Cnapter-7

Identity and I aentity-Crisis

Chapter VII

Identity and Identity-Crisis This chapter deals with the problems of identity formation among the

Kabui Nagas in time and space. As already seen in the introduction chapter, the

process of identity formation of any community requires three processes of

reproduction, production and the tradition making. It is the latter that plays a

major role. Tradition implies a certain amount of stability and continuity of

behavior which is passed down from many generations. Any breach in -such

process lead to the crisis in identity. It does not mean that change should not occur

in that society. In fact change is inevitable in any society. And a significant

change is required inorder to adjust with the time. But unfortunately in the case of

the Kabui Nagas the changes that came was so powerful that it began to challenge

the traditional culture of the tribe. Soon then, the tribe which had a historic legend

of folktales, music and dances with oral history encountered with several external

forces and in the course of times their identity is questioned. In this line A.K.Rayl

observes that, "there is a profound cultural crisis brewing among the Naga people.

The rapid spread of Christianity during the past six decades or so together with

the post-world war II modernity and now consumerism has erupted into the

private precincts of traditional beliefs, mores, ethics and cultural values, and is

cons~q~ently causing cleavages and conflicts even within families. The fear of the

loss of the Naga cultural heritage looms large. As a reaction to this, there is a

move among the the educated elite to search for the 'roots' of the Naga being; for

they feel that the loss of the 'roots' will result in the extinction of the Naga

identity". Likewise Hutton in his book, 'The Angarrii Nagas (1969) with reference

to the changes among the Aos and Lothas argued that "Old beliefs and customs

are dying, the old traditions are being forgotten, the number of Christians or

quasi-Christians, is steadily increasing and the spirit of change is invading and

pervading every aspect of village life".2

Therefore, the Kabui Nagas who have evolved through a long history

preserving a unique identity in terms of customs and traditions, beliefs and faith,

I Ray, A.K. (2004) Change: The Law of life, in N.Venuh led.), Naga Society: Continuity and Change, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, Shripa Publications, p.13. 2 Hutto", J.H. (1969)The Aogami Nagas, Bombay, Oxford University Press, 1969, p.23.

197

rituals and festivals, and social practices like head hunting and the dormitory

system are now subjected to new forces. In terms of occupation, the dependence

in agriculture helped to establish common ways of living, setting up of joint

family system and adopting common property and religion. This building up of

well-knitted society is because of the fact that the tribe remained isolated and had

less interaction with the outside world. However, as they started migrating to

different directions, this tribe began to adapt and accommodate many cultural

traits from other ethnic groups. Besides migration, there are other factors like

conversion, British Colonialism, impact of modernization and global markets etc.

These factors consequently, led their aged old tradition in either lost or being

merged with the mainstream.

Migration:

Originally, the Kabui Nagas lived at Makhel and from there they migrated

towards Makuilongdi where they started practicing settled agriculture. Chapter II

talks about the origin and migration of this tribe. As already pointed out,

Makuilongdi was the cradle of Zeliangrong culture. A well-developed society

based on the shifting agriculture with polity, which looked like Chiefdom with

influence over the villages established by the brother and son of Nguiba. They

spoke a language akin to the Maram and ThangaL At Makuilongdi, the people

were divided into two major clans, Pamei and Newmei as indicated by the two

stone megaliths at Makuilongdi nam~fl as Pamei· Tao (stone) and Newmei Tao

(stone). Tradition says that during its heyday, Makuilongdi had a total of 7777

households. At Makuilongdi, the vibrant Zeliangrong culture and polity got

developed and reached its zenith. Remarkable changes had taken place in the life

of the people soon after their emergence from their legendary cave - Mahou-

Taobei, which is on the south-western direction of Mao of the North District of

Manipur. Though it is difficult to give proper explanation regarding the real

causes of the said changes, it may not be too unreasonable to presume that certain

factors like influence of the new environment, pressure on the land, famine,

drought, epidemics and blood-feuds, etc., might have certainly played a

considerable part in it Thus, if traditions are to be believed, then, there is no room

for doubt that his people was led, a long way, by the new spirit of adventure as

soon as they were out from the cave, and had exposed themselves for the first

time, directly to the tempting influences of the new environment around them.

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Thus, following the whims of the more powerful and daring adventurers from

amongst them, many of them started migrating, batch by batch, to distant hill

ranges which attracted them most.

Usually man of the past ages used to migrate, in batches from one

particular place to another or from one particular region to another in search of

better amenities of life. Instances of such a peaceful migration are not very rare

even in the present days. Thus in the recent past, quite a good number of people of

the Kabui tribe of the West District and the Kukis of the Tengnoupal district of

Manipur had migrated to the new land named Bei-Kapning -one of the most

fertile belts in Nagaland. In the same way, the establishment of a new village at

"Tong Long" referred to in one of ourtraditions20 where Khemjunang the leader of

the people, had killed large number of Mithuns on its inaugural function, also

undoubtedly shows a peaceful migration of the people of those days.

In those ancient days, it also happened now and then, that sometimes man

was compelled to move out of a particular place under the pressure -of certain very

unfavourable circumstances where life became risky due to repeated inter-village

or inter-tribal feuds. Thus, Kabui folksongs and folktales also give due

illustrations regarding devastations of a large number of villages through the joint

operations of these anti-social acts of foolery and velour of the past ages. In the

same way, the sad story relating to the devastation of a village named "'fazing-

Long" in the West district of Manipur, is still remembered by many, as one of the

most painful fire-side tales; while the small curvature lying between two small

hillocks named Phen-Teng still remains reminding the people of the two Rongmei

(Kabui) villages-ruunely "Sangjee and Longjaang" of the West District of

Manipur, regarding the foolhardiness of the past ages.

In view of such recurring dangers, it was a common practice of the

Rongmei people of the past to establish their villages in such a manner and at

such a part of the hills, where they must be in a comparatively better position to

. defend themselves successfully against such dangers of inter-village or inter-tribal

feuds. They used to establish their villages only in that part of the hills which

would afford them extra strategic advantages for their self-defence. Thus, in those

days, when any hero or any powerful group had the freedom to make f"aids upon

any other group, any time, the life of the villagers depended to a great extent, on

such extra - strategic advantages afforded by the topography of that particular

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place where the village stood. It is a fact that in the past ages inter-village or inter-

tribal feuds did really cause terrible havocs to the life of the people as well as the

stability of their villages much more than any other factors.

