Contents: THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS -- ANTIQUITIES OfTHE JEWS Volume One.p. iii, Para. 1, [1].

Preface:p. iii, Para. 2, [1].

BOOK I FROM THE CREATION To THE DEATH OF ISAAC..page.32BOOK II FROM THE DEATH Of ISAAC TO THE EXODUS OUT OFEGYPT..page.60 BOOK III FROM THE EXODUS OUT Of EGYPT, TOTHE REJECTION OF THAT Generation..page.87 BOOK IV FROM THEREJECTION OF THAT GENERATION TO THE DEATH OfMOSES..page.113 BOOK V FROM THE DEATH OF MOSES TO THE DEATHOf ELI..page.141 BOOK VI FROM THE DEATH OF ELI TO THE DEATHOf SAUL..page.171 BOOK VII FROM THE DEATH OF SAUL TO THEDEATH Of DAVID..page.205 BOOK VIII CONTAINING THE INTERVALOf ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTY-THREE YEARS. FROM THE DEATH OfDAVID TO THE DEATH Of AHAB..page.237 BOOK IX FROM THE DEATHOF AHAB TO THE CAPTIVITY Of THE TEN TRIBES..page.275 BOOK XFROM THE CAPTIVITY Of THE TEN TRIBES TO THE FIRST YEAR OFCyrus..page.299 BOOK XI FROM THE FIRST OF CYRUS TO THEDEATH Of ALEXANDER THE GREAT..page.321 BOOK XII FROM THEDEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO THE DEATH Of JUDAS Macca-beus..page.346 BOOK XIII FROM THE DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABEUSTO THE DEATH Of QUEEN Alexandra..page.376 BOOK XIV FROM THEDEATH OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA TO THE DEATH Of ANTIGO-NUS..page.408 BOOK XV FROM THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS TO THEFINISHING Of THE TEMPLE BY Herod..page.444 BOOK XVI FROMTHE FINISHING Of THE TEMPLE BY HEROD TO THE DEATH OF ALEX-ANDER And ARISTOBULUS..pag.475 BOOK XVII FROM THE DEATH OfALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS TO THE BANISHMENT Of ARCHE-LAUS..page.502 BOOK XVIII FROM THE BANISHMENT Of ARCHELUSTO THE DEPARTURE FROM Babylon..page.529 BOOK XIX FROM THEDEPARTURE OUT Of BABYLON TO FADUS, THE ROMAN Procura-tor..page.559 BOOK XX FROM FADUS THE PROCURATOR To FLO-RUS..page.584 p. iii, Para. 3, [1].

THE WARS Of THE JEWS. VOLUME TWO PREFACE p. iii, Para. 4,[1].

BOOK I. FROM THE TAKING Of JERUSALEM BY ANTIOCHUS EPI-PHANES, TO THE DEATH Of HEROD THE GREAT..page.607 BOOK.IIFROM THE DEATH Of HEROD TILL VESPASIAN WAS SENT TO SUBDUETHE JEWS By NERO..page.665 BOOK III FROM VESPASIAN'S COMINGTo SUBDUE THE JEWS TO THE TAKING OF Gamala..page.711 BOOKIV FROM THE SIEGE OF GAMALA TO THE COMING Of TITUS TO BE-

SIEGE Jerusalem..page.738 BOOK.V FROM THE COMING Of TITUSTO BESIEGE JERUSALEM, TO THE GREAT EXTREMITY To WHICH THEJEWS WERE REDUCED..page.772 BOOK VI FROM THE GREAT EXTREM-ITY To WHICH THE JEWS WERE REDUCED TO THE TAKING OF JERUSA-LEM By TITUS..page.807 BOOK VII FROM THE TAKING Of JERUSA-LEM BY TITUS TO THE SEDITION AT Cyrene..page.833 p. iii,Para. 5, [1].

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION -- An EXTRACT CONCERNINGHADES p. v, Para. 1, [1].

FOOTNOTES -- PUBLISHER'S NOTES. -- INTRODUCTORY ESSAY ByThe Rev. Henry Stebbing, D.D. p. v, Para. 2, [1].

Valuable as are the remains of classical antiquity, theWorks of Josephus may be placed, at least, on a level withthe most esteemed monuments of ancient learning. While thehistorians of Greece and Rome inform us of events connectedwith perishable states and polities, the annals of the Jew-ish people enable us to trace the progress of dispensa-tions, the importance and stability of which, instead ofdiminishing, are perpetually on the increase. p. v, Para.3, [1].

The writings of Josephus may be classed under the twoheads of historical and controversial; the former compre-hending the Antiquities, and the Wars of the Jews; and thelatter, his treatise against Apion, and some essays of mi-nor character. his earliest production was the history orthe memorable and terrific war which ended in the downfalof his nation. This work seems to have been commenced withno higher view than that of giving a general and popularaccount of the scenes in which he had been engaged. It was,therefore, originally written in Syro-chaldaic, or in thecommon language of the Jews inhabiting Palestine. When Jo-sephus arrived at Rome, he found numerous accounts of thewar in circulation. Some of these narratives were by per-sons who had but limited means of learning the truth. Oth-ers were the production of men who wrote in a spirit ofbitter prejudice. Even among those who had some portion ofthe ability and in formation necessary to such an undertak-ing, none, perhaps, could be found so thoroughly well pre-pared for the undertaking as Josephus. Greatly to the bene-fit of posterity, therefore, he employed his first days ofrepose in the preparation of his work for a more extendedcirculation. The Greek language was, at that time under-stood by most persons of even an ordinary degree of intel-

ligence. It was read and spoken commonly among a large por-tion of his own people. The Septuagint translation of theBible had rendered it venerable in their eyes, and musthave obliged the priestly order, to which Josephus be-longed, to cultivate it with more than ordinary diligence.In this popular and elegant language, therefore, he putforth his work, and the admiration with which it was re-ceived confirmed, at once, the opinion of his genius andmerit entertained by the greatest men of his time. Hisqualifications were the better estimated from the candourwhich circumstances, as well as nature, taught him to cul-tivate. Faithful to the duties of patriotism, he was yetsufficiently awake to the vices, to the folly and obsti-nacy, of his countrymen. This enabled him to view and speakof things with a liberal mind. He manifested a tender re-gret for the fall of his nation, well calculated to con-ciliate the affections of the people whose sufferings heshared; but he had too much gratitude not to refrain fromviolating the dignity of those by whom they had been con-quered, for he was in the daily habit of experiencing theirbounty and their tolerance. The real defects of his work,moreover, were not such as could be readily detected bypopular readers. They consisted chiefly of errors in theearly part of the narrative, and were confined to a periodof Jewish history, the interest of which would be greatlydiminished by the awful grandeur of that which describedthe fall of the commonwealth. p. v, Para. 4, [1].

The second great work of Josephus occupies the first placein the modern editions of his writings, but was not com-posed till about eighteen years after the History of theJewish Wars. This interesting production of his maturedmind was undertaken with the desire of giving to the worlda narrative which might remove the prejudices entertainedagainst his nation. He was evidently ambitious of imitatingthe celebrate classical historians, and of relating theevents, so dear to the memory of his people, in a stylewhich might render the subject acceptable to the learnedand accomplished of all nations. This feeling was natural,and in many respects laudable. But it exposed him to dan-gers peculiar to the matters of which he had to treat.There was one grand and authoritative source of informa-tion. It bore the seal of Divine inspiration, and had beenreceived, from generation to generation, as the sublime re-cord of God's dealings with his people. To this primaryfountain of information an honest historian must necessar-ily have turned with profound reverence. From this he must

have felt it his duty to draw the most important parts ofhis narrative; nor could he regard it as allowable, weshould have supposed, to place any other source of intelli-gence in competition with one so superior to the ordinaryfoundations of historical truth. p. vi, Para. 1, [1].

But Josephus had designed his work for the use of Gentilereaders. He was anxious to inspire them with respect for afaith hitherto despised. In order to effect this, he deemedit necessary to modify certain parts of his narrative, lestthe naked facts might strengthen, rather than allay, theprejudices which it was his object to overcome. Such, atleast, is one of the supposed reasons of those discrepan-cies which exist between the history of Josephus and thatof Scripture. That he was justified in even the minutestdeparture from the plain statements of the Bible, few be-lievers in revelation would venture to assert. But he hashad many apologist; and it has been suggested that, in histime, there were other sacred books existing, besides thosereceived into the canon of Scripture, and which, though notof equal authority, were not withstanding held in greatreverence by the Jewish people. It is also observed, thatthe Rabbinical traditions were regarded, at this period, asof indisputable weight; and, still further, that it is notknown whether he took as his authority the original text ofthe Hebrew Bible, or a version, or paraphrase.* p. vi,Para. 2, [1].

[* De ipso Josepho non est praetereundem quod ex sacrisHebraeorum litteris suas translaturum se est pollicitus,neque subtrahendo quicquam, neque addendo, id eum pari fidenon praestitisse. Eodem consilio, quo Persis nuper Hierony-mus Xaverius, Jesuita, interpolatam a se evangelicam dedithistoriam, etiam Graecis ille rerum in V. Testamentogestarum transmisit memoriam. Nonnulla, quae erant in Can-none, supprimens, alia (ut quum Salomoni verba gratia proXL. regni anni) LXXX. tribuit, et in numero talentorum ar-genti,ad templi usum a Davide relicto, 1 Chron. xxii, 14,centum millia pro mille millibus substituit. Minuitans,atque de Scriptis Apocryphis non pauca adjiciens, uti inejus de Moyse trienni, de eodem juvene cum AETHIOPIBUS bel-lum gerente, de Tharbi, reghis AETHIOPUM filia, connubiumejus expetente, it aliis ejusdem farinae narrationibus li-cet perspicere. Jacobus Usserius, in Epis. ad Lud. Capel-lum, p.42.] p. vi, Para. 3, [1].

