combinatory and functional constraints on pronominal clitics in … · 2012. 10. 23. · paulwidmer...

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Combinatory and functional constraintson pronominal clitics in Hiite

Paul Widmer

Philipps University Marburg

Etymology and the European LexiconCopenhagen (September 19, 2012)

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 1 / 23

Introduction

Clitic pronouns in Hiite

Two pronouns in the clitic chain

Two structural types with two pronominal clitics:

...1 {S}3rd + dat, =aš=mu in ex. (1) (intr., cf. Garre 1990a; Garre 1990b)

(1) nCONN

=aš=3sg.nom.c

=mu=1sg.dat

GÌR.MEŠ-ašfeet

kaandown

ḫaliyathe.knelt

‘He knelt down at my feet.’ (NH/NS; KBo 3.3 i 12f.)

...2 Two oblique pronouns, =šmaš=at in ex. (2)

(2) nuCONN

=šmaš=2pl.acc/dat

=at=3sg.acc.n

=kan=PTCL

[p]eranbefore

halzi [andu]read:3pl.imp

‘Have it read to you aloud!’ (MH/MS; HKM 25.24)

Introduction

(1) nCONN

=aš=3sg.nom.c

=mu=1sg.dat

GÌR.MEŠ-ašfeet

kaandown

ḫaliyathe.knelt

(2) nuCONN

=šmaš=2pl.acc/dat

=at=3sg.acc.n

=kan=PTCL

[p]eranbefore

Introduction

(1) nCONN

=aš=3sg.nom.c

=mu=1sg.dat

GÌR.MEŠ-ašfeet

kaandown

ḫaliyathe.knelt

(2) nuCONN

=šmaš=2pl.acc/dat

=at=3sg.acc.n

=kan=PTCL

[p]eranbefore

Introduction

Hiite clitic chain

1 2 3 4 5 6 7PTCL QUOT acc/dat pl. 3rd nom/acc acc/dat sg. REFL PTCL

-(m)a -wa(r) 1st -nnaš -aš nom.sg.c 1st -mmu -za -ašta-(y)a 2nd -šmaš -an acc.sg.c 2nd -a/-ddu -apa

3rd -šmaš dat -at nom/acc.sg.n 3rd -šše dat -kan-e nom(/acc).pl -šan-uš acc.pl.c -an

Table : Old Hiite clitic chain (cf. Hoffner and Melchert 2008: 410)

⇒ Strongly grammaticalised chain of clitics in the Wackernagel position

Introduction

Hiite clitic chain

1 2 3 4 5 6 7PTCL QUOT acc/dat pl. 3rd nom/acc acc/dat sg. REFL PTCL

-(m)a -wa(r) 1st -nnaš -aš nom.sg.c 1st -mmu -za -ašta-(y)a 2nd -šmaš -an acc.sg.c 2nd -a/-ddu -apa

3rd -šmaš dat -at nom/acc.sg.n 3rd -šše dat -kan-e nom(/acc).pl -šan-uš acc.pl.c -an

Table : Old Hiite clitic chain (cf. Hoffner and Melchert 2008: 410)

⇒ Strongly grammaticalised chain of clitics in the Wackernagel position

Introduction

Outline & objectives

...1 Oblique clitic Pronouns: Rules and restrictionsFunctional restrictionsRules of co-occurrence

...2 Diachronic perspectivePath of grammaticalisationOrdering of clitic pronouns

Oblique clitic Pronouns: Rules and restrictions Functional restrictions

Syntactic function of clitic accusatives

(3) nu=šmaš=kan ḪUR.SAG-an parḫanzi

‘They will chase youdir. obj. into the mountain.’ (NH; KUB 13.3 ii 11)

(4) * n=an=kan X parḫanzi

* ‘They will chase X thither.’

(5) * n=anacc=muacc=kan parḫanzi

* ‘They will chase me thither.’

Syntactic function of clitic accusatives

(3) nu=šmaš=kan ḪUR.SAG-an parḫanzi

‘They will chase youdir. obj. into the mountain.’ (NH; KUB 13.3 ii 11)

(4) * n=an=kan X parḫanzi

* ‘They will chase X thither.’

(5) * n=anacc=muacc=kan parḫanzi

* ‘They will chase me thither.’