In the present state of our knowledge it will be difficult for us to give the

real cause of the movements of the people of those days from one part of the hills

to another, since such causes stood changing from people to people and from time

to time, and from place to place. The same is the difficulty in ascertaining the

exact date, chronology, etc. of their migration, although it is fact that for some

reason or the other, they moved and moved from age to age and established

villages at different places in different epochs.

Whatever might have been the real causes of their migration, this is a fact

that the Rongmei people began loosening their solidarity as soon as they were out

from their cave so much so that they started splitting and re-splitting themselves

into a number of groups, which were found establishing villages in different hill

ranges.

As a result, large number of villages came into existence on several hill

ranges. And it is a fact that the number of villages continued multiplying, year

after year, spreading continuously, at the same time, in the southern direction, till

at last, some of them came to the borders of the Lushai hills. Thus, names of

Rongmei villages in that area namely Lam-lang, Faina-Deeteng, Pei-Kasaothao,

etc. still reminds us of the Rongmei settlement in southernmost borders of

Manipur those days.

But in course of time, when the Kuki incursions into that region became

continuous and blood-feuds between the people became very frequent, some of

them started moving northward again, and came back to the present day

Khoupum and Nungba areas.

Here also the situation for those people who were returning there from the

south was not at all favourable and thus the traditional inter-village hostility of the

past ages started flaring up there, now and then. Moreover, pressure on land also

became very high with the influx of new immigrants into that region.

Consequently, some of them moved eastward and began occupying same parts of

the hill ranges lying to the West of the Imphal valley while some of them moved

westward in search of cultivable lands and started settlements on those parts, of

the hill ranges bordering Cachar.

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Very soon, the Rongmeis of the Eastern hill ranges facing the Irnphal

valley were tempted to migrate to the fertile valley, where people had a much

easier means of livelihood and at the same time, life there, was comparatively

secure. Instances of the Rongmei migration from the hills to the valley were not

very few during the British rule also - both before and after the Kuki rebellion of

1917-1919, when there was no security for life in those areas. Migration from

hills to the valley became all the more widespread and protracted during 19605

and 1970s also because of the hostile activities of the Naga underground

movements.

Thus, a migration of the Kabuis (Rongmeis) from the hills to the Manipur

valley was due partly to the comparative economic advantages of the valley and

partly to the lack of security for life in the Manipur hills. It is a fact that those who

had once come down from the hills, and had the real taste of the life in the valley-

better economic advantages and security-had ceased to entertain any more thought

of going back to the hills to face the real rigours of life there as before. It is a fact

that migration of the Rongmei people from the hills to the valley as well as from

the villages to the towns, becomes increasing in the present days because of better

amenities of life available in those places.

It is evident from the history that each migration brings lot of changes in

the social, economic, cultural and political spheres of the tribe. When changes are

taking place rapidly, there is always a threat to their identity.

The Meitei Expansionism:

From the 17th century onwards the Zeliangrong fought against the Cachari

attempt of aggression into Zeliangrong territory. They also resisted bravely and

unitedly against the expansion of the Meitei Kingdom, encroaching ,on the

southern part of their country-in the early part of the 18th century. However, the

Meitei gradually emerged powerful in the valley and began to expand their rule

by acts of invasion and SUbjugation on Zeliangrongs and other hill tribes. Since

the Meiteis have accepted Hinduism as a state religion, the notion of purity and

pollution was quite strong. They used many derogatory names for hill tribes such

as "Haos", Chingmi, Amangba etc. They also imposed on them -duties such as

demanding tributes, recruiting soldiers, porters and menials. FQr that purpose,

they arranged a broad survey of the Zeliangrong regions and other hill tribes and

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called them with their Manipuri names without any attempt to administer them

with their own people. In this line many argued that the term 'Kabui' was used by

them to mean the Rongmeis of Imphal who were engaged in polluted or degraded

jobs.

In this like manner, a new spice of relationships was added when India got

Independence and when the princely state of Manipur was awarded its statehood

in 1972. Under this new political system, the various ethnic groups of Manipur

who had diverse culture, languages, faith and beliefs came together. The style of

governance existed in this period was also different. For instance, the Hill tribes

of Manipur had and even now, a system of Valley Chieftainship, and the Meiteis

in the Valley had his Majesty - the King. When such diverse groups are bounded

under common territory or Nation State, there came a crisis of adjustment. Under

this new political set up, each ethnic group compete and struggle for ethnic

survival. Very soon, land became the exclusive property of the State. Legal laws

and rules are then formulated and enforced. Those groups who adhere to these

rules and regulations are accepted and recognized. The Meiteis, in the Valley in

no time, with its largest population emerged as the new champion of society. Very

soon, all aspects of life - economic, political, social and cultural came directly

under the hands of the dominating Meiteis. Only those groups who follow the

Meitei ways of life are accommodated. Others are considered inferior -or impure.

This process of Meiteization is found universally and for instance, the Kabui

Nagas who were believed to have settled in the Valley first among the Hill tribes,

adopted a religion like that of the Meiteis. The process of Meiteization came as a

response to the Meitei Hindu way of life. Because of the Meitei dominance in

economic and culture, other ethnic groups in the Valley try to pass for a Meitei.