These suggestions are worthy of attention, but they do not

completely exonerate the historian from the charge of hav-ing either weakly yielded too much to the desire of con-ciliating his readers, or made a bad estimate of the valueof the materials before him. It has been thought by somethat he might frequently write from mere memory. This couldonly be excused on the supposition that he could not, attimes, get access to the necessary documents, a notionwhich seems plainly contradicted by the fact, that he wasthe keeper of the sacred books, the possession of whichmust have enabled him readily to correct any error admittedinto the first impression of his work. p. vii, Para. 1,[1].

It would be difficult, indeed, to advance an argument suf-ficiently strong to clear him from the charge of not havinggiven that constant attention to the simple narrative ofthe Bible, which might have prevented those discrepancies,and therefore errors, to be found in his Antiquities. Butwhile it must be acknowledged that his apologists havescarcely succeeded in their plea, it is almost equallyclear that he has been criticised by others with to greatstrictness and asperity. "Baronius," says Casaubon, "neveromits any opportunity of abusing Josephus. But if all hiserrors, I do not speak of those in which he departs fromScripture, and for which he cannot be excused, were put to-gether, they would scarcely amount to a hundredth part ofthose admitted by Eusebius alone, either into his Chroni-cle, or other portions of his works." * Whatever construc-tion, however, may be put upon the fact, that the unin-spired writer is wanting in a close adherence to the Biblenarrative, there is this valuable lesson to be drawn fromsuch discrepancies, Scripture remains alone, in its sepa-rate and sublime authority. Apart from, and infinitely ex-alted above, all other sources of information, the verypride and imperfections of those who would imitate or rivalit, serve but the more to prove its Divine excellence. Butfor the variations in Josephus, he might imperceptibly havebeen set up as equal to writers chosen by God to describehis ways and doings. The Antiquities would have become asubstitute for the Bible; and some men would probably haverejoiced to exchange the plain and succinct account, theexquisite beauty of which is only completely visible tospiritual understandings, for the classical and brightly-coloured style of the mere historian. It is, perhaps, inthe simple circumstance, that he aimed only at being anhistorian, that he sought to imitate models framed in aspirit, and fitted for materials, wholly different to those

peculiar to his subject, that we may most readily find thecause of the errors with which his work may be fairlycharged. He paraphrased and adorned the general statementof facts, not with the desire of falsifying, but by yield-ing to his literary tastes, and to those of the people forwhom he wrote. The temptation under which a writer labours,when detailing sublime and mysterious occurrences, andwhich, though convinced of their truth himself, he trembleslest others may doubt is of no ordinary kind. He fears lestthe mode of his relating the facts should be wanting inearnestness and dignity. They have appeared to him brightand noble under the shining light of his own imagination;and he easily yields to the flattering suggestion, that byits use he may make the record, in this its somewhat modi-fied structure, more acceptable than it was likely to be inits simpler form. p. vii, Para. 2, [1].

[* Fabricii Bibliotheca Graeca, Art. Jos.] p. vii, Para.3, [1].

So far was Josephus from being regarded by ancient Chris-tian writers as a wilful offender against the veracity ofhistory, that he is commonly honoured in their treatiseswith the name of Philalethes, or, the lover of truth. *That he was not ignorant of the importance of fidelity, asthe first characteristic of a good historian, is evidentfrom his own remarks. Speaking, in his life, of one who hadviolated the truth, he says, "I have a mind to say a fewthings to Justus, who hath himself written a history con-cerning these affairs; as also to others who profess towrite history, but have little regard to truth, and are notafraid, either out of ill-will or good-will to some per-sons, to relate falsehoods. These men do like those whocompose forged deeds and conveyances, and because they arenot brought to the like punishment with them, care not forthe truth." At the conclusion of the eleventh chapter ofthe tenth book of the Antiquities, he says, "Now as to my-self, I have so described these matters as I have foundthem and read them. But if any one is inclined to anotheropinion about them, let him enjoy his different sentimentswithout any blame from me." But the personal character of awriter must not be passed over in the estimate taken of thehonesty of his narrative. In this respect Josephus mayclaim honourable attention. The predominant sentiment ofhis writings is veneration for God and his providence, nordoes he omit any opportunity of showing the value of integ-rity, or the supreme beauty of holiness. His faults may,

therefore, fairly be ascribed to somewhat of timidity onthe one side, and of literary vanity on the other. Most ofthe errors with which he has been charged are clearly ref-erable to these sources. Of the others, which cannot be soaccounted for, there are some that appear to have origi-nated in the different opinions which prevailed among theJews of his time, and threw no small obscurity over por-tions of the Scripture narrative; while the remainder,whether omissions or statements plainly opposed to the in-spired history, must be left without conjecture, and arebetter disposed of by the acknowledgment that such discrep-ancies cannot be accounted for, unless by suppositionswhich involve us in new difficulties. p. viii, Para. 1,[1].

[* Fabricii Bibliotheca Graeca, Art. Jos. Eusebius, theecclesiastical historian, speaks of him as worthy of allcredit, lib. iii. C. 9. Sozomen names him as equally cele-brated among the Romans and the Jews, Hist. Eccles. Lib. i.c. l. And Evagrius speaks of his history as copious, andhighly valuable, lib. v. c. 24] p. viii, Para. 2, [1].

It is somewhat curious that the two severest critics ofJosephus should be the Romanist historian Baronius, and thesceptic Bayle; the one little attentive to the rules ofhistorical evidence, and readily admitting into his workwhatever the flood of common tradition cast up; the otheranxious only to discover differences in the language ofthose who acknowledged the divinity of revelation, that hemight, by attacking them separately, destroy the treasureequally dear to both. The latter, in a pretended fit ofzeal, observes, "I have been long indignant against Jo-sephus, and those who spare him on this subject. A man whomade open profession of Judaism, the law of which wasfounded on the divinity of Scripture, dares to recountthings otherwise than he read of them in the book of Gene-sis. He changes, he adds, he suppresses circumstances; in awork, he puts himself in opposition to Moses in such a man-ner that one of them must be a false historian." Thisstatement involves a gross injustice, and is as illogicalas it is unjust. Two writers may assuredly disagree in somepoints, without exposing themselves to the sweeping chargeof falsehood as their general character. If disagreement ina few instances should oblige us to consider, that of thewriters so differing only one can be worthy of credit, andthat, consequently, the rest ought to be regarded as unde-serving of any attention, the number of historical refer-

ences would soon be diminished to such a degree, that thenext step would be the annihilation of history altogether.The fact is, that wherever human inquiry begins, human er-ror will be introduced, in greater or less proportions.There will, accordingly, be discrepancies in the statementof witnesses; but, except in the points where they pre-cisely differ, they may be in such general harmony, thateach may strengthen the cause of each, and neither the onenor the other notwithstanding their occasional contradic-tions, merit the charge of injustice or dishonesty. A veryslight comparison of the most esteemed historians will af-ford ample illustrations of this fact. The experience gath-ered in the collection of evidence of any kind tends to thesame purpose, and plainly shows that several witnesses to anarrative may differ in many minor points, yet be highlydeserving of credit as to the main and more importantfacts. p. viii, Para. 3, [1].

Such are the two great historical works of Josephus. Theyare followed by his celebrated treatise on the Antiquitiesof the Jews, a production not less admired than his formervolumes for elegance of style and copiousness of learning.* Jerome speaks of it with astonishment, and declares him-self unable to tell how a Jew, confined as the learned ofhis nation were to the study of their own books, shouldhave become so extensively acquainted with Grecian litera-ture. The object of the work was to defend the Jews againstthe scorn of Gentile Philosophers and infidels. Apion, andothers, had attempted to throw ridicule on their high pre-tensions to antiquity. Their history, it was said, occupiedno place in the records of those great writers to whom theworld looked for information. It was almost unknown: whilethat of the Egyptians, Carthaginians, Greeks, and others,filled the volumes of authors read and admired in everycorner of the earth. Josephus produced facts, as well asarguments, in confutation of this species of attack. Thenations, he contended, to whose writers the appeal had beenmade against his own, were indebted for all their learningto those more ancient countries with which the Jews hadearly intercourse. They were known, moreover, to have beensingularly inattentive to the careful chronicling ofevents. This is abundantly proved by the contrary, in re-gard to the Jews, there were but twenty-two books acknowl-edged by the nation, and these had the seal of remote an-tiquity, and the authority of works written by men in highpublic offices, and endowed with the richest gifts of Di-vine wisdom. The whole argument is worked out in a masterly

and lucid style; nor could even the modern reader find amore powerful statement in favour of the authenticity ofthe ancient Scriptures, or of the great truths of Jewishhistory. p. ix, Para. 1, [1].

[* Eusebius speaks of this work as worthy of great esteem,and as containing answers to the calumnies of Apion, thegrammarian, and others who had endeavoured to cast doubtsupon the origin of the Jews. Eccles. Hist. lib. iii. c. 9.]In the second part of the treatise, the writer enters uponthe task of answering those more general accusationsagainst the Jews, which contributed so greatly to renderthem objects of hatred among the proud and ignorant Gen-tiles. Their laws and customs, the ordinary conduct oftheir affairs, the most conspicuous features of their per-sonal character, had all afforded topics of insulting com-ment. Josephus answers his assailants with a keen and com-prehensive view of the odious follies of which they werethemselves guilty, and then shows that the customs whichhad provoked their scorn rested upon principles which mer-ited the most profound respect. p. ix, Para. 2, [1].

