approximate average can be established: it will take five men

three days with a large pit (10 feet in diameter) to make 12-15 bags of charcoal.

Often, these charcoal were shipped to the markets, for example, in Port-au-

Prince. The pits that we observed in the village were relatively small in

comparison with others seen in the countryside, which could be three of four

times larger. All of the villagers stated that charcoal making was not seasonal and

took place year around and repeatedly stated that “if no charcoal, we die.” One of

the interviewees complementing his income with occasional charcoal making

was the village tailor. He identified the types of trees used for charcoal

production as bayahonde (mesquite), bwa kabrit (yellow candlewood), bwa dom

(bastard cedar), figuier (strangler fig), and lime. The translation for the names of

these trees was provided in a personal communication by John McLaughlin of

the Miami Dade County Cooperative Extension, who remarked that, except in the

case of limes or lime-trees, only non-productive trees would be used for charcoal.

It should be noted that none of these trees are in McLaughlin’s list of native trees

for Haiti and may well have been imported to slow down erosion thanks to their

rapid growth (Personal Communication 2015). The use of the non-native trees

for charcoal would thus defeat the original purpose of planting them in the island.

On the other hand, Timyan (1996) cites several sources for bayahonde, stating


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that “the species probably has been in the Caribbean since before recorded

history” and adds that it “is an important source of charcoal, timber and fodder”

(3). Timyan also classifies also bwa kabrit as fuelwood and mentions the

medicinal properties4 of bwa dom but does not mention if they are

autochthonous5 or not. He only gives species and common names for figuier and

lime without further explanations regarding use and origin.

Returning to the charcoal production process at household level, three

steps are involved. Step 1 involves tree cutting and pruning where villagers cut

down tall woody trees and large shrubs, defoliate them, and move them closer to

the prepared dirt fir pit. In Step 2, a fire pit is built by rock and dirt. The size of a

fire pit is dependent on how much charcoal is being made. Large tree stems and

shrubs are placed at the bottom, while smaller branches are put on the top. The

top is covered by dirt. In Step 3 the charcoal maker finds the direction of the

prevailing wind direction and set the fire. Villagers we interviewed stated that

some charcoal makers can produce up to 100 bags6 a week and that each bag was

sold for 10 Haitian dollars apiece, that is, roughly U.S. $1.25. Even with a

hundred bags a week, the income is meager. Up to 800 bags are loaded to the

boats (see Figure 3a), to be sold on the main island. The bags for the charcoal are

recycled and brought back to La Gonâve after delivery.

(a) Charcoal is made by

Gros Mangle villagers.

They pre-loan the bags

from the ship owner to

put their charcoal

production in. Once the

charcoal is sold in the

market, villagers pay the

bag rental fee back to the

ship owner.


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(b) Charcoal made by

the villagers in small

amount is sold in the local

village market that opens

once a week along with

limited vegetables, such

as potatoes, yams, and

carrots either cropped

during the wet season or

ferried in from the

mainland. The price is

two Haiti dollars per pile,

which is enough to cook

one rice and bean meal

for a household of 5

people—2 adult and 3

children.

(c) Left shows a typical

pot for cooking.

(d) Right is an iron for

pressing clothes for

special occasions such as

church service and

children’s school

uniforms.

Source: Jennifer Pomeroy, field work, January 12, 2015.

Figure 3. Bagged charcoal at the Gros Mangle village dock.

The Consequences of the Charcoal Industry on the Environment and Society

The charcoal industry that has been widely practiced since the middle of

last century has led to a wide array of environmental consequences. The most

direct environmental consequence is deforestation. In addition, other

environmental effects include soil erosion and loss, rocky desertification, and

water quality decline and shortage.