Anything that they did became a new way of life for other ethnic groups. For

instance, the Loi/Chakpa has started using 'Singh' as their title. They have

adopted Sagei (Lineage) name as their forename. Many of them have even

accepted Vaishnavism.3 Like the Meitei, they have allotted a sacred place for

Funga, Sanamahi and Laimaren inside their households. They observed

Cheiraoba (worship of the God Sanamahi on the first day of the year) in the

3 Saha, R.K. op.cit. 1994, p.73.

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month of Sajibu. Besides the general Laiharaoba festival, they observe a special

Laiharaoba festival when no outsider is allowed to witness the same. The Yaithibi

also undergo a process of Meiteization. Like the Meitei, -they use Singh as their

title. They use Sagei name as their forename. They have even copy the Meitei

terms for showing respect to seniors. Like the Meitei, they have also sacred places

in their houses. The Sanamahi Yaithibi follows the Sanamahi Meitei in their daily

activities like life cycle rituals, and other annual festivals. The Bamons are more

accepted group by the Meiteis. They use the local language, eat local food and

even dress in the Meitei fashion. Though, the Bamons originally came from

outside Manipur, they have in course of time acculturated, encorporated all local

customs in such a manner that they cannot be easily marked off as outsiders. The

only difference between Meitei and Bamon is that, the latter use Sharma as their

title. Like the Gouriya Meitei, the Bamon pierce their ear, wear sacred thread, put

sacred marks on the foreheads etc. Priesthood and cooking are their traditional

occupation and they retain this after their Meiteization. They even participate in

the Meitei festivals, although their participation is peripheral. Nowadays, to

acquire indigenous status, they keep immunglai (household deity), worship lamlai

(God of countryside), and Umanglai (village God).

The Bishnupriya who are en masse Vaishnava, have much similarity with

the Gouriya Vaishnavite Meitei in their social and cultural aspects. Like the

Meiteis, they pierce their ears, wear sacred thread and beads, put sacred marks on

their foreheads and employ Bamons to propitiate their Gods and Goddesses. In

their houses, there are sacred places maintained religiously. They have adopted

their daily life cycle rituals, annual cycle of festivals from the Gouriya Meiteis.

Although, the Pangals follow Islam, they however did not stop adopting the

Meitei ways of life. They speak the same language as that of the Meitei, adopted

various lineages and also practice the elopement form of marriage.

In this process of Meiteization the people in the Valley belonging to .

different ethnic groups adopted almost every aspect of Meitei culture. It will be

apparent from the above brief description that all the ethnic groups in the valley

broadly share the culture traits of the dominant group, the Meitei. Even the so-

called outside groups - the Bamon, Bishnupriya and the Pangal share many of

these common traits including the language. Of all these groups, the Pangal

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because of their distinct crystallized great tradition with decisive sacred text, have

maintained their ethnic-cultural distinctions to a greater extent compared to the

other groups.

Adopting the dominant way of life is not very easy. Likewise, the Valley

Society of Manipur undergoes a lot of pain and strain in order to accommodate

and accept by the dominant group. Moreover, the Meiteis have, in course of time

undergone a deep rooted Vaishnavism, and the concept of purity and pollution

developed towards the other ethnic groups of the Valley. The Meiteis have

propagated that Lois are presently Scheduled Caste and profess lower status

occupation such as poultry fanning, distillation, pottery and so on. Therefore,

Lois are considered to be impure by the Meiteis. Likewise, the Yaithibi are

pushed hard and usually they are called outcaste because of their indulgence in

socially tabooed traditions like marrying near relatives like sisters, stepmothers

and other near kins. Earlier, during the native rule, the Yaithibi are untouchables

and were not allowed to move freely on the roads and streets. Even their shadow

was not to be touched by the Meitei. When they come out, they had to wear

higokmachuji (blue coloured cloth) and turban so that people could easily identifY

them from a distance.

The above explanation shows the kind of process which M.N.Srinivas

called it 'Sanskritization'. This process of assimilation and acculturation allows

exchanging many cultural traits and as a result contributing to submerge by the

dominant group.

British Colonialism:

The British conquest of the Zeliangrong people was the result of the British policy

of colonial expansion towards the Northeast India- particularly towards Manipur,

the Nagas and the Kacharis after their conquest of Assam in1826. The British did

not have a separate policy towards the Zeliangrong as such. But their general

policy greatly affected them as the Zeliangrong constituted major segments of the

territory and popUlation of North Cachar, Naga Hills and Manipur. The policy of

the British was an evolution to deal with the situation created by the Angami

expansionism and aggression on the frontier of the British territory, more on the

North Cachar and Upper Assam. The British conquest of the Zeliangrong people

204

was completed with their annexation of North Cachar in 1854, the establishment

of the N aga Hills District in 1 &6 and the conquest of Manipur in 1891.

The British accounts of the Zeliangrong people in the 19th century give a picture

of the Zeliangrong society and culture. A separate chapter (chapter-3) deals with

the society, culture and religion of the Kabui Nagas. The colonial rule which

followed the annexation aimed at the extension of the empire, control of the

Angami raids on the Zeliangrong villages, abolition of head hunting, collection of

revenue to meet the expenses of the administration, judicial adjudication of the

disputes over the land, property and crime, and civilizing the tribes through

welfare activities such as education, health services and road communication.

The Zeliangrong people of Manipur were never administered during the

reign of the Kings of Manipur during the pre-colonial period. They exerted

political control over the villages located near the two important routes, known as

the Akhui route and the Cachar route. The Maharajas extracted tributes and

carried out military raids, if the villages did not pay tributes. The interests of

Manipur and the British were on the Cachar Road linking the Manipur Valley and

Cachar via Bishnupur, Khaupum, Nungba, Kala Naga (Oinamlong) and Jirighat.

After 1891, the British imposed their rule over the hill areas of Manipur which

were administered by the British Political agent. The British however did not

allow the Raja and Manipur State Darbar to extend their jurisdiction over the hills.

The British Political Agent and his Assistant who was a member of the Indian

Civil Service and ex-officio President of the Manipur State Darbar (PMSD)

looked after the administration. It was only after the suppression of the Kuki

Rebellion (1917-1919t that three Sub-divisions were created to administer Naga

Areas, the Northeast Sub-division at Ukhrul and the Northwest Sub-division at

Tamenglong to administer the Zeliangrong and the Southwest Sub-division at

Churachandpur. The Sub-divisions were kept under the charges of Sub-Divisional

Officer who were the Anglo-Indian members of the provincial Assam Civil

Service. The British did not interfere in the internal affairs of the tribes in their

4 Initially, it was against the British imperial and but later turned out to be against the Zeliangrong in the North West of Manipur including the Kabuis and the Tangkhuls in Northeastern Manipur and in some tracts of Upper Burma. This anti Naga action was aimed at the establishment of the Kuki authority over the Nagas and the occupation of their land for cultivation by the Kukis. See Kamei, Gangmumei (2004) A History of the Zeliangrong Nagas: From Makhel to Rani GaidinIiu, Guwahati, Spectrum Publications, pp.129-138.