The writings of which we have given this brief accountmust have exercised, in ancient times, no slight degree ofinfluence on the minds of inquiring men. This is suffi-ciently evidenced by the high position which their authorcontinued to hold, for many years, in the court of the mostaccomplished of Roman emperors. * The style again in whichhe writes shows not only his confidence in the importanceof the subjects handled, but his expectation of the mostprofitable results from his labours. Rome, at the periodwhen he wrote, was filled with men deeply engaged in relig-ious speculation. The spirit of the ancient times, when waronly furnished employment for active minds, was rapidly de-parting, or submitting itself to the influence of a changedestined to present every principle of society under a newform. Superstition and philosophy had joined hands. Hostsof theories, of creeds, and rites, from the farthest cor-ners of the earth, had begun to establish themselves in themidst of cities and provinces celebrated for their refine-ment. It was no longer beneath the dignity of the sternestman to inquire, if not openly, yet secretly, into the pre-tensions of these novel systems, and to try whether theymight not present some hitherto neglected means of wardingoff approaching ills. p. x, Para. 1, [1].

[ * He was, says Sozomen, as highly honoured, by the Ro-

mans as the Jews. Hist. Eccles. lib. i. c. i.] p. x, Para.2, [1].

In such a state of the public mind, the common rumoursafloat respecting the religion of the Jews could scarcelyfail to attract attention. However despised the people, anddespised especially they were at this period, so ancient afaith, and one the fundamental doctrine of which was in ac-cordance with the most approved philosophers, must stillhave claimed at least a share of the awakened curiosity.But as yet no work existed from which information might begained as to the real origin and institutions of this re-markable nation. The notions commonly entertained respect-ing them were derived from sources utterly undeserving ofcredit. Some portions of the Scriptures had been broughtbefore the notice of a few diligent students; but they werealtogether a sealed volume to the great mass of those whomight notwithstanding, have a very sincere desire to becomeacquainted with Jewish antiquities. There were, moreover,floating traditions which had no small weight with the massof the people, and the origin of which could easily betraced to Palestine, and the mysterious oracles of its in-habitants. This would furnish still stronger motives forinquiry into their real doctrines and history. That amighty Deliverer, a lofty Renovator of the human race, wasto arise out of the East, had long been a well-known reportamong heathen nations. The boastful claims of the Jews,whose devotion and patriotism would never allow them tokeep silence on this point; the increasing importance ofthe Christians, speaking a similar language, and referringtheir own hopes and triumphs to a Leader sprung from thisrace; would yet further increase the curiosity of mankindrespecting the Jews, and render the want of some work ofauthority every day more perceptibly understood. p. x,Para. 3, [1].

Josephus had thus an open field for literary exertion.There was scarcely a subject in that age better calculatedto excite attention, or reward the writer for his labour.It is not, therefore, as an obscure author, known only tohis own people, and owing his limited success to the acci-dental interest taken in his work by Christians, that Jo-sephus is to be viewed; but as a writer highly esteemed andpopular in his age through a vast portion of the civilizedworld, and most probably, therefore, exercising consider-able influence on religious opinion. It is almost impossi-ble for us in these days to estimate the value or assign

the rank of such a writer in times and countries like thosein which he lived. Our Bibles make us intimate from child-hood with the sublimest passages of ancient lore, with themost wonderful manifestations of Divine power and grace. Webecome familiar with the possession of this wealth, and canscarcely persuade ourselves to think of periods when thesmallest portion of such spiritual treasures would havebeen viewed as a benefaction of marvellous worth. The in-formation supplied by Josephus is now, as far as his Antiq-uities are concerned, already given to the most unlearnedfrom the first and purest source of sacred erudition; butwhen no such means of instruction were open, and men hadbeen left for ages in the dark perplexities of heathen fa-ble, the publication of a work like his on the origin ofthe only religious system that could secure the admirationof thoughtful men, must have tended materially to stimu-late, while it in part satisfied, the new desire of intel-ligence. p. xi, Para. 1, [1].

The tone in which such of the early Christian writers asspeak of Josephus allude to his works, afford fair reasonto conjecture that their circulation had been found usefulto the general cause of religion. It must indeed have beendifficult for a Gentile reader, of an active and honestmind, to have studied his pages, and not felt disposed toinquire for the sequel of the history. The Jew had his fa-tal prejudices to combat, his present, literal, earthly pa-triotism, pointing to the soil where his beloved citylately stood, and bounding even the farthest future withvisions of its recovered glory. The Gentile, on the otherhand, as he read Josephus, was free to inquire, whether thesublime plans of Jehovah might not contemplate an end com-mensurate with the happiness of universal man. His igno-rance of conventional interpretations was an advantage tohim; and learning from the uninspired historian the simplefacts connected with the mightiest dispensations of Provi-dence, he had new motives for searching the original rec-ords, and for employing his best efforts in securing tohimself a name among the people of God. p. xi, Para. 2,[1].

But the writings of Josephus have not lost their use, not-withstanding the vast advantages now enjoyed in the generalcirculation of the Bible. They may still be read withprofit by the careful inquirer. Little need be said re-specting that portion which refers to the period subsequentto the destruction of Jerusalem. In regard to this, it is

evidently of great importance to possess the account givenby a contemporary and credible witness. The knowledge ofwhat took place in an age succeeding that in the events ofwhich we are more particularly interested, is often power-fully illustrative of the earlier epoch. Thus what Josephustells us in the narrative of the Wars throws no small de-gree of light upon the character of his countrymen, notonly of the period when he wrote, but of that also whenevery mode of thought, every custom and passion, derivedunspeakable importance from its connexions, near or remote,with the awful complication of influences that brought theRedeemer to the cross. The mind of the people is exhibitedin many parts of the history with a terrible distinctnessof delineation. Its most striking features at that timewere evidently not impressed by any sudden convulsion. Thelines which an age of suffering and remorse had more deeplyfurrowed had been traced long before by struggles of heartand spirit, by pride and fear, by mysterious hopes and ap-prehensions, the fruit of those inwardly understood warn-ings which, finally despised, left them to unutterable mis-ery. p. xii, Para. 1, [1].

The account which Josephus gives of the Jewish wars has,therefore, a manifest use beyond that of merely satisfyingour curiosity as to facts. It opens the path to inquiriesclosely connected with the history of our religion, andbrings to light many of the secret causes which operatedmost powerfully to the degradation and ruin of God's an-cient people. p. xii, Para. 2, [1].

Nor has time diminished the interest attached to otherparts of this author's writings. "The Antiquities," thoughof little value as history, when compared with the authori-tative accounts of Scripture, is a work eminently calcu-lated to assist an inquiring mind in the general investiga-tion of ancient mysteries. Traditional evidence, tradi-tional interpretations, and the new facts which may be sup-plied from the full storehouses of national memory, willnever be despised by those who know how often an obscurepoint is cleared up when it is discovered what were theruling sentiments of the period when the narrative waswritten. While, therefore, it is utterly subversive of theauthority of the Bible to place tradition upon the samelevel, nor less inconsistent with sound reason to modifyplain declarations, clearly stated doctrines, according tothe uncertain temper of human wisdom, it is surely unwiseto reject those helps for the confirmation or illustration

of sacred history which are known to be profitably used inthe study of records of every other species. Hence thevalue of Josephus. He was intimately acquainted with what-ever had been taught by the learned of his nation. He hadbeen familiarized in childhood to its superstitions. Thespirit of popular Judaism was the chief instructor of hislater years; and as a man of education, he knew wellthrough what revolutions and by what various trials hiscountrymen had been proved, instructed, and warned of God.Though from his pages, therefore, it is not often that wecan add to our stock of positive knowledge, we may in manycases trace by their help the progress of error, discoverits origin, and estimate the relative force of those de-plorable corruptions whereby it became at last so indis-solubly bound up with the national constitution. p. xii,Para. 3, [1].

However cautiously, moreover, we receive information fromsources not of the highest authority, where our doing somay modify our notions in respect to the surer communica-tions, it would be unreasonable to reject the knowledgewhich, not coming within the intention of a divine witnessto render, may have been fairly the subject of interest toa human observer. It is evident that there must have beennumberless very curious circumstances perpetually occurringin the period alluded to, but which were not essential tothe completeness of that succinct narrative of God's pro-ceedings which the Bible gives. From these the uninspiredhistorian might readily gather an abundant store of remark-able incidents, and such as would confer no slight value onhis work in those distant ages when it would be impossibleto recover, through other means, any fragment of the past.p. xiii, Para. 1, [1].

We cannot now tell whether Josephus employed to the bestpurpose the advantages which his position afforded. It isfair to presume that his good sense and ability led him tosuch an examination of evidence as prevented the introduc-tion of any thing into his narrative which had not the bestsupport that tradition could bestow. If in any case, there-fore, we can consult an ancient historian with respect andconfidence, Josephus will be read as a valuable guide to amost important branch of knowledge. Separating him from theinspired writers by that impassable barrier which a truereverence for Scripture will infallibly create, we may yetrefresh ourselves with his vivid descriptions, his ofteneloquent harangues, and his not unfrequent detail of af-

fecting incidents, which almost make us feel and hear thestrong pulsations of Israel's proud and breaking heart. p.xiii, Para. 2, [1].