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First and foremost, deforestation refers to the complete removal of forested

cover. It is a serious environmental change that is detrimental to many aspects of

life. In Haiti, the deforested land simply becomes barren in perpetuity. Charcoal

production is primarily driven by the household consumption for cooking energy

and the family income it provides. In addition, urban residents’ consumption in

Port-au-Prince contributes to widespread deforestation in the rural locations, such

as Gros Mangle. It was estimated that the island of La Gonâve once supplied 10

percent of total charcoal use around Port-au-Prince region (Lea 1996). Such large

share of charcoal provision has caused a sharp decline in vegetated landscape on

the island of La Gonâve, further damaging its natural environment. Smucker and

Voltaire (1996), who are the two consultants on Haiti charcoal production for

USAID, reported the charcoal production in Haiti reached its peak time in the

late 1940s and 1950s. Williams (2011) estimated that the total forest cover

decreased by 9.48 percent between 1990 and 2005. White et al. (2013) also found

a declining trend that reached today’s 2-3 percent forested land within Haiti.

A second effect of charcoal making industry on the island is increasing soil

erosion and loss. Soil is inherently thin and scarce on La Gonâve already. Once

deforestation takes place, soils are exposed and much more susceptible to erosion

and eventually become severely degraded and/or lost. This was observed in our

field work in many locations on the island. Soil erosion reduces soil productivity

and lessens farming potential and productivity. In a tropical and relatively arid

climatic region like La Gonâve, any vegetated land cover is the first defense line

of soil erosion and loss. Soil functions as a primary filter in a karst topography

setting like our study area.

Another environmental consequence of charcoal making industry is the

increase of desertification of its rocky landscape. Desertification occurs in

dryland ecosystem when loss of vegetation happens. The United Nations

Conference on Environmental and Development (UNCED) in 2007 defined

desertification as land degradation of the arid areas and often caused by multiple

drivers, including natural climate variations and human activities. Because of the

predominant limestone composition on the island, desertification is a gradual

natural process. As we witnessed in the village of Gros Mangle, free-ranged

goats and cattle are grazing off-leash constantly and anywhere they want.

Desertification signals the on-going land degradation process. Compounded with

climate change, rocky desertification introduces a high level of vulnerability to


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the villagers who are among the world’s poorest and most marginalized

population.

Such environmental degradations associated with deforestation are

interrelated and they have been vividly documented. For instance, As Sprenkle

(2008b, 98) clearly explains,

Haiti is mountainous, and as a result of deforestation, much of the topsoil

has washed away, leaving severely eroded slopes…and drying

aquifers…Deforestation has a direct, negative impact on both wildlife and

the human communities that rely primarily on agriculture. People living in

mountain communities experience higher rates of malnutrition and other

poverty-related diseases…thanks in part to the lower productivity of their

lands.

Evident to us in Gros Mangle was the practice of agricultural clearing that

exposes more land to erosion. In addition, we also witnessed animal husbandry

and herding activities that left stock freely roaming, causing further erosion of

topsoil. Destitute daily life for the Gros Mangloi is the immediate consequence.

Malnutrition among children is endemic in the village. Malnutrition was reported

to us by the village priest and school teachers who often must feed hungry

students and work without pay simply because student’s family cannot pay the

tuition. We were told that most villagers only have one meal a day; a meal

generally consisting of beans and rice with fish added occasionally on Sundays.

Some villagers report drinking sea water so they can feel full but, of course, this

cannot but add to their health problems. It is difficult to evaluate other health

issues at this time since the village does not have medical facilities of any sort

that would keep track of them and establish the frequency of occurrence of these

health matters. In fact, the Ministère de la Santé Publique et de la Population

(Public Health and Population Office) has no presence in the commune of Pointe-

à-Raquette where Gros Mangle is situated, nor in Anse-à-Galets (Joseph 2013).

Reliable data about matters of health are thus virtually non-existent.

Poverty, lack of education, the linguistic limitations of not speaking the

high language of French, and lack of governmental support are an unfortunate

combination in Gros Mangle. The villagers do not seem to truly understand some

of the mechanisms leading to their present predicament. Several interviewees did


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not see a worsening in the environment and were puzzled by the questions that

were asked. While minimum environmental protection is advocated in the

schools, its inner workings do not seem to be fully understood, neither by the

villagers nor by the teachers who often are the backbone of a local community on

the island. In the interviews conducted with them and other different members of

the community, many were not aware of the worsening of the environmental

problems and certainly did not see a link between the charcoal making, negative

environmental impact, and unfortunate quality of life. As mentioned earlier,

charcoal making is only part of the problems that villagers are facing, but

villagers could not envision alternatives and also derided them, such as

alternatives for the overgrazing that leaves the land bare.