205

villages. However the hill areas were divided into five divisions, each division

under one Lam Subadar under where supervision seven Lambus were appointed

for the administration of the hill area. A Lambu was originally a Meitei official

who dealt with rural administration. When the tribal areas were brought under the

political control of the Maharajas of Manipur the tribes were not administered

directly. But there were a large number of Lambus who were not officially

appointed by the State but moved about in the hills and Valley to be broker

between the State official and the villages in respect of service under the Lallup

system. The Lambus were not properly supervised by the Kingdom of Manipur.

However, they were very oppressive in their dealings with the hill tribes, as they

were interested to supervise the maintenance of the trade routes. After the British

conquest, the Lambus were appointed and paid salaries, seven rupees originally.

They acted like a peon who acted as interpreter between the tribes and the state

officials including the British officers. The Lambus were also appointed from

amongst the educated and influential tribal families in the villages. At times, they

acted like the Dobasis of the Naga Hills in the interpretation of tribal customary

laws and deciding on the cases.

The Kabui village administration during this time was quite similar. The

Government entrusted their village Chiefs, known as the Khullakpas

(administrators), Khunpu (owner of the village), Luplakpa and the Meitei

Lambus, and Changloi (Advisor assistants) for the administration of the village,

judicial and revenue collection. The Khullakpas and Khunbus of the Kabui

(Rongmei) Nagas were heredity village functionaries. The village councilor the

Pei under the Khullakpas or Khunbus were entrusted with the collection of house

tax, solving any problems, and serve as a platform of discussion and debate. The

Zeliangrong people of Manipur State suffered during the colonial rule. The

interference in their culture like ban on head hunting, imposition of taxes, forced

labour and oppression, opening of schools, hospitals and repair of the bridle path

mostly done on forced labour brought hardships on the people.s Neither, the

British Government nor the Missionaries nor the Maharaja did enough to mollify

the resentment of the people. Their misery could not be adequately compensated

by the appointment of a few school teachers, peons, clerks, mad muhorris and

5 Ibid.p.139.

206

Lambus. Therefore a rebellion against the British imperial was started by a young

mystic leader named Jadonang and continued by his disciple, the fiery and

charismatic girl, Gaidinliu. Robert Reid, a Governor of Assam called this

phenomenon of Jadonang and Gaidinliu as the Rebellion of the Kabui and Kacha

Naga.6 A historian described it as Kabui Rebellion because the leaders of the

rebellion belonged to the Kabui.7 The then <;hief Secretary of Assam

Mr.Crosgrave called it a Naga Raj Movement based on Political Agent

J.C.Higgins' telegram that a Kabui Naga Raj was proclaimed at Kambiron. A

writer describes it as the Naga Struggle against the British.8 This revolt has been

dealt separately in chapter 4.

During the colonial period, many administrators and political agents came

out with several writings on the Kabui tribe. Though references to the people are

found in the Chronicles of Manipur, the first English accounts of the Kabui Nagas

was given by Captain R.B.Pemberton, in his Report of the Eastern Frontier of

British India (J 835). He was the first European to have visit~d the Zeme,

Rongmei and Puimei villages. He used the term "Koupooees" to mean the people.

The second writer who refers to the Kabui people of the present Manipur,

Nagalandand North Cachar was John Butler in his Travels and Adventure in the

Province of Assam (J 855). But the pioneer work on the people on the people

living in Manipur was Co1.William McCulloch's Account of the Valley of

Munnipore and the Surrounding Hill Tribes published in 1859. McCulloch was a

British Political Agent posted in Manipur for many years. He was known at that

time as an expert on the state of Manipur and the surrounding hill tribes. But his

use of Pemberton's term 'Koupooee' and the Puimei term of 'Songboo and

Pooeeron' as the two Subdivisions, of the tribe has left behind a trail of identity

confusion. Otherwise his account reproduced elsewhere in this work IS very

important. In 1874, the Statistical Account of Manipur written by another

distinguished British Political Agent, Dr.R.Brown continued to add more to the

knowledge of the 'Koupois' tribe. He divided the tribe into three sub groups-

6 Reid, Robert (1942) History of Frontier Areas Bordering Assam, Shillong, Reprinted, Spectrum Publications, p.66. 7 J.Roy, A (1958) History ofManipur, Calcutta. 8 Yunuo, Asoso (1982) Nagas Struggle Against the British under Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu, Kohima, Leno Printing Press, p.89.

207

Songbu (Rongmei), Koireng (Liangmei), and Koupui (puimei). Both McCulloch

and Brown exclusively dealt with the Kabui Nagas.

C.A Soppit was another officer who served in North Cachar Hills of

Assam. He wrote a complete work entitled, A Short Account oj the Kachcha Naga

(Empeo) Tribe in the North Cachar Hills in 1885. He used the term Empeo to

mean the Zeme. However, it did not have much circulation. In fact it was T.e.

Hodson who was then Assistant Political Agent of Manipur and who later joined

the London University as a Profeesor of Anthropology who wrote on the Kabui in

his Naga Tribes oj Manipur in 1911. The confused title of the tribe as Koupooee"

or Koupui was set to rest when he adopted the term 'Kabui' a name of the

Rongmei and Puimei used by the Manipuris. Kabui was the term used in the

ancient, medieval and modem history of Manipur. Dr. l.H.Hutton in his The

Angami Nagas in 1929 used the term kacha Naga to cover the four subgroups-

Zeme, Liangmai, Maruongmei and Kabui. Robert Reid's History oj Areas

Bordering Assam published in 1942 gives an account of the Ze1iangrong revolt

(1930-1940) whom he described as the Rebellion of the Kabui and Kacha

Nagas.Reid's history publicized the uprisings of ladonang and Gaidinliu. Ursula

Graham Bower's Naga Path, 1950 is a personal experience in the Zeme country.