The Memoir of this eminent writer, as given by himself,leaves us nothing to desire in respect to his biography,but some authentic account of his latter days. There isonly a very vague tradition that he died in the reign ofDomitian, and shared the fate of his beloved friend and pa-tron Epaphroditus. But of Epaphroditus himself too littleis known to give any certainty to this report. It is possi-ble, therefore, that Josephus was allowed to spend theclose of his life in some safe retreat, and in the enjoy-ment of that ample provision for his wants supplied him bythe liberality of his earlier patrons. p. xiii, Para. 3,[1].

Josephus, we have already seen, was esteemed in the firstages of Christianity as an author deserving a high degreeof respect for research and integrity. Pious and learnedmen of later ages have continued to view him in the samelight. The care bestowed upon numerous editions of hisworks in the original Greek proves that they have beendeemed worthy of the attention of the most erudite of mod-ern scholars. Some passages in his writings have engagedthe attention of several acute critics, especially that inwhich he distinctly refers to the actions and character ofJesus Christ. The controversy thence excited is one of morethan ordinary interest, but, like many others of a similarcharacter, it is so intimately connected with questions ofhistory and opinion, that few persons are competent to forma judgment of the relative worth of the arguments employed.p. xiv, Para. 1, [1].

The works of Josephus were early translated into English.Thomas Lodge, who combined in himself the several charac-ters of poet and physician, was the first who attempted thetask. His version was published about the year 1602, andanother in the year 1609 and 1620. He died of the plague in1625, and appears to have enjoyed among his contemporariessome reputation both for talent and learning. His transla-tion, however, did not, it appears, satisfy the next gen-eration, as at the beginning of the following century SirRoger L'estrange, a name better known by it connexion withthat of Seneca, published a new translation, which obtainedsufficient favour to secure the circulation of five edi-tions in less than forty years. The first of these was pub-

lished at Oxford in 1700, and the second at London in 1702.The last edition of this version appeared in 1733; but wasfollowed in the space of four years by the first edition ofWhiston's translation, a work which speedily set aside theformer versions, and obtained for its author not only theapprobation of mere general readers, but the praise of thelearned as well on the continent as in England. * p. xiv,Para. 2, [1].

[* Nihilo tamen minus ea Whistono laus debetur, inter om-nes fere omnium hentium Josephi interpretes nullum tantaingenii et judicii acie, tantoque studio in vertendis hujusscriptoris operibus versatum esse. Fabricii BibliothecaGraeca, T. V. lib. iv. c. 8, p. 47.] p. xiv, Para. 3, [1].

That this translation is free from errors, or the bestwhich could be made, few competent judges will venture toaffirm. But it would be an equal violation of fair criti-cism to deny that it has great merits, or that it is equal,on the whole, to any of the translations from ancientauthors which are most popular among us. It has been wellobserved by an elegant and acute scholar, that, whatevermaybe the faults of Whiston, he has in most cases caughtthe tone and feeling of his author, and that the want ofthis merit would be but badly atoned for by a much superiordegree of grace and smoothness. p. xiv, Para. 4, [1].

Readily allowing, however, that an improvement might bemade in some parts of Whiston's translation, he richly de-serves the gratitude of the English reader for having puthim in possession of an author so valuable as Josephus, andwith so little loss as to the more important objects ofsuch a writer. Through his version Josephus has been madefamiliar to tens of thousands, who would otherwise have re-mained ignorant of some of the most awful and edifying por-tions of Jewish history. The fulfilment of our Lord'sprophecy respecting Jerusalem, and of earlier predictionssetting forth the lamentable events which would attend thefinal apostacy of Israel, is portrayed in the pages of Jo-sephus with terrible exactness. We may, perhaps, withoutpresumption ascribe the existence of his works to DivineProvidence; for there are few persons who have read hisnarrative that have not felt themselves more deeply im-pressed than ever with the solemn truths of Scripture, andthe tremendous certainty of the Divine judgments. p. xiv,Para. 5, [1].

THE LIFE of FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. p. 1, Para. 1, [1].

1. THE family from which I am derived is not an ignobleone, but hath descended all along from the priests; and asnobility among several people is of a different origin, sowith us to be of the sacerdotal dignity, is an indicationof the splendor of a family. Now, I am not only sprung froma sacerdotal family in general, but from the first of thetwenty-four * courses; and as among us there is not only aconsiderable difference between one family of each courseand another, I am of the chief family of that first coursealso; nay, further, by my mother I am of the royal blood;for the children of Asamoneus, from whom that family wasderived, had both the office of the high priesthood, andthe dignity of a king, for a long time together. I will ac-cordingly set down my progenitors in order. My grandfa-ther's father was named Simon, with the addition of Psel-lus: he lived at the same time with that son of Simon thehigh priest, who first of all the high priests was namedHyrcanus. This Simon Psellus had nine sons, one of whom wasMatthias, called Ephlias: he married the daughter of Jona-than the high priest, which Jonathan was the first of thesons of Asamoneus, who was high priest, and was the brotherof Simon the high priest also. This Matthias had a soncalled Matthias Curtus, and that in the first year of thegovernment of Hyrcanus: his son's name was Joseph, born inthe ninth year of the reign of Alexandra: his son Matthiaswas born in the tenth year of the reign of Archclaus; aswas I born to Matthias in the first year of the reign ofCaius Caesar. I have three sons: Hyrcanus, the eldest, wasborn in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, as wasJustus born in the seventh, and Agrippa in the ninth. Thushave I set down the genealogy of my family as I have foundit described ** in the public records, and so bid adieu tothose who calumniate me [as of a lower original]. p. 1,Para. 2, [1].

[* We may hence correct the error of the Latin copy of thesecond book Against Apion, sect. 8, (for the Greek is therelost,) which says, there were then only four tribes orcourses of the priests, instead of twenty-four. Nor is thistestimony to be disregarded, as if Josephus there contra-dicted what he had affirmed here; because even the accountthere given better agrees to twenty-four than to fourcourses, while he says that each of those courses containedabove 5000 men, which, multiplied by only four, will makenot more than 20,000 priests; whereas the number 120,000,

as multiplied by 24, seems much the most probable, they be-ing about one-tenth of the whole people, even after thecaptivity. See Ezra 2:36-39; Nehemiah 7:39-42; 1 Esdras5:24, 25, with Ezra 2:64; Nehemiah 7:66; 1 Esdras 5:41. Norwill this common reading or notion of but four courses ofpriests, agree with Josephus's own further assertion else-where, Antiq. B. VII. ch. 14. sect. 7, that David's parti-tion of the priests into twenty-four courses had continuedto that day.] p. 1, Para. 3, [1].

[** An eminent example of the care of the Jews about theirgenealogies, especially as to the priests. See Against Ap.B. 1 sect. 7.] p. 1, Para. 4, [1].

2. Now, my father Matthias was not only eminent on accountof his nobility, but had a higher commendation on accountof his righteousness, and was in great reputation in Jeru-salem, the greatest city we have. I was myself brought upwith my brother, whose name was Matthias, for he was my ownbrother, by both father and mother; and I made mighty pro-ficiency in the improvements of my learning, and appearedto have both a great memory and understanding. Moreover,when I was a child, and about fourteen years of age, I wascommended by all for the love I had to learning; on whichaccount the high priests and principal men of the city camethen frequently to me together, in order to know my opinionabout the accurate understanding of points of the law. Andwhen I was about sixteen years old, I had a mind to maketrial of the several sects that were among us. These sectsare three: - The first is that of the Pharisees, the secondthat Sadducees, and the third that of the Essens, as wehave frequently told you; for I thought that by this meansI might choose the best, if I were once acquainted withthem all; so I contented myself with hard fare, and under-went great difficulties, and went through them all. Nor didI content myself with these trials only; but when I was in-formed that one, whose name was Banus, lived in the desert,and used no other clothing than grew upon trees, and had noother food than what grew of its own accord, and bathedhimself in cold water frequently, both by night and by day,in order to preserve his chastity, I imitated him in thosethings, and continued with him three years. * So when I hadaccomplished my desires, I returned back to the city, beingnow nineteen years old, and began to conduct myself accord-ing to the rules of the sect of the Pharisees, which is ofkin to the sect of the Stoics, as the Greeks call them. p.1, Para. 5, [1].

[* When Josephus here says, that from sixteen to nineteen,or for three years, he made trial of the three Jewishsects, the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essens, andyet says presently, in all our copies, that he stayed be-sides with one particular ascetic, called Banus, with him,and this still before he was nineteen, there is little roomleft for his trial of the three other sects. I suppose,therefore, that for, with him, the old reading might be,with them; which is a very small emendation, and takes awaythe difficulty before us. Nor is Dr. Hudson's conjecture,hinted at by Mr. Hall in his preface to the Doctor's edi-tion of Josephus, at all improbable, that this Banus, bythis his description, might well be a follower of John theBaptist, and that from him Josephus might easily imbibesuch notions, as afterwards prepared him to have a favour-able opinion of Jesus Christ himself, who was attested toby John the Baptist.] p. 1, Para. 6, [1].