Double accusatives: direct object and predicative

iya- ‘treat Xacc:dir obj like a Yacc:predicative’ (cf. van den Hout 1992)

(6) ‘ “Who will take him (sc. the speaker’s son)

[nuCONN

=war=QUOT

] =an=acc.sg.c

upiyaššargi:acc.sg

DÙ-zitreats.like

a. [and] will treat himdO like a gipred.?” ’b. [and] will treat the gidO like himpred.?” ’ (NH/NS; KUB 33.93 iii 29)

(7) * n=an=mu DÙ-zi* ‘He treats me like him.’* ‘He treats him like me.’

[nuCONN

=war=QUOT

] =an=acc.sg.c

DÙ-zitreats.like

[nuCONN

=war=QUOT

] =an=acc.sg.c

DÙ-zitreats.like

[nuCONN

=war=QUOT

] =an=acc.sg.c

DÙ-zitreats.like

a. [and] will treat himdO like a gipred.?” ’b. *[and] will treat the gidO like himpred.?” ’ (NH/NS; KUB 33.93 iii 29)

[nuCONN

=war=QUOT

] =an=acc.sg.c

DÙ-zitreats.like

a. [and] will treat himdO like a gipred.?” ’b. *[and] will treat the gidO like himpred.?” ’ (NH/NS; KUB 33.93 iii 29)

Accusative constraints

.Accusative clitics..

......

...1 Only one accusative clitic pronoun per chain is allowed.

...2 Accusative clitics exclusively function as direct objects.(No accusatives of direction, extent, duration etc.; no predicative )

Accusative constraints

.Accusative clitics..

......

...1 Only one accusative clitic pronoun per chain is allowed.

...2 Accusative clitics exclusively function as direct objects.(No accusatives of direction, extent, duration etc.; no predicative )

2nd oblique clitic: Dative

(8) peḫḫiI.give

=wa=QUOT

=at=3sg.acc

=ši=3sg.dat

(OH/NS; KUB 12.60 I 21)

a. ‚ „Shall I give it to himind. obj.?“ ‘

b. ‚ „Shall I give it for it?“ ‘

c. ‚ „Shall I give it there?“ ‘

d. ‚ „Shall I give it then?“ ‘

(8) peḫḫiI.give

=wa=QUOT

=at=3sg.acc

=ši=3sg.dat

(OH/NS; KUB 12.60 I 21)

a. ‚ „Shall I give it to himind. obj.?“ ‘

b. ‚ „Shall I give it for it?“ ‘

c. ‚ „Shall I give it there?“ ‘

d. ‚ „Shall I give it then?“ ‘

(8) peḫḫiI.give

=wa=QUOT

=at=3sg.acc

=ši=3sg.dat

(OH/NS; KUB 12.60 I 21)

a. ‚ „Shall I give it to himind. obj.?“ ‘b. *‚ „Shall I give it for it?“ ‘

c. *‚ „Shall I give it there?“ ‘

d. *‚ „Shall I give it then?“ ‘

Function of dative clitics

(9) a. n=an=ši=kan tuḫšanta

‘they may separate her from him’ (OH/NS; KBo 6.3 ii 10)

b. n=an=kanCONN=her:acc=PTCL

LÚ-niman:dat

tuḫšanzithey.separate

‘They may separate her from the man’ (OH/NS; KBo 6.3 ii 12f.)

=ši in (9a) behaves like the {G} argument of a ditransitive verb.

Similarly: šanna- ‘conceal Xacc., dir. obj. from Ydat., ind. obj.’, etc.

({G} = most goal-like argument in a ditransitive construction)

Function of dative clitics

(9) a. n=an=ši=kan tuḫšanta

‘they may separate her from him’ (OH/NS; KBo 6.3 ii 10)

b. n=an=kanCONN=her:acc=PTCL

LÚ-niman:dat

tuḫšanzithey.separate

‘They may separate her from the man’ (OH/NS; KBo 6.3 ii 12f.)

=ši in (9a) behaves like the {G} argument of a ditransitive verb.

Similarly: šanna- ‘conceal Xacc., dir. obj. from Ydat., ind. obj.’, etc.