However, these writings no doubt became the sources of information, but

it is also evident that such writings were undertaken simply for administrative

efficiency in which the real history was oft~n distorted. And even worst is the

inability of the writers ~o spell the correct tribe. Most of the present day

researchers refer to these colonial writings and often came with the subjective

conclusion. As the writings were almost recorded and published, to change into

correct usage became almost impossible. Thus, the identity assertion of the Kabui

Nagas to recognize as the' Zeliangrong' became impossible due to this factor and . in the course of time, by the development of Zeme, Liangmei and Rongmei

dialects and translation of bible into these dialects.

Conversion:

The introduction of the British colonial administration in Manipur after the

Anglo-Manipur war of 1891 and its new oppressive measures in hilly region

created a particular climate for the socio-political agitation in not only Manipur

but also in many parts of the North-East India. There were particularly two new

systems of oppressive measures, which crated a feeling of bondage among the

208

people of Zeliangrong community. Firstly, the village chief who was traditionally

endowed with great prestige and responsibility in almost every aspect of their life

was replaced by a British appointed official called 'Lambus'. Thus, British

suppressed the little autonomy which these tribals enjoyed inside their traditional

social system. And it was again followed by the imposition of heavy house tax,

force subscription known as 'Pothang-senkhai', and force labour system known as

'Pothang' which gave a serious negative impact to the traditional tribal village

economy. These payments in the fonn of tax and SUbscription had to be made by

every household whether he/she was in a position to payor not, due to the reason

of sickness or extreme family misfortunes.

Secondly, along with the coming of British colonialism Christianity came

to the Zeliangrong area in 1917 and it started condemning every foundation of

their traditional culture and religious practices. This new religion considered their

forefathers' beliefs rites, ceremonies, feasts, customs and traditions as pagan. So

this new system political and religious policy of the British brought

discontentment to the people of Zeliangrong community. The circumstance

naturally created a sense of insecurity in the minds of the Zeliangrong people.

Thus it paved the way for starting an anti-colonial movement to protect their

identity.

Conversion is the most important factor leading to Identity crisis of the

Kabui Nagas. It was the Christian missionaries who were in direct contact with

the people. J. Lonkumar opined that, "In their pursuit of introducing the new

religion (Christianity) to the 'heathens' the missionaries not only changed the

lives of the people in tenns of religion but also changed their social organization

and social life. With conversion and education, the rate of change was

accelerated".9 The traditional Kabui Nagas combined culture and religion

together. This means that the study of culture includes the rituals and ceremonies

relating to their common beliefs and faith. Moreover, the festivals of the Kabui

Nagas always have the element of prayer and worship. However, when many

Kabuis were converted into other religion, they even stop celebrating their aged

old festivals.

9 Lonkumar. 1. (2004) The Ao Village Organisation: Origin to Present Day, in N.Venuh(ed) Naga Society: Continuity and Change, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, Shripa Publications, pp.29-30.

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As a matter of fact, the converts even assert their identity through their

new religion. This is seen among Mizos of Mizoram and Nagas of Nagaland. The

Nagas of NagaI and have even declared as "Nagas for Christ".

As already been discussed earlier, the early Kabui Christians because of their

newfound faith were ostracized and displaced by their own fellowmen. They are

alienated and estranged by their own community and this is responsible as one of

the factors for establishing a separate and distinct identity within their own

community. They also feel that the traditional religion is too conservative and

superstitious which could not lead them to heaven. According to the bible, it is the

only Christians that go to heaven. As a matter of fact, these converts became more

modernize and influence from the west. This creates a situation where they began

to discard anything that is traditional and began to accept everything that is

modem and contemporary. Though, it helps them to bring more development as

the change is taking place at very high pace, no doubt, they have been away from

its ancestral beliefs and customs. Sometimes, the traditional believers question

these converts on the ground of bringing new faith that destroys the traditional

one.

This is in contrast with the black Christians from Africa. Though, besides

the Jews who suffered the most drastic dislocation and fragmentation, the black

Christians could maintain its identity through its unique songs and music which is

socially and politically binding. 10 Likewise, the Israelites were able to survive the

exile and come out of it without losing its identity. II

Beginning in the 19th century, the British entered into the lives of the

Northeast people in general and Manipur in particular in their quest for political

power and commercial interests. Describing the winds of change sweeping the

region, Hokishe Serna says:

"Changing circumstances, political alignments and social conditions were

sweeping over the entire northeast part of the country. The Ahoms had lost their control

over the Assam valley, opening the way for the Burmese imperialistic tendencies. The

Burmese invaders marched through the Patkai range to the Assam valley. Their growing

boldness alarmed not only the local tribes inhabiting the area but also the British who

10 Medom,N.Ricky (2002) The relevance of the Theological Motif of exile to the Naga's struggle for sovereignty as a people, Delhi, Published by Rev.Ashish Amos, the Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (ISPCK), pp.20-29. II Ibid. p.29.

2l{)

had their own e.:r:pansionist designs. Thus, the people of this area were caught between

two imperialistic forces eager to enlarge their sphere of influence ".12

This imperialistic struggle ended with the British emerging on top and

their presence in the area becoming more prominent. Moreover, for strategy and

security reasons, the British could not ignore this region and they began to study

on the people and land and found out the economic potentials of the regions as

well. This has drawn the Nagas into the British imperialist designs. 13

The intrusion into the N aga territories posed a danger to their freedom and

their ways of life. Thus the Nagas reacted against the British and this was

witnessed during the leadership of Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu. The British, in

their self-imposed mission of dominance continued to take away their rights and

land and further divided the people into 'administrative units'. This led to the

breaking up of whole villages and sometimes even families causing the alienation

of one Naga from another. 14

The role of early missionaries is significant at this moment. What the

British did to the land and people, the pioneering American missionary did to the

Kabui ancestral faith and their customs and traditions. They took upon themselves

the role of 'cultural change agents' and saw themselves serving as catalysts for

the natives. They branded all native customs and traditions as 'heathen practices'

and declared them as 'anathema,ls and forced their own culture upon this tribe.