3. But when I was in the twenty-sixth year of my age, ithappened that I took a voyage to Rome, and this on the oc-casion which I shall now describe. At the time when Felixwas procurator of Judea there were certain priests of myacquaintance, and very excellent persons they were, whom ona small and trifling occasion he had put into bonds, andsent to Rome to plead their cause before Caesar. These Iwas desirous to procure deliverance for, and that espe-cially because I was informed that they were not unmindfulof piety towards God, even under their afflictions, butsupported themselves with figs and nuts. * Accordingly Icame to Rome, though it were through a great number of haz-ards by sea; for as our ship was drowned in the AdriaticSea, we that were in it, being about six hundred in number,** swam for our lives all the night; when, upon the firstappearance of the day, and upon our sight of a ship of Cy-rene, I and some others, eighty in all, by God's provi-dence, prevented the rest, and were taken up into the othership. And when I had thus escaped, and was come toDicearchia, which the Italians call Puteoli, I became ac-quainted with Aliturius, an actor of plays, and much be-loved by Nero, but a Jew by birth; and through his interestbecame known to Poppea, Caesar's wife, and took care, assoon as possible, to entreat her to procure that thepriests might be set at liberty. And when, besides this fa-vour, I had obtained many presents from Poppea, I returnedhome again. p. 2, Para. 1, [1].

[* We may note here, that religious men among the Jews, orat least those that were priests, were sometimes asceticsalso, and, like Daniel and his companions in Babylon, Dan-iel 1:8-16, ate no flesh, but figs and nuts, etc. only.This was like the, or austere diet of the Christian ascet-ics in Passion-week. Constitut. V. 18.] p. 2, Para. 2,[1].

[** It has been thought the number of Paul and his compan-ions on ship-board, Acts 27:38, which are 276 in our cop-ies, are too many; whereas we find here, that Josephus andhis companions, a very few years after the other, wereabout 600.] p. 2, Para. 3, [1].

4. And now I perceived innovations were already begun, andthat there were a great many very much elevated in hopes ofa revolt from the Romans. I therefore endeavoured to put astop to these tumultuous persons, and persuaded them tochange their minds; and laid before their eyes against whomit was that they were going to fight, and told them thatthey were inferior to the Romans not only in martial skill,but also in good fortune; and desired them not rashly, andafter the most foolish manner, to bring on the dangers ofthe most terrible mischiefs upon their country, upon theirfamilies, and upon themselves. And this I said with vehe-ment exhortation, because I foresaw that the end of such awar would be most unfortunate to us. But I could not per-suade them; for the madness of desperate men was quite toohard for me. p. 2, Para. 4, [1].

5. I was then afraid, lest, by inculcating these things sooften, I should incur their hatred and their suspicions, asif I were of our enemies' party, and should run into thedanger of being seized by them, and slain; since they werealready possessed of Antonia, which was the citadel; so Iretired into the inner court of the temple. Yet did I goout of the temple again, after Manahem and the principal ofthe band of robbers were put to death, when I abode amongthe high priests and the chief of the Pharisees. But nosmall fear seized upon us when we saw the people in arms,while we ourselves knew not what we should do, and were notable to restrain the seditious. However, as the danger wasdirectly upon us, we pretended that we were of the sameopinion with them, but only advised them to be quiet forthe present, and to let the enemy go away, still hopingthat Gessius [Florus] would not be long ere he came, andthat with great forces, and so put an end to these sedi-

tious proceedings. p. 2, Para. 5, [1].

6. But, upon his coming and fighting, he was beaten, and agreat many of those that were with him fell. And this dis-grace which Gessius [with Cestius] received, became the ca-lamity of our whole nation; for those that were fond of thewar were so far elevated with this success, that they hadhopes of finally conquering the Romans. Of which war an-other occasion was ministered; which was this: - Those thatdwelt in the neighboring cities of Syria seized upon suchJews as dwelt among them, with their wives and children,and slew them, when they had not the least occasion of com-plaint against them; for they did neither attempt any inno-vation or revolt from the Romans, nor had they given anymarks of hatred or treacherous designs towards the Syrians.But what was done by the inhabitants of Scythopolis was themost impious and most highly criminal of all; * for whenthe Jews their enemies came upon them from without, theyforced the Jews that were among them to bear arms againsttheir own countrymen, which it is unlawful for us to do; **and when, by their assistance, they had joined battle withthose who attacked them, and had beaten them, after thatvictory they forgot the assurances they had given thesetheir fellow citizens and confederates, and slew them all,being in number many ten thousands ,000 . The like miserieswere undergone by those Jews that were the inhabitants ofDamascus. But we have given a more accurate account ofthese things in the books of the Jewish war. I only mentionthem now, because I would demonstrate to my readers, thatthe Jews' war with the Romans was not voluntary, but that,for the main, they were forced by necessity to enter intoit. p. 2, Para. 6, [1].

[* See Jewish War, B. II. ch. 18. sect. 3.] p. 2, Para.7, [1].

[** The Jews might collect this unlawfulness of fightingagainst their brethren from that law of Moses, Leviticus19:16, "Thou shalt not stand against the blood of thyneighbor;" and that, ver. 17, "Thou shalt not avenge, norbear any grudge against the children of thy people; butthou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself;" as well as frommany other places in the Pentateuch and Prophets. See An-tiq. B. VIII. ch. 8. sect. 3.] p. 2, Para. 8, [1].

7. So when Gessius had been beaten, as we have said al-ready, the principal men of Jerusalem, seeing that the rob-

bers and innovators had arms in great plenty, and fearinglest they, while they were unprovided of arms, should be insubjection to their enemies, which also came to be the caseafterward; and, being informed that all Galilee had not yetrevolted from the Romans, but that some part of it wasstill quiet; they sent me and two others of the priests,who were men of excellent characters, Joazar and Judas, inorder to persuade the ill men there to lay down their arms,and to teach them this lesson, - That it were better tohave those arms reserved for the most courageous men thatthe nation had [than to be kept there]; for that it hadbeen resolved, That those our best men should always havetheir arms ready against futurity; but still so, that theyshould wait to see what the Romans would do. p. 3, Para.1, [1].

8. When I had therefore received these instructions, Icame into Galilee, and found the people of Sepphoris in nosmall agony about their country, by reason that theGalileans had resolved to plunder it, on account of thefriendship they had with the Romans, and because they hadgiven their right hand, and made a league with Cestius Gal-lus, the president of Syria. But I delivered them all outof the fear they were in, and persuaded the multitude todeal kindly with them, and permitted them to send to thosethat were their own hostages with Gessius to Dora, which isa city of Phoenicia, as often as they pleased; though Istill found the inhabitants of Tiberias ready to take arms,and that on the occasion following: - p. 3, Para. 2, [1].

9. There were three factions in this city. The first wascomposed of men of worth and gravity; of these JuliusCapellus was the head. Now he, as well as all his compan-ions, Herod the son of Miarus, and Herod the son of Ga-malus, and Compsus the son of Compsus; (for as to Compsus'sbrother Crispus, who had once been governor of the city un-der the great king [Agrippa] * he was beyond Jordan in hisown possessions;) all these persons before named gave theiradvice, that the city should then continue in their alle-giance to the Romans and to the king. But Pistus, who wasguided by his son Justus, did not acquiesce in that resolu-tion; otherwise he was himself naturally of a good and vir-tuous character. But the second faction was composed of themost ignoble persons, and was determined for war. But asfor Justus, the son of Pistus, who was the head of thethird faction, although he pretended to be doubtful aboutgoing to war, yet was he really desirous of innovation, as

supposing that he should gain power to himself by thechange of affairs. He therefore came into the midst ofthem, and endeavoured to inform the multitude that "thecity Tiberius had ever been a city of Galilee, and that inthe days of Herod the tetrarch, who had built it, it hadobtained the principal place, and that he had ordered thatthe city Sepphoris should be subordinate to the city Tibe-rias; that they had not lost this preeminence even underAgrippa the father, but had retained it until Felix wasprocurator of Judea. But he told them, that now they hadbeen so unfortunate as to be made a present by Nero to Ag-rippa, junior; and that, upon Sepphoris's submission of it-self to the Romans, that was become the capital city ofGalilee, and that the royal library and the archives werenow removed from them." When he had spoken these things,and a great many more, against king Agrippa, in order toprovoke the people to a revolt, he added that "this was thetime for them to take arms, and join with the Galileans astheir confederates (whom they might command, and who wouldnow willingly assist them, out of the hatred they bare tothe people of Sepphoris; because they preserved their fi-delity to the Romans), and to gather a great number offorces, in order to punish them." And as he said this, heexhorted the multitude, [to go to war;] for his abilitieslay in making harangues to the people, and in being toohard in his speeches for such as opposed him, though theyadvised what was more to their advantage, and this by hiscraftiness and his fallacies, for he was not unskilful inthe learning of the Greeks; and in dependence on that skillit was, that he undertook to write a history of these af-fairs, as aiming, by this way of haranguing, to disguisethe truth. But as to this man, and how ill were his charac-ter and conduct of life, and how he and his brother were,in great measure, the authors of our destruction, I shallgive the reader an account in the progress of my narration.So when Justus had, by his persuasions, prevailed with thecitizens of Tiberias to take arms, nay, and had forced agreat many so to do against their wills, he went out, andset the villages that belonged to Gadara and Hippos onfire; which villages were situated on the borders of Tibe-rias, and of the region of Scythopolis. p. 3, Para. 3,[1].

[* That this Herod Agrippa, the father, was of old calleda Great King, as here, appears by his coins still remain-ing; to which Havercamp refers us.] p. 3, Para. 4, [1].