({G} = most goal-like argument in a ditransitive construction)

Late Hiite developments

(10) našma=waor=QUOT

=nnaš=an=1pl=3sg.acc

uššaniyawēnwe.have.sold

(pre-NH/NS; KUB 13.4 iv 73)

‘or we have sold it on our own behalf’ (trans. CHD L–N, 398b)

(11) a. mān=waif=QUOT

=nnaš=1pl

ANŠE.KUR.RAhorse:acc

……parāover

‘if we have sold a horse …’ (NH; KUB 13.35 iii 24f.)

b. mZuwappiš=waZuwappi=QUOT

=za=REF

1 ANŠE.KUR.RA1 horse:acc

pa[rāover

u]ššaniyathas.sold

‘Zuwappi has sold a horse.’ (NH; KUB 13.35 iii 16)

=nnaš= in (10) LH replacement of =za(Restricted to plurals, Hoffner and Melchert 2008: 358)

=nnaš=1pl

……parāover

=za=REF

pa[rāover

=nnaš=1pl

……parāover

=za=REF

pa[rāover

.Dative clitics..

......

...1 In one single chain only one dative clitic pronoun is allowed.

...2 The dative clitic assumes the function of the indirect object.

⇒ Co-occurring oblique clitic pronouns function as {T} and {G} arguments.{T} = most patient-like argument in a ditransitive construction{G} = most goal-like argument in a ditransitive construction

Few exceptions in NS: Adpositional complements

(12) peran=ma=at=mu m.dSÎN-dU-aš … maniyaḫḫiškit (KUB 1.1 i 27f.)‘Before(?) me Arma-Tarḫunta … was governing it.’

(13) n=at=ši=ššan šer ar[ḫa] … waḫnuzzi (KUB 43.34+12.26 iii 15f.)‘He waves it … over him.’

.Dative clitics..

......

...1 In one single chain only one dative clitic pronoun is allowed.

...2 The dative clitic assumes the function of the indirect object.

⇒ Co-occurring oblique clitic pronouns function as {T} and {G} arguments.{T} = most patient-like argument in a ditransitive construction{G} = most goal-like argument in a ditransitive construction

Few exceptions in NS: Adpositional complements

(12) peran=ma=at=mu m.dSÎN-dU-aš … maniyaḫḫiškit (KUB 1.1 i 27f.)‘Before(?) me Arma-Tarḫunta … was governing it.’

(13) n=at=ši=ššan šer ar[ḫa] … waḫnuzzi (KUB 43.34+12.26 iii 15f.)‘He waves it … over him.’

Oblique clitic Pronouns: Rules and restrictions Rules of co-occurrence

Slot: 3 4 3 5 3 5 4 5Case: dat + acc dat + acc acc + dat acc + dat

Comb.: nobis eum nos

me nos

mihi eum

mihivobis id vobis te vos tibi id tibiiis eos iis eo eos eo

Table : Oblique pronouns: Aested and unaested combinations

.Two unaested combinations..

......

...1 † slot 3 + slot 5

†=naš 3=ši 5 ‘nos ei’, †=šmaš 3=ta 5 ‘te iis’ etc. (Hoffner 1986: 93f.)

...2 † slot 3 + slot 3 (†=naš=šmaš ‘nos iis/nobis eos’, …)† slot 5 + slot 5 ( †=mu=šši ‘me eo’, …)

? Linguistic background

me nos

mihi eum

......

...1 † slot 3 + slot 5

†=naš 3=ši 5 ‘nos ei’, †=šmaš 3=ta 5 ‘te iis’ etc. (Hoffner 1986: 93f.)...2 † slot 3 + slot 3 (†=naš=šmaš ‘nos iis/nobis eos’, …)

† slot 5 + slot 5 ( †=mu=šši ‘me eo’, …)

me nos

mihi eum

......

...1 † slot 3 + slot 5

†=naš 3=ši 5 ‘nos ei’, †=šmaš 3=ta 5 ‘te iis’ etc. (Hoffner 1986: 93f.)...2 † slot 3 + slot 3 (†=naš=šmaš ‘nos iis/nobis eos’, …)

† slot 5 + slot 5 ( †=mu=šši ‘me eo’, …)

3 + 3 / 5 + 5

.In terms of Speech Act Participation (SAP, 1st + 2nd person)..