Takatemjen, a contemporary Naga musician, laments the cultural change brought

by the missionaries in which many of the traditional institutions of the local

people were removed. He cites in particular the abandonment of an important

Naga institution, the 'Morung':

"In the wake of Christianity, however, many things developed to the

detriment of Naga culture. The greatest blow to Naga traditional culture came as

12 Serna, Hokishe, (1986) Emergence of Nagaland: Socio-Economic and Political Transformation and the Future, Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, Vikas Publishing House, p.13. 13 Ibid.p.14. 14 Medom,N.Ricky. op.cit.2002, p.40. 15 See for example M.M.Clark (1907) A Corner in India, Philadelphia, American Baptist Publication Society, reprinted by Christian Literature Center, Guwahati, Assam; A. Yanang (1986) Konyak, From Darkness to Light Guwahati, Assam, Christian Literature Center; Keviyiekielie Linyu, (1950) The Angami Church Since 1950 ,Kohima, Nagaland, Kheldi Printing Press. All these books indicate the upcompromising attitude of the missionaries insofar as the Naga

culture and traditions were concerned. They all had to go without any exception. There had even been instances when the missionary refused baptism to a Naga unless he/she did away with his traditional dress and put on the prescribed ones.

211

result of the abandonment of Morung. The Morung was a Naga indigenous

institution and the centre of Naga culture. With the abandonment of the morung

many traditional values of the Nagas were lost; one of hem being Naga music and

dance".16

Thus, the 'cultural change' brought about by the early mlSSlonanes

abruptly interrupted the developing tribal story with irreparable and far-reaching

adverse effects. In fairness to these early missionaries, however, it is well worth

remembering the words of Joseph Puthenpurakal, as he writes that it would be

unjust to place all the blame on them. According to him, they were led by two

factors:

"First, the impressions they received when they reached the field; second,

the preoccupation of each missionary couple to report to the Board the success of

their labours in terms of the number of adherents". 17

To these two factors, Derell L. Whiteman adds another factor, the lack of

'anthropological insight'. In his words, "From the time of initial contact many

missionaries, lacking anthropological insight and an understanding of the concept

of culture have confused Christendom with Christianity and Western cultural

tradition with the Gospel of Christ" .18

It deserves to be mentioned here too, that the pioneering American

missionaries who came to the region, were a special kind of people. They

possessed not only zeal but also an adventurous spirit. They had to face untold

hardships and be prepared to face tragedies. 19 Their love for their God and sense

of responsibility for these 'heathens' were commendable as they crossed

thousands of miles across oceans, leaving behind comfort and companionship of

loved ones at home. However, their lack of understanding and appreciation of the

culture and traditions of the very people they were reaching out to, led them to

commit mistakes that caused irreparable damage. They used the 'theory of

16 Taketemjen (1990) Utilizing Naga Music, in Nagas'90, Guwahati, Assam, Published by Candid Sareo, p.IS. 17 Puthenpurakal, Joseph (1984) Baptist Missions in Nagaland: A Study in Historical and Ecumenical Perspective, ShilIong,Vendrame Missiological Institute, p.IS3. 18 Whiteman, D.L, as quoted by Takatemjen in Nagas'90, p.16. 19 For an account of the early experiences of pioneering missionaries, see P.T.Philip (1983) The

Growth of Baptist Churches in Nagaland (2nd Ed.), Guwahati, Christian Literature Center; Pamei, Ramkhun (1996) The Zeliangrong Nagas: A Study of Tribal Christianity, New Delhi, Uppal Publishing House; Vaiphei, S.Prim (1987) Different Cultural Practices Among the Tribal Christians in Manipur, Manipur, a publication ofMBC Literature Committee.

212

simplification,20 for their official and administrative records which later had done

injustice to the people. Thus, it is necessary to point out that in spite of their

sacrificial ministry in bringing the Good News of Jesus Christ to the primitive

Nagas, the collateral damage done to the culture and tradition, the very identity of

the people, cannot be ignored. To put Johann Baptist Metz words, "the symbols

and stories of the people are irreplaceable. Nothing will take their place if the

narrative tradition is interrupted or completely broken off and people's memories . . h d" 21 are extmgms e .

For thousands of years the Naga tribes remained untouched by higher

civilization. Neither Hindu culture nor Buddhism or even Islam spread to this land

where people persisted in an ancient type of culture.22But this situation was to

change soon. The coming of the British along 'with conversion affected the tribal

society adversely_ IiI this new and strange environment, the newly converts finds

acute problems of adjustment. They think but their mind is not quite their own.

They speak, but their voice does not sound quite natural. In fact, they are

somewhat unsure of standing by their own selves. On this regard David Buttrick

says that, "they have misplaced their stories and, as a consequence, their

identities".23 The Kabui Naga Christian today, thus, stands at a crossroads where

he has to rediscover himself and his identity. It will not do to simply hand him a

name-tag and tell him what his name is. He has to recover his "narrative ·d ." 24 1 entIty.

The problem of identity faced by the Naga Christian in general today and

the Kabuis in specific requires a re-examination of the cultural heritage, which

has been unwittingly discarded. Here Hokishe Serna rightly points out the need

for the Nagas to recall their past and 'reinvigorate and resuscitate the traditional

institutions ,25 in order to retell their story. However, in the same breath Serna,

also makes a sweeping statement in this regard, which could be an erroneous and

dangerous (for Naga Christian identity in general) statement:

20 This theory is self composition. See chapter I for explanation. 21 Metz,J.B. (1980) Faith in History and Society: Toward a Practical Fundamental Theology, New York, Seabury Press, p.148. 22 Nuh. op. cit. p.37. 23 Buttrick, David. (1987) Homiletic: Moves and Structures, Philadelphia, Fortress Press, p.lO. 24 Ibid. p.lO. 25 Serna, Hokishe, op.cit. 1986, p.166.