10. And this was the state Tiberias was now in. But as forGischala, its affairs were thus: - When John, the son ofLevi, saw some of the citizens much elevated upon their re-volt from the Romans, he laboured to restrain them, and en-treated them that they would keep their allegiance to them.But he could not gain his purpose, although he did his en-deavours to the utmost; for the neighboring people ofGadara, Gabara, and Sogana, wth the Tyrians, got together agreat army, and fell upon Gischala, and took Gischala byforce, and set it on fire; and when they had entirely de-molished it, they returned home. Upon which John was so en-raged, that he armed all his men, and joined battle withthe people forementioned; and rebuilt Gischala after a man-ner better than before, and fortified it with walls for itsfuture security. p. 4, Para. 1, [1].

11. But Gamala persevered in its allegiance to the Romans,for the reason following: - Philip, the son of Jacimus, whowas their governor under king Agrippa, had been unexpect-edly preserved when the royal palace at Jerusalem had beenbesieged; but, as he fled away, had fallen into anotherdanger, and that was, of being killed by Manahem, and therobbers that were with him; but certain Babylonians, whowere of his kindred, and were then in Jerusalem, hinderedthe robbers from executing their design. So Philip staidthere four days, and fled away on the fifth, having dis-guised himself with fictitious hair, that he might not bediscovered; and when he was come to one of the villages tohim belonging, but one that was situated at the borders ofthe citadel of Gamala, he sent to some of those that wereunder him, and commanded them to come to him. But God him-self hindered that his intention, and this for his own ad-vantage also; for had it not so happened, he had certainlyperished. For a fever having seized upon him immediately,he wrote to Agrippa and Bernice, and gave them to one ofhis freed-men to carry them to Varus, who at this time wasprocurator of the kingdom, which the king and his sisterhad intrusted him withal, while they were gone to Berytuswith an intention of meeting Gessius. When Varus had re-ceived these letters of Philip, and had learned that he waspreserved, he was very uneasy at it, as supposing that heshould appear useless to the king and his sister, nowPhilip was come. He therefore produced the carrier of theletters before the multitude, and accused him of forgingthe same; and said that he spake falsely when he relatedthat Philip was at Jerusalem, fighting among the Jewsagainst the Romans. So he slew him. And when this freed-man

of Philip did not return again, Philip was doubtful whatshould be the occasion of his stay, and sent a second mes-senger with letters, that he might, upon his return, informhim what had befallen the other that had been sent before,and why he tarried so long. Varus accused this messengeralso, when he came, of telling a falsehood, and slew him.For he was puffed up by the Syrians that were at Caesarea,and had great expectations; for they said that Agrippawould be slain by the Romans for the crimes which the Jewshad committed, and that he should himself take the govern-ment, as derived from their kings; for Varus was, by theconfession of all, of the royal family, as being a descen-dant of Sohemus, who had enjoyed a tetrarchy about Libanus;for which reason it was that he was puffed up, and kept theletters to himself. He contrived, also, that the kingshould not meet with those writings, by guarding all thepasses, lest any one should escape, and inform the kingwhat had been done. He moreover slew many of the Jews, inorder to gratify the Syrians of Cesarea. He had a mind alsoto join with the Trachonites in Batanea, and to take uparms and make an assault upon the Babylonian Jews that wereat Ecbatana; for that was the name they went by. He there-fore called to him twelve of the Jews of Cesarea, of thebest character, and ordered them to go to Ecbatana, and in-form their countrymen who dwelt there, That Varus hathheard that "you intend to march against the king; but, notbelieving that report, he hath sent us to persuade you tolay down your arms, and that this compliance will be a signthat he did well not to give credit to those that raisedthe report concerning you." He also enjoined them to sendseventy of their principal men to make a defense for themas to the accusation laid against them. So when the twelvemessengers came to their countrymen at Ecbatana, and foundthat they had no designs of innovation at all, they per-suaded them to send the seventy men also; who, not at allsuspecting what would come, sent them accordingly. So theseseventy * went down to Caesarea, together with the twelveambassadors; where Varus met them with the king's forces,and slew them all, together with the [twelve] ambassadors,and made an expedition against the Jews of Ecbatana. Butone there was of the seventy who escaped, and made haste toinform the Jews of their coming; upon which they took theirarms, with their wives and children, and retired to thecitadel at Gamala, leaving their own villages full of allsorts of good things, and having many ten thousands of cat-tle therein. When Philip was informed of these things, healso came to the citadel of Gamala; and when he was come,

the multitude cried aloud, and desired him to resume thegovernment, and to make an expedition against Varus, andthe Syrians of Cesarea; for it was reported that they hadslain the king. But Philip restrained their zeal, and putthem in mind of the benefits the king had bestowed uponthem; and told them how powerful the Romans were, and saidit was not for their advantage to make war with them; andat length he prevailed with them. But now, when the kingwas acquainted with Varus's design, which was to cut offthe Jews of Caesarea, being many ten thousands, with theirwives and children, and all in one day, he called to himEquiculus Modius, and sent him to be Varus's successor, aswe have elsewhere related. But still Philip kept possessionof the citadel of Gamala, and of the country adjoining toit, which thereby continued in their allegiance to the Ro-mans. p. 4, Para. 2, [1].

[* The famous Jewish numbers of twelve and seventy arehere remarkable.] p. 4, Para. 3, [1].

12. Now, as soon as I was come into Galilee, and hadlearned this state of things by the information of such astold me of them, I wrote to the sanhedrim at Jerusalemabout them, and required their direction what I should do.Their direction was, that I should continue there, andthat, if my fellow legates were willing, I should join withthem in the care of Galilee. But those my fellow legates,having gotten great riches from those tithes which aspriests were their dues, and were given to them, determinedto return to their own country. Yet when I desired them tostay so long, that we might first settle the public af-fairs, they complied with me. So I removed, together withthem, from the city of Sepphoris, and came to a certainvillage called Bethmaus, four furlongs distant from Ti-berius; and thence I sent messengers to the senate of Ti-berius, and desired that the principal men of the citywould come to me: and when they were come, Justus himselfbeing also with them, I told them that I was sent to themby the people of Jerusalem as a legate, together with theseother priests, in order to persuade them to demolish thathouse which Herod the tetrarch had built there, and whichhad the figures of living creatures in it, although ourlaws have forbidden us to make any such figures; and I de-sired that they would give us leave so to do immediately.But for a good while Capellus and the principal men belong-ing to the city would not give us leave, but were at lengthentirely overcome by us, and were induced to be of our

opinion. So Jesus the son of Sapphias, one of those whom wehave already mentioned as the leader of a seditious tumultof mariners and poor people, prevented us, and took withhim certain Galileans, and set the entire palace on fire,and thought he should get a great deal of money thereby,because he saw some of the roofs gilt with gold. They alsoplundered a great deal of the furniture, which was donewithout our approbation; for after we had discoursed withCapellus and the principal men of the city, we departedfrom Bethmaus, and went into the Upper Galilee. But Jesusand his party slew all the Greeks that were inhabitants ofTiberias, and as many others as were their enemies beforethe war began. p. 5, Para. 1, [1].

13. When I understood this state of things, I was greatlyprovoked, and went down to Tiberias, and took all the careI could of the royal furniture, to recover all that couldbe recovered from such as had plundered it. They consistedof candlesticks made of Corinthian brass, and of royal ta-bles, and of a great quantity of uncoined silver; and I re-solved to preserve whatsoever came to my hand for the king.So I sent for ten of the principal men of the senate, andfor Capellus the son of Antyllus, and committed the furni-ture to them, with this charge, That they should part withit to nobody else but to myself. From thence I and my fel-low legates went to Gichala, to John, as desirous to knowhis intentions, and soon saw that he was for innovations,and had a mind to the principality; for he desired me togive him authority to carry off that corn which belonged toCaesar, and lay in the villages of Upper Galilee; and hepretended that he would expend what it came to in buildingthe walls of his own city. But when I perceived what he en-deavoured at, and what he had in his mind, I said I wouldnot permit him so to do; for that I thought either to keepit for the Romans or for myself, now I was intrusted withthe public affairs there by the people of Jerusalem. But,when he was not able to prevail with me, he betook himselfto my fellow legates; for they had no sagacity in providingfor futurity, and were very ready to take bribes. So hecorrupted them with money to decree, That all that cornwhich was within his province should be delivered to him;while I, who was but one, was outvoted by two, and held mytongue. Then did John introduce another cunning contrivanceof his; for he said that those Jews who inhabited CesareaPhilippi, and were shut up by the order of the king's dep-uty there, had sent to him to desire him, that, since theyhad no oil that was pure for their use, he would provide a

sufficient quantity of such oil for them, lest they shouldbe forced to make use of oil that came from the Greeks, andthereby transgress their own laws. Now this was said byJohn, not out of his regard to religion, but out of hismost flagrant desire of gain; for he knew that two sextar-ies were sold with them of Caesarea for one drachma, butthat at Gischala fourscore sextaxies were sold for foursextaries. So he gave order that all the oil which wasthere should be carried away, as having my permission forso doing; which yet I did not grant him voluntarily, butonly out of fear of the multitude, since, if I had forbid-den him, I should have been stoned by them. When I hadtherefore permitted this to be done by John, he gained vastsums of money by this his knavery. p. 5, Para. 2, [1].