......

†=naš 3=šmaš 3 ‘nos vobis/nobis vos’†=mu 5=a 5 ‘me tibi/mihi te’

→ Speech Act Participants do not co-occur in the clitic chain.

? What about†=naš 3=ši 5 ‘nos ei’†=šmaš 3=mu 5 ‘iis me’?

3 + 3 / 5 + 5

.In terms of Speech Act Participation (SAP, 1st + 2nd person)..

......

†=naš 3=šmaš 3 ‘nos vobis/nobis vos’†=mu 5=a 5 ‘me tibi/mihi te’

→ Speech Act Participants do not co-occur in the clitic chain.

? What about†=naš 3=ši 5 ‘nos ei’†=šmaš 3=mu 5 ‘iis me’?

Combination Type Aested in Hiite?

1 SAPdat + 3rdacc tibi eum YES2 3rddat + 3rdacc ei eum YES

3 3rddat + SAPacc ei me NO4 SAPdat + SAPacc tibi me NO

Table : SAP and case

.Rules in terms of SAP and syntactic functions..

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...1 Syntactic functions: direct object + indirect object (as per above)

...2 Two 3rd-person-pronouns can co-occur, two SAP-pronouns can not.

...3 The SAP-pronoun is always indirect object, never direct object.

...4 The 3rd-person-pronoun is either direct object or indirect object

......

Co-occurence of oblique clitic pronouns

.

......

Types dative + accusative

1 SAP + 3rd2 3rd + 3rd3 SAP + SAP4 3rd + SAP

.Implicational Hierarchy..

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Type 1 > Type 2 > Type 3 > Type 4 (Haspelmath 2004)

If a language allows one of the types,it also allows all the types that are higher in the hierarchy.

→ Hiite has type 2, and therefore also type 1(me lui constraint (Perlmuer 1971))

Co-occurence of oblique clitic pronouns

.

......

Types dative + accusative

1 SAP + 3rd2 3rd + 3rd3 SAP + SAP4 3rd + SAP

.Implicational Hierarchy..

......

Type 1 > Type 2 > Type 3 > Type 4 (Haspelmath 2004)

If a language allows one of the types,it also allows all the types that are higher in the hierarchy.

→ Hiite has type 2, and therefore also type 1(me lui constraint (Perlmuer 1971))

Diachronic perspective Path of grammaticalisation

Double oblique clitics: Hiite facts

SAP-clitics 3rd-pers.-clitics

Animacy human

± animate, ± human

Thematic relation recipient

transferred, recipient

Syntactic function indirect object

direct or indirect object

Table : Typical properties and functions

.Semantic and syntactic facts..

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...1 SAPs are: human, recipient, indirect object

...2 3rd persons are ± human/animate, recipient or transferred, indirect ordirect object

...3 Direct objects are never more animate than indirect objects.

Animacy human ± animate, ± humanThematic relation recipient transferred, recipientSyntactic function indirect object direct or indirect object

......

Animacy human ± animate, ± humanThematic relation recipient transferred, recipientSyntactic function indirect object direct or indirect object

......

.Given that..

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...1 SAPs are typical {G}-arguments (viz. human recipients).({G}= most goal-like argument in a ditransitive construction)

...2 3rd persons are either {T}- or {G}-arguments.({T} = most patient-like argument in a ditransitive construction)

→ System of co-occurring oblique clitic pronouns in Hiite goes back to{G}–{T} structures (ditransitive verbs).

Co-occurring oblique pronouns most frequently arguments ofditransitive constructions: frequency-based (Haspelmath 2004)

.Given that..

......

.Given that..

......