213

"It has to be remembered that the traditional sources of identity have

got to be abandoned immediately, for this unnecessarily creates an

apprehension and a fear complex among the Naga tribes; rather

traditions, customs and beliefs have to be slowly transcended through

modernization and acculturation ".16

Contrary to this feeling, the traditional source of identity is the very foundation of

society which cannot be easily forgotten. In fact, it can be argued that the identity

crisis of the Naga tribe in general and the Kabuis in particular is due to this

abandonment of traditional sources of identity. Similar argument was stated by

George Stroup when he says, "a Christian community unaware of its theological

tradition may suffer a form of religious and spiritual amnesia".27 Likewise,

Mircea Eliade shared his thoughts saying, " .. For nothing can begin, nothing can

be done, without a previous orientation; and any orientation implies a fixed point".28

The Kabui Naga ancestral traditions, customs and beliefs gave them the

orientation to face their world. As Eliade further points out, "if a world is to be

lived in, it must be founded,,29 and these were the very foundations of their

existence. Take away their traditions and customs and you take away their

identity. This effect, Serna himselflater points out:

"The rich social traditions, which made life so colourful and

attractive, are now being completely neglected. The various

gennas (ceremonies) and festivals, which united the people of a

tribe and were the main attractions of village life, are no longer

observed. Similarly, the feast of honour through which one

attained social prestige, is no longer celebrated. In other words,

the modern Naga is slowly becoming alienated. He has no roots

either in his home, his village, or his society. His education is not

even remotely related to his culture, environment or traditional

value system. Such alienation can be seen reflected in the

increasing frustration among the youth. This is leading to social

26 Ibid. p-167. 27 Stroup,G.W. (1981) The Promise of Narrative Theology: Recovering the Gospel in the Church, Atlanta; John Knox Press, p.33. 28 Eliade,Mircea (1959)The Sacred and the Profane, Orlando, Florida, Hardcourt Brace Jovanovich, p.22. "9 '. - Ibtd. p.22.

214

decadence. Hitherto unknown maladies like delinquency, mental

disorders, drug addiction, alcoholism and even crime are rearing

their ugly heads among Naga societies. The traditional family

system is also consequently disintegrating. This is leading to family

tensions, separation and divorce. The increasing breakdown of the

individual and family harmony is promoting an unhealthy ferment

h .. I " 30 among t e commumty at arge .

Modernization and acculturation in this respect have nothing to offer the Kabui

Naga Christian in tenns of fonning their identity. In fact, modernization takes

away from them what is real and meaningful and replaces it with what is unreal

and without value. Modernization has ushered in a culture of materialism and

hedonism leading to vain and illusionary activities, which in the ultimate analysis

are unreal and therefore profitless, replacing the rich heritage, which gave

mea~ing and purpose to life.

When we gazed at the contemporary Kabui society, it is dear that the

people are struggling to get their bearings today. With the advent of British

Colonialist, they were exposed not only to the outside forces which gradually

came to threaten their very existence but they were also deprived of much of their

ancestral lands. Then the early Western missionaries came and interrupted their

traditions by overpowering it with their own culture. In a social structure where

there were no written traditions this was all the more threatening as with the

passing of time the storytellers began to lose their memory. Based on the above

findings, it appears that special attention should be given to the tribal people, its

social and cultural uniqueness and finally reviving the lost identity of the tribe as

general.

Modernization:

Prof Gangmumei Kamei pointed out that "modem civilization in tribal

society is due to the contact with the British conquest and their colonial rule over

Manipur for over half a century. The contact with the European and their

administration resulted into a process of social change in Manipur including the

tribes. This change has been further accentuated after the massive economic

30 Serna, Hokishe. op.cit. pp.184-85.

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development programmes after India's independence".31 This process of social

and economic transformation has been described by Sociologists either as

modernization or westernization. M.N.Srinivas32 prefers to call such process as

westernization. He defined it as "the changes brought about in Indian society and

culture as a result of over hundred and fifty years of British rule, the term

subsuming changes occurring at different levels ...... technology, institutions,

ideology and values.,,33 However, the argument differs with Prof. Gangmumei

when he hesitates to use the term westernization in his study on hill tribes of

Manipur. He pointed out that "since the tribes of Manipur had comparatively

shorter period of contacts with the British, 56 years to be exact, but having been

brought into intimate contacts with India ....... it will not be appropriate to apply

the term westernization to this aspect of social change among the tribes of

Manipur.,,34 Whatever the term may be, we can argue that the interaction with the

British had resulted in many changes in the Kabui society. Therefore, it will not

be wrong to say that the coming of the British is accompanied with the forces of

modernization. It was during the colonial regime that the changes in the tribal

society like the Kabuis were taking place drastically. With the help of

missionaries, many Kabuis were converted into Christianity and started following

the western way oflife. The other people who remained.as non-christians also got

benefited by the introduction of so many new systems in their lives. The systems

of formal or western education, printing press, and telegraph changed the outlook

of the people immensely. This change was aggravated by the direct intervention

of the Government of India after its independence by implementing many

economic plans and programs to bring progressive development in Manipur. Thus

we see the traditional Kabuis coming out from their conventional customs and

competing with other ethnic groups. A debate on modernity and tradition has

already been discussed in the introductory chapter. As pointed out, modernization

creates a new system of worldviews, values and meanings to the people. Most

often this new system come in the way of the existing traditional elements and the

question arises whether one should adhere to the traditional system and practices

31 Kamei,G. (2006) On History and Historiography of Manipur, New Delhi, Akansha Publishing House,p.l45. 32 Srinivas,M.N. (1972) Social Change in Modem India, New Delhi, Orient Longman, p-49. 33 Ibid. p.55. 34 Kamei,G. op.cit. 2006, p.146.

216

or to allow changes in society. As the need f-or economIC development is

increasingly felt by all societies, in most cases people compromise their traditions

with such developments. Thus a new system created by modernization poses a

threat to the traditional values and meanings. Likewise, the Kabui N agas who

were proud of their rich culture and traditions for many decades came a point of

time where they have to compromise with the changing times. Therefore we see a

trend in most villages in the valley of Imphal where many traditional festivals

were either deleted or cut short. For instance, Rih Ngai (festival of war) is deleted

in many villages and in Sangaiprou it is merged with the general Gaan-ngai (the

festival of spring). The festival of Gaan-ngai which last for a long week is again

reduced to 4-5 days in most villages in ImphaJ.