14. But when I had dismissed my fellow legates, and sentthem back to Jerusalem, I took care to have arms provided,and the cities fortified. And when I had sent for the mosthardy among the robbers, I saw that it was not in my powerto take their arms from them; but I persuaded the multitudeto allow them money as pay, and told them it was better forthem to give them a little willingly, rather than to [beforced to] overlook them when they plundered their goodsfrom them. And when I had obliged them to take an oath notto come into that country, unless they were invited tocome, or else when they had not their pay given them, Idismissed them, and charged them neither to make an expedi-tion against the Romans, nor against those their neighborsthat lay round about them; for my first care was to keepGalilee in peace. So I was willing to have the principal ofthe Galileans, in all seventy, as hostages for their fidel-ity, but still under the notion of friendship. Accordingly,I made them my friends and companions as I journeyed, andset them to judge causes; and with their approbation it wasthat I gave my sentences, while I endeavoured not to mis-take what justice required, and to keep my hands clear ofall bribery in those determinations. p. 6, Para. 1, [1].

15. I was now about the thirtieth year of my age; in whichtime of life it is a hard thing for any one to escape thecalumnies of the envious, although he restrain himself fromfulfilling any unlawful desires, especially where a personis in great authority. Yet did I preserve every woman freefrom injuries; and as to what presents were offered me, Idespised them, as not standing in need of them. Nor indeedwould I take those tithes, which were due to me as apriest, from those that brought them. Yet do I confess,

that I took part of the spoils of those Syrians which in-habited the cities that adjoined to us, when I had con-quered them, and that I sent them to my kindred at Jerusa-lem; although, when I twice took Sepphoris by force, andTiberias four times, and Gadara once, and when I had sub-dued and taken John, who often laid treacherous snares forme, I did not punish [with death] either him or any of thepeople forenamed, as the progress of this discourse willshow. And on this account, I suppose, it was that God, *who is never unacquainted with those that do as they oughtto do, delivered me still out of the hands of these my ene-mies, and afterwards preserved me when I fell into thosemany dangers which I shall relate hereafter. p. 6, Para.2, [1].

[* Our Josephus shows, both here and every where, that hewas a most religious person, and one that had a deep senseof God and his providence upon his mind, and ascribed allhis numerous and wonderful escapes and preservations, intimes of danger, to God's blessing him, and taking care ofhim, and this on account of his acts of piety, justice, hu-manity, and charity, to the Jews his brethren.] p. 6,Para. 3, [1].

16. Now the multitude of the Galileans had that greatkindness for me, and fidelity to me, that when their citieswere taken by force, and their wives and children carriedinto slavery, they did not so deeply lament for their owncalamities, as they were solicitous for my preservation.But when John saw this, he envied me, and wrote to me, de-siring that I would give him leave to come down, and makeuse of the hot-baths of Tiberias for the recovery of thehealth of his body. Accordingly, I did not hinder him, ashaving no suspicion of any wicked designs of his; and Iwrote to those to whom I had committed the administrationof the affairs of Tiberius by name, that they should pro-vide a lodging for John, and for such as should come withhim, and should procure him what necessaries soever heshould stand in need of. Now at this time my abode was in avillage of Galilee, which is named Cana. p. 6, Para. 4,[1].

17. But when John was come to the city of Tiberias, hepersuaded the men to revolt from their fidelity to me, andto adhere to him; and many of them gladly received that in-vitation of his, as ever fond of innovations, and by naturedisposed to changes, and delighting in seditions; but they

were chiefly Justus and his father Pistus, that were ear-nest for their revolt from me, and their adherence to John.But I came upon them, and prevented them; for a messengerhad come to me from Silas, whom I had made governor of Ti-berias, as I have said already, and had told me of the in-clinations of the people of Tiberias, and advised me tomake haste thither; for that, if I made any delay, the citywould come under another's jurisdiction. Upon the receiptof this letter of Silas, I took two hundred men along withme, and traveled all night, having sent before a messengerto let the people of Tiberias know that I was coming tothem. When I came near to the city, which was early in themorning, the multitude came out to meet me; and John camewith them, and saluted me, but in a most disturbed manner,as being afraid that my coming was to call him to an ac-count for what I was now sensible he was doing. So he, ingreat haste, went to his lodging. But when I was in theopen place of the city, having dismissed the guards I hadabout me, excepting one, and ten armed men that were withhim, I attempted to make a speech to the multitude of thepeople of Tiberias: and, standing on a certain elevatedplace, I entreated them not to be so hasty in their revolt;for that such a change in their behaviour would be to theirreproach, and that they would then justly be suspected bythose that should be their governors hereafter, as if theywere not likely to be faithful to them neither. p. 7,Para. 1, [1].

18. But before I had spoken all I designed, I heard one ofmy own domestics bidding me come down, for that it was nota proper time to take care of retaining the good-will ofthe people of Tiberias, but to provide for my own safety,and escape my enemies there; for John had chosen the mosttrusty of those armed men that were about him out of thosethousand that he had with him, and had given them orderswhen he sent them, to kill me, having learned that I wasalone, excepting some of my domestics. So those that weresent came as they were ordered, and they had executed whatthey came about, had I not leaped down from the elevation Istood on, and with one of my guards, whose name was James,been carried [out of the crowd] upon the back of one Herodof Tiberias, and guided by him down to the lake, where Iseized a ship, and got into it, and escaped my enemies un-expectedly, and came to Tarichese. p. 7, Para. 2, [1].

19. Now, as soon as the inhabitants of that city under-stood the perfidiousness of the people of Tiberias, they

were greatly provoked at them. So they snatched up theirarms, and desired me to be their leader against them; forthey said they would avenge their commander's cause uponthem. They also carried the report of what had been done tome to all the Galileans, and eagerly endeavoured to irri-tate them against the people of Tiberias, and desired thatvast numbers of them would get together, and come to them,that they might act in concert with their commander, whatshould be determined as fit to be done. Accordingly, theGalileans came to me in great numbers, from all parts, withtheir weapons, and besought me to assault Tiberias, to takeit by force, and to demolish it, till it lay even with theground, and then to make slaves of its inhabitants, withtheir wives and children. Those that were Josephus'sfriends also, and had escaped out of Tiberias, gave him thesame advice. But I did not comply with them, thinking it aterrible thing to begin a civil war among them; for Ithought that this contention ought not to proceed furtherthan words; nay, I told them that it was not for their ownadvantage to do what they would have me to do, while theRomans expected no other than that we should destroy oneanother by our mutual seditions. And by saying this, I puta stop to the anger of the Galileans. p. 7, Para. 3, [1].

20. But now John was afraid for himself, since his treach-ery had proved unsuccessful. So he took the armed men thatwere about him, and removed from Tiberias to Gischala, andwrote to me to apologize for himself concerning what hadbeen done, as if it had been done without his approbation,and desired me to have no suspicion of him to his disadvan-tage. He also added oaths and certain horrible curses uponhimself, and supposed he should be thereby believed in thepoints he wrote about to me. p. 7, Para. 4, [1].

21. But now another great number of the Galileans came to-gether again with their weapons, as knowing the man, howwicked and how sadly perjured he was, and desired me tolead them against him and promised me that they would ut-terly destroy both him and Gischala. Hereupon I professedthat I was obliged to them for their readiness to serve me,and that I would more than requite their good-will to me.However, I entreated them to restrain themselves, andbegged of them to give me leave to do what I intended,which was to put an end to these troubles without blood-shed; and when I had prevailed with the multitude of theGalileans to let me do so, I came to Sepphoris. p. 7,Para. 5, [1].

22. But the inhabitants of this city having determined tocontinue in their allegiance to the Romans, were afraid ofmy coming to them, and tried, by putting me upon anotheraction, to divert me, that they might be freed from theterror they were in. Accordingly, they sent to Jesus, thecaptain of those robbers who were in the confines ofPtolemais, and promised to give him a great deal of money,if he would come with those forces he had with him, whichwere in number eight hundred, and fight with us. Accord-ingly, he complied with what they desired, upon the prom-ises they had made him, and was desirous to fall upon uswhen we were unprepared for him, and knew nothing of hiscoming beforehand. So he sent to me, and desired that Iwould give him leave to come and salute me. When I hadgiven him that leave, which I did without the least knowl-edge of his treacherous intentions beforehand, he took hisband of robbers, and made haste to come to me. Yet did notthis his knavery succeed well at last; for as he was al-ready nearly approaching, one of those with him desertedhim, and came to me, and told me what he had undertaken todo. When I was informed of this, I went into the market-place, and pretended to know nothing of his treacherouspurpose. I took with me many Galileans that were armed, asalso some of those of Tiberias; and, when I had given or-ders that all the roads should be carefully guarded, Icharged the keepers of the gates to give admittance to nonebut Jesus, when he came, with the principal of his men, andto exclude the rest; and in case they aimed to force them-selves in, to use stripes [in order to repel them]. Accord-ingly, those that had received such a charge did as theywere bidden, and Jesus came in with a few others; and whenI had ordered him to throw down his arms immediately, andtold him, that if he refused so to do, he was a dead man,he seeing armed men standing all round about him, was ter-rified, and complied; and as for those of his followersthat were excluded, when they were informed that he wasseized, they ran away. I then called Jesus to me by him-self, and told him, that" I was not a stranger to thattreacherous design he had against me, nor was I ignorant bywhom he was sent for; that, however, I would forgive himwhat he had done already, if he would repent of it, and befaithful to me hereafter." And thus, upon his promise to doall that I desired, I let him go, and gave him leave to getthose whom he had formerly had with him together again. ButI threatened the inhabitants of Sepphoris, that, if theywould not leave off their ungrateful treatment of me, I

would punish them sufficiently. p. 8, Para. 1, [1].