Diachronic perspective Ordering of clitic pronouns

Ordering

3 4 5

1st -nnaš -aš nom.sg.c 1st -mmu2nd -šmaš -an acc.sg.c 2nd -a/-ddu3rd -šmaš dat -at nom/acc.sg.n 3rd -šše dat

-e nom(/acc).pl-uš acc.pl.c

acc / dat nom / acc acc / datplural singular + plural singular

CVC VC CV

Phonotactics: CVC3-VC4 or VC4-CV5→ No hiatus: †=mu5=an4 (5 + 4)

Ordering

3 4 5

1st -nnaš -aš nom.sg.c 1st -mmu2nd -šmaš -an acc.sg.c 2nd -a/-ddu3rd -šmaš dat -at nom/acc.sg.n 3rd -šše dat

-e nom(/acc).pl-uš acc.pl.c

acc / dat nom / acc acc / datplural singular + plural singularCVC VC CV

Phonotactics: CVC3-VC4 or VC4-CV5→ No hiatus: †=mu5=an4 (5 + 4)

Variation phenomena

(14) tet=wartell=QUOT

=at4=it

=naš3=us

‘Tell it to us!’ (OH/MS; KUB 12.36 obv. 24)

(15) nPTC

=at4=they

=šmaš3=them

[EGIR-anbehind

ara]ntathey.stand

‘And they stand behind them.’ (MH/MS; IBoT 1.36 iii 46)

.Ordering 4 – 3..

......

Only in OS or MS (cf. Hoffner 1986)

Possibly residue of system with more variation

N. b. No ordering 5 – 4 (=ši=at) in this chronological layer(NH feature, cf. Rieken 2006; Yakubovich 2010)

Variation phenomena

(14) tet=wartell=QUOT

=at4=it

=naš3=us

‘Tell it to us!’ (OH/MS; KUB 12.36 obv. 24)

(15) nPTC

=at4=they

=šmaš3=them

[EGIR-anbehind

ara]ntathey.stand

‘And they stand behind them.’ (MH/MS; IBoT 1.36 iii 46)

.Ordering 4 – 3..

......

Only in OS or MS (cf. Hoffner 1986)

Possibly residue of system with more variation

N. b. No ordering 5 – 4 (=ši=at) in this chronological layer(NH feature, cf. Rieken 2006; Yakubovich 2010)

Summary of findings

Co-occurring oblique clitics in Hiite have argument status.

Speech Act Participation (and the referential values related to it)basically determines the rules of co-occurrence.

Historically, the Hiite system is probably the grammaticalised form ofditransitive structures based on frequency effects.

The pronouns are arranged according to their phonotactic structure.

Outside Anatolian, only Avestan has (marginally) developed doublepronominal cliticsMuch later: Old Church Slavonian, Romance Languages, High German

Structurally, already Old Hiite has reached a state comparable to theRomance Language and High German.

Summary of findings

Thank you for your aention!

Bibliography I

Garre, Andrew James (1990a). “Hiite Enclitic Subjects and TransitiveVerbs”. In: Journal of Cuneiform Studies 42: 287–291.— (1990b). The syntax of Anatolian pronominal clitics. Ann Arbor, Mich.:UMI.Haspelmath, Martin (2004). “Explaining the Ditransitive Person-RoleConstraint: a usage-based account”. In: Constructions 2: 1–49.Hoffner, Harry A. Jr. (1986). “Studies in Hiite Grammar”. In: Kaniššuwar. ATribute to Hans G. Güterbock on his Seventy-Fih Birthday, May 27, 1983.Ed. by Harry A. Jr. Hoffner and Gary M. Beckman. Chicago: OrientalInstitute of the University of Chicago: 83–94.Hoffner, Harry A. Jr. and H. Craig Melchert (2008). A Grammar of the HiiteLanguage. Vol. 1. Reference Grammar. Languages of the Ancient Near East 1.Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.

Bibliography II

Perlmuer, David M. (1971). Deep and surface structure constraints in syntax.New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.Rieken, Elisabeth (2006). “Zum hethitisch-luwischen Sprachkontakt inhistorischer Zeit”. In: Altorientalische Forschungen 33: 271–285.van den Hout, Theo P. J. (1992). “Remarks on Some Hiite DoubleAccusative Constructions”. In: Per una grammatica iita. Towards a Hiitegrammar. Ed. by Onofrio Carruba. Pavia: Gianni Iuculano Editore: 275–304.Yakubovich, Ilya S. (2010). Sociolinguistics of the Luvian Language. BSIEL 2.Leiden/Boston: Brill.

Oblique clitic Pronouns: Rules and restrictionsFunctional restrictionsRules of co-occurrence

Diachronic perspectivePath of grammaticalisationOrdering of clitic pronouns

combinatory and functional constraints on pronominal clitics in … · 2012. 10. 23. · paulwidmer...

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