Assessment and Recommendations

The current landscape characterized by deforested terrain on the island of

La Gonâve is due to a multitude of persistent factors, including economic,

historical, political, and social dimensions. The charcoal industry may be the

leading factor in the island’s environmental degradation, from deforestation to

soil erosion and loss, rocky desertification, and water quality decline and scarcity

on La Gonâve. Such environmental degradation is, in part, due to diminishing

natural resources like forests. While external drier climatic conditions could also

contribute to such overall landscape degradation, charcoal making—a traditional

resource-based subsistence agriculture—continues to play a role in shaping and

reshaping the island’s physical appearance. Political abandonment by Haiti

government has further confounded this geographically abandoned landscape.

The current island landscape appears to be fragile, sensitive, and highly

vulnerable to any climate related events. Bernice Robertson, an analyst at the

International Crisis Group, states that “The catastrophic state of the environment

is closely related to deep-seated institutional, political and governance problems”

(quoted in Blajchman 2009). In addition, non-existent social institution that

understands the linkage between charcoal making, environmental degradation,

and daily economic life have contributed nothing to self-management of the

landscape. Current extreme poverty must be understood and linked to

deforestation and its subsequent environmental changes. Unsustainable land use

activities, such as the charcoal making industry, provide important an income

source at the household level, yet present a great challenge to develop local

economies. So, what can be done to reverse the negative environmental


64

consequences, and at same time to establish food security, for people living on

the island of La Gonâve? As previous generations living on the island, despite its

geographic disadvantage, the population living here will need to depend on much

better natural resource management strategies and sustainable agriculture

development to at least slow down the rate of environmental degradation, if not a

reversal of the degradation trend. Such natural resource management strategies

must take economic development into consideration for the purpose of creating

food security at the household level. That is to say, sustainable rural agriculture

development at the local household resource management level could be the

ultimate solution.

Such local sustainable development must incorporate the aspect of socio-

psychological tenets of the local population. Dolisca (2009) proposes alternatives

to what has been done so far in Haiti and states that socio-psychological theories

may be effective in situations like the one in Gros Mangle. Dolisca argues the

need for “normative messages to strengthen farmer’s intentions, [the] use of

churches and public markets to address farmers’ gaps in knowledge about

resource conservation, and clarifying potential benefits by local farmers from

forestry activities” (445). Dolisca continues to add that [such] “messages should

include negative consequences of environmental degradation, such as

deforestation and soil erosion” (445). Given deforestation is a multifaceted

environmental issue, this kind of comprehensive treatment could be helpful

addressing local development that changes local people’s lives and

environmental conservation at the same time, which coincides with the original

definition of sustainable development that stresses the needs of local people.

Sustainable development stresses that social and economic progress must

be dependent on the preservation of the natural resource base with effective

measures to prevent environmental degradation, and such thinking is more and

more taking a prominent role in efforts of balancing economic development and

environmental conservation. The 2007 UNCED conference’s central question

was how to relieve the global environmental system through the introduction to

the paradigm of sustainable development. Later, a more grounded definition for

sustainability was proposed at a seminar held in 1991 in California. Sustainable

development should be a dynamic balancing process among three mutually

interdependent elements:


65

(i) Protection and enhancement of natural ecosystems and resources;

(ii) Economic productivity, and

(iii) Provision of social infrastructure such as jobs, housing, education,

medical care and cultural opportunities.

Only when sustainable development is considered at a local and

manageable scale, the local population can benefit. In this case study context,

only when the local people of Gro Mangle have no worries about food and feel

food secure, the message about linking their economic activities, such as charcoal

making, with environmental destruction, will get across. More specifically,

charcoal production is also a network process binding villagers together through

which each individual plays the role of producer, consumer, and distributor.

It is evident that food insecurity is intimately connected to environmental

changes of deforestation, desertification, soil loss, and water quality in our case

study. Food security is defined as: “All people, at all times, having physical,

social and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food which meets

their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life”

(Brookings Institute 2015). In 1976, an approach of the “basic needs” was

proposed at the World Employment Conference of the International Labour

Organization (ILO) that emphasizes the essence of provision to the poor,

including nutrition, water supply, health, shelter, sanitation, and education.