23. At this time it was that two great men, who were underthe jurisdiction of the king [Agrippa] came to me out ofthe region of Trachonius, bringing their horses and theirarms, and carrying with them their money also; and when theJews would force them to be circumcised, if they would stayamong them, I would not permit them to have any force putupon them, * but said to them, "Every one ought to worshipGod according to his own inclinations, and not to be con-strained by force; and that these men, who had fled to usfor protection, ought not to be so treated as to repent oftheir coming hither." And when I had pacified the multi-tude, I provided for the men that were come to us whatso-ever it was they wanted, according to their usual way ofliving, and that in great plenty also. p. 8, Para. 2, [1].

[* Josephus's opinion is here well worth noting: - Thatevery one is to be permitted to worship God according tohis own conscience, and is not to be compelled in mattersof religion: as one may here observe, on the contrary, thatthe rest of the Jews were still for obliging all those whomarried Jewesses to be circumcised, and become Jews, andwere ready to destroy all that would not submit to do so.See sect. 31, and Luke 11:54.] p. 8, Para. 3, [1].

24. Now king Agrippa sent an army to make themselves mas-ters of the citadel of Gamala, and over it Equieulus Mo-dius; but the forces that were sent were not enow to encom-pass the citadel quite round, but lay before it in the openplaces, and besieged it. But when Ebutius the decurion, whowas intrusted with the government of the great plain, heardthat I was at Simonias, a village situated in the confinesof Galilee, and was distant from him sixty furlongs, hetook a hundred horsemen that were with him by night, and acertain number of footmen, about two hundred, and broughtthe inhabitants of the city Gibea along with him as auxil-iaries, and marched in the night, and came to the villagewhere I abode. Upon this I pitched my camp over againsthim, which had a great number of forces in it: but Ebutiustried to draw us down into the plain, as greatly dependingupon his horsemen; but we would not come down; for when Iwas satisfied of the advantage that his horse would have ifwe came down into the plain, while we were all footmen, Iresolved to join battle with the enemy where I was. NowEbutius and his party made a courageous opposition for sometime; but when he saw that his horse were useless to him in

that place, he retired back to the city Gibea, having lostthree of his men in the fight. So I followed him directywith two thousand armed men; and when I was at the cityBesara, that lay in the confines of Ptolemais, but twentyfurlongs from Gibea, where Ebutius abode, I placed my armedmen on the outside of the village, and gave orders thatthey should guard the passes with great care, that the en-emy might not disturb us until we should have carried offthe corn, a great quantity of which lay there: it belongedto Bernice the queen, and had been gathered together out ofthe neighboring villages into Besara; so I loaded my camelsand asses, a great number of which I had brought along withme, and sent the corn into Galilee. When I had done this, Ioffered Ebutius battle; but when he would not accept of theoffer, for he was terrified at our readiness and courage, Ialtered my route, and marched towards Neopolitanus, becauseI had heard that the country about Tiberias was laid wasteby him. This Neopolitanus was captain of a troop of horse,and had the custody of Scythopolis intrusted to his care bythe enemy; and when I had hindered him from doing any fur-ther mischief to Tiberias, I set myself to make provisionfor the affairs of Galilee. p. 8, Para. 4, [1].

25. But when John, the son of Levi, who, as we before toldyou, abode at Gischala, was informed how all things hadsucceeded to my mind, and that I was much in favour withthose that were under me, as also that the enemy weregreatly afraid of me, he was not pleased with it, as think-ing my prosperity tended to his ruin. So he took up a bit-ter envy and enmity against me; and hoping, that if hecould inflame those that were under me to hate me,. heshould put an end to the prosperity I was in, he tried topersuade the inhabitants of Tiberias and of Sepphoris, (andfor those of Gabara he supposed they would be also of thesame mind with the others,) which were the greatest citiesof Galilee, to revolt from their subjection to me, and tobe of his party; and told them that he would command thembetter than I did. As for the people of Sepphoris, who be-longed to neither of us, because they had chosen to be insubjection to the Romans, they did not comply with his pro-posal; and for those of Tiberias, they did not indeed sofar comply as to make a revolt from under me, but theyagreed to be his friends, while the inhabitants of Gabaradid go over to John; and it was Simon that persuaded themso to do, one who was both the principal man in the city,and a particular friend and companion of John. It is true,these did not openly own the making a revolt, because they

were in great fear of the Galileans, and had frequent expe-rience of the good-will they bore to me; yet did they pri-vately watch for a proper opportunity to lay snares for me;and indeed I thereby came into the greatest danger, on theoccasion following. p. 9, Para. 1, [1].

26. There were some bold young men of the village ofDabaritta, who observed that the wife of Ptolemy, theking's procurator, was to make a progress over the greatplain with a mighty attendance, and with some horsemen thatfollowed as a guard to them, and this out of a country thatwas subject to the king and queen, into the jurisdiction ofthe Romans; and fell upon them on a sudden, and obliged thewife of Ptolemy to fly away, and plundered all the car-riages. They also came to me to Tarichese, with four mules'loading of garments, and other furniture; and the weight ofthe silver they brought was not small, and there were fivehundred pieces of gold also. Now I had a mind to preservethese spoils for Ptolemy, who was my countryman; and it isprohibited * by our laws even to spoil our enemies; so Isaid to those that brought these spoils, that they ought tobe kept, in order to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem withthem when they came to be sold. But the young men took itvery ill that they did not receive a part of those spoilsfor themselves, as they expected to have done; so they wentamong the villages in the neighborhood of Tiberias, andtold the people that I was going to betray their country tothe Romans, and that I used deceitful language to them,when I said, that what had been thus gotten by rapineshould be kept for the rebuilding of the walls of the cityof Jerusalem; although I had resolved to restore thesespoils again to their former owner. And indeed they wereherein not mistaken as to my intentions; for when I hadgotten clear of them, I sent for two of the principal men,Dassion, and Janneus the son of Levi, persons that wereamong the chief friends of the king, and commanded them totake the furniture that had been plundered, and to send itto him; and I threatened that I would order them to be putto death by way of punishment, if they discovered this mycommand to any other person. p. 9, Para. 2, [1].

[* How Josephus could say here that the Jewish laws for-bade them to "spoil even their enemies, while yet, a littlebefore his time, our Saviour had mentioned it as then acurrent maxim with them, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor, andhate thine enemy," Matthew 5:43, is worth our inquiry. Itake it that Josephus, having been now for many years an

Ebionite Christian, had learned this interpretation of thelaw of Moses from Christ, whom he owned for the true Mes-siah, as it follows in the succeeding verses, which, thoughhe might not read in St. Matthew's Gospel, yet might hehave read much the same exposition in their own Ebionite orNazarene Gospel itself; of which improvements made by Jo-sephus, after he was become a Christian, we have alreadyhad several examples in this his life, sect. 3, 13, 15, 19,21, 23, and shall have many more therein before its conclu-sion, as well as we have them elsewhere in all his laterwritings.] p. 9, Para. 3, [1].

27. Now, when all Galilee was filled with this rumor, thattheir country was about to be betrayed by me to the Romans,and when all men were exasperated against me, and ready tobring me to punishment, the inhabitants of Tarichee didalso themselves suppose that what the young men said wastrue, and persuaded my guards and armed men to leave mewhen I was asleep, and to come presently to the hippodrome,in order there to take counsel against me their commander.And when they had prevailed with them, and they were gottentogether, they found there a great company assembled al-ready, who all joined in one clamor, to bring the man whowas so wicked to them as to betray them, to his due punish-ment; and it was Jesus, the son of Sapphias, who princi-pally set them on. He was ruler in Tiberias, a wicked man,and naturally disposed to make disturbances in matters ofconsequence; a seditious person he was indeed, and an inno-vator beyond every body else. He then took the laws ofMoses into his hands, and came into the midst of the peo-ple, and said," O my fellow citizens! if you are not dis-posed to hate Josephus on your own account, have regard,however, to these laws of your country, which your com-mander-in-chief is going to betray; hate him therefore onboth these accounts, and bring the man who hath acted thusinsolently, to his deserved punishment." p. 10, Para. 1,[1].

28. When he had said this, and the multitude had openlyapplauded him for what he had said, he took some of thearmed men, and made haste away to the house in which Ilodged, as if he would kill me immediately, while I waswholly insensible of all till this disturbance happened;and by reason of the pains I had been taking, was fallenfast asleep. But Simon, who was intrusted with the care ofmy body, and was the only person that stayed with me, andsaw the violent incursion the citizens made upon me, awaked

me, and told me of the danger I was in, and desired me tolet him kill me, that I might die bravely and like a gen-eral, before my enemies came in, and forced me [to kill my-self], or killed me themselves. Thus did he discourse tome; but I committed the care of my life to God, and madehaste to go out to the multitude. Accordingly, I put on ablack garment, and hung my sword at my neck, and went bysuch a different way to the hippodrome, wherein I thoughtnone of my adversaries would meet me; so I appeared amongthem on the sudden, and fell down flat on the earth, andbedewed the ground with my tears: then I seemed to them allan object of compassion. And when I perceived the changethat was made in the multitude, I tried to divide theiropinions before the armed men should return from my house;so I granted them that I had been as wicked as they sup-posed me to be; but still I entreated them to let me firstinform them for what use I had kept that money which arosefrom the plunder, and, that they might then kill me if theypleased: and upon the multitude's ordering me to speak, thearmed men came upon me, and when they saw me, they ran tokill me; but when the multitude bade them hold their hands,they complied, and expected that as soon as I should own tothem that I kept the money for the king, it would be lookedon as a confession of my treason, and they should th