It means that the process of modernization is quite strongly felt even in the

tribal community like the Kabui N agas. As a result of this impact we see many

people busy making their career and not attending or giving importance to any

village festivals. Most importantly, the need for quality education has driven

many youngsters to study outside the state especially in the place like Delhi,

Bangalore and Mumbai. As a result of wider interactions and higher education,

we find many youths getting employment in many central universities,

Government services both State and central and even in many research

institutions of India. This has also an impact on the families back horne. The

conservative families are now willing to send their children to outside Manipur

for better education and opportunities. The learning and exchange of ideas and

culture benefited the youths and this is reflected in performing the traditional

dances wherein many modem steps have been incorporated and added to give a

fresh and modem form of dance and songs.

A new trend has emerged in the Kabui s~ciety where the people are

looked down to those who resist social change. Many villages in Imphal such as

Kakhulong, Maj-orkhul and Keishamthong have developed rapidly. As these

villages are located in the heart of the Imphal city, they get maximum facilities

and this really helps them to compete even with the mainstream.

Therefore, the process of modernization that carne as a strong force in the

Kabui society somehow came in the way of retaining its traditional culture. It is

surprising to see that in· such viUages where development is progressing, there is

also an increase in identity consciousness of the people. It means that

217

modernization poses a threat in the tradition making of the tribe and the

hypothesis that was adopted is proved affinnative.

Globalization:

Globalization has been discussed as a complex ongomg process, like

Modernization, Sanskritization, etc. which runs across boundaries of nations and

encompasses the whole Earth turning it into a Global Village. Various kinds of

globalization are possible in the larger scenario like. Cultural Globalization,

Spiritual Globalization, Technological Globalization etc. Anthony Giddens

defines globalization as the compression of time and space. The compression of

space is because of the easier movement across borders, and time because it is

easier and quicker to reach out to people across globe which is facilitated by

technologies like internet, telephones etc. The process of Globalization according

to Prof. Anand Kumar35 is a cumulative process which involves globalization of

finance (FDls and FIls), commodities (like Coca Cola and Mc Donalds' etc), of

Brand na~es (like Gucci, Nike etc), of technology (like internet, WiFi etc), of

infonnation (like coverage of the 9/11 incidence) and the globalization of labour

(like software engineers), etc. Therefore, Prof. Kumar pointed out the five basic

aspects of Globalization which were discussed, viz.: capital, technology,

infonnation, commodity and labour. Besides these, he outlined eight facilitators

of globalization which throws a light in the contemporary society.

1. Market:

This has been a facilitator since ancient times; international trade has been a

feature since centuries, when the Portuguese and Dutch and English created

colonies worldwide. It has been seen that growing marketization creates growing

potential for globalization.

2. Money:

Money has been seen as a great mediator of globalization, which is the most

preferable means of exchange. With the increase in the use of plastic money

(credit cards etc), this process is increasing its pace.

3. Modernity:

Modernity is considered to be one of virtues in a globalized world. The more

modem an outlook one sports, more acceptability one gets in everybody's eyes.

35 This is quoted from his lecture delivered at Seminar Hall, Department of Sociology, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi on 161h February 2008 at 11 A.M.

218

Modernity is also put against nationality which in comparative terms is seen as a

less open and narrow concept.

4. Middle Class:

With the emergence of industrialization, came the middle class, which has since

then evolved and changed with time. It was engaged in the process of nation-

building and now they are the harbingers of globalization.

5. Media:

It is the media in today's world which has made the world look like our backyard,

and has helped evolve a familiarity with it. Media makes the world and its entire

phenomenon approachable and acceptable.

6. Migration:

Though not a new phenomenon yet it has increased in the wake of globalization

and in tum perpetuates it.

7. Quest for mobility:

Since the purchasing power of the people is increasing, it is leading for a desire to

acquire better and more. Man has become more ambitious with time, and the

increasing competitiveness is also responsible for this rush to move up in the

socio-economic hierarchy.

8. Multi-culturalism:

Large scale migration, effect of media, tourism etc has led to the emergence of

multi-culturalism which in tum gives it a push.

To him, the facilitators of globalization have also led to some problematic

situations in the society. The widening of gap between the rich and poor, the

deepening of disparity, the problem of relative deprivation is so conspicuous that

they are leading to debates in society. This has also led to changing power

equations in the society which can be seen in the form of new hegemony that is

emerging in the world. Further it was discussed that globalization is often

confused with "Americanization", which is not correct because though America

as a super power holds 30% of the world GDP, and the sustenance of the world

economy depends upon its economy, yet globalization is much wider a

phenomenon.

Another feature of globalization is that it is 'exclusive' and not 'inclusive',

that is the phenomenon involves only those who willfully participate in it, while

others are left behind, for e.g. the people suffering from chronic unemployment.

219

Therefore, globalization today poses a tremendous challenge. The indicators of

development show a dismal performance in the majority parts of the world. While

in the world, more than 1.5 billion people in South Asia, Sub-Saharan region and

Latin America live on the verge of starvation, the case is equally bad in India.

According to the Census 2001, the literacy level of India is 65%. The peasants,

farmers and the socially and economically backward sections are the marginalized

section which is living under conditions of pauperization.

Globalization also differentiates in the fields which it promotes, for e.g. while

the service and industrial sector has seen a good growth in India, the agriculture

has become less profitable and saw a meager growth. This has led to the

phenomenal increase in the suicide rates amongst farmers in many parts of India.

Because of this there is a growing unrest and tension and conflict amongst people

and it is becoming difficult for them to match pace with the swift wave of

globalization. Globalization has also led to an increase in the wasteful expenditure

and consumerism. Therefore the society is -increasingly being divided into

'gainers' and 'losers' and thus widening the rift all the more.

This means that today, with the spread of global markets and universal

consumer culture, all communities are purely looked as mere consumers. The

process of globalization dictates homogenization of all societies and most often it

is the smaller groups that lose their identity or being merged with the mainstream.

It means that the philosophy which. preach oneness and equality in the eyes of

market laws provide no doubt a better platform of mass participation, But

surprisingly, this process also destroys the legitimate rights and identities of the

smaller groups, because it is the majority that dominates the smaller and less

influential ones. Therefore, the impact of globalization has directly or indirectly

affected the Kabui Nagas as they began to search for better livelihood which

ultimately brings 'disjunction to their traditional culture.

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