As Lea (1996) concludes, Haiti’s environmental degradation will not be

resolved by eliminating charcoal production. As a way forward, the village of

Gros Mangle must solve the food insecurity problem. Achieving food security is

an arduous journey that should incorporate better household resource use and

management strategies and actions shifting to sustainable agriculture, such as

agroforestry and reforestation. Some specific recommendations for forging the

headways to local sustainable development and landscape/natural resource

conservation in the villages like Gros Mangle are proposed below.

Alternative cooking energy choices: While charcoal can still be used as

primary cooking energy, other alternative cooking energy choices should

be introduced to local islanders. For example, smokeless briquettes that is a

green cooking energy has been introduced to other tropical regions.


66

Reforestation—plant, plant, plant trees: Plant trees as much as possible

because trees help preserve landscape, fix the soils, act as wind breaker,

enhance soil fertility, and rehabilitate the overall environmental quality.

“Since Haiti has lost more than 97% of its forest land future strategies

should emphasize replenishing strategies to improve forest cover and

undergrowth” (Pelek 1990, 19).

Practice sustainable agriculture and agroforestry: The agricultural

development that involves crop and livestock must guarantee household

food security; therefore, agroforestry should be effective in that it

combines agricultural development and forestry use and management

practice together.

Improve land-tenure: Land users sell wood for charcoal making to

individual farmers. Historically, Haiti lacks a formal land tenure system

that is accessible for the majority of its population. The existing informal

land tenure system that is predominant in rural Haiti exacerbates

environmental degradation (Kennedy 2015).

Leadership by Haiti government: Renewed leadership by Haiti government

advocating sustainable development, implementing environmental laws,

and increase investment in natural resource conservation on the Island of

La Gonâve would reverse distrust between locals and government.

In summary, the environmental consequences caused by the charcoal

making industry are complex and diverse. By no means will implementation of

the above recommendations be easy. Geographic separation from the mainland of

Haiti, poor physical geographical qualities, and drier climatic conditions leave

the people of Gros Mangle with fewer resources, underscore the lack of

connection to the outside of the world, and reduce the chances of development.

When approaching such a multi-faceted problem, it is important to

acknowledge the fact that addressing one problem in isolation will accomplish

nothing. Only a concerted effort by political (i.e., state government), economic

(i.e., international development and aid agencies and NGOs), and cultural actors

(i.e., churches and schools) in the communities of the villages on the island will

accomplish change. But maybe most importantly, all parties concerned must be

realistic in their expectations and goals. Success in sustainable development that

needs to target at local and household level cannot happen overnight. Just like at

the country scale, Haiti has so much to deal with before sustainable development


67

can become a reality, there is no accurate means by which to agree when Haiti

will “arrive” at its goal of sustainability. The success or failure of Haiti’s push for

sustainability will ultimately rely on its ability to motivate all parties involved,

both next year and ten years from now.

Notes

1. Saint-Domingue was the name given to Hispaniola by the French.

2. Our group bought rice, beans, bottled water, and limited quantity of vegetables

and fruits on the boat we were on.

3. This billboard has faded so much in the consciousness of Gros-Manglois that,

despite its very large size at a busy crossroad, many in the village could not recall

its existence in 2015 and there was no one who could put a date on it.

4. The scientific name of bastard cedar is Guazuma. Its bark is considered

emollient, sudorific and astringent. Its fruit is thought to be expectorant. In

folklore, both properties have been used for malaria, elephantiasis, and astringent

applications. Some studies use them for anti-diabetes, anti-

inflammatory/gastroprotective, antibacterial, and hypotensive/vasorelaxant.

5. Autochthonous means indigenous rather than descended from migrants or

colonists.

6. One bag charcoal weights 35 kg on average. The bags are made by nylon and

purchased by a charcoal broker in Gros Mangle. Villagers can borrow them to

put their charcoal in for a small fee. Once the charcoal is sold, the charcoal

broker will take the borrowing fee out of the sale and pay the rest to the villager.

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