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European Romantic Review

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Crabb Robinson, Blake, and Perthes'sVaterländisches Museum (1810–1811)

Karen Junod

To cite this article: Karen Junod (2012) Crabb Robinson, Blake, and Perthes's

Vaterländisches Museum (1810–1811), European Romantic Review, 23:4, 435-451, DOI:10.1080/10509585.2012.694647

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509585.2012.694647

Published online: 06 Jul 2012.

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Crabb Robinson, Blake, and Perthes’s Vaterlä ndisches Museum(1810–1811)

Karen Junod ∗

Department of English, University of Fribourg, Switzerland

This essay focuses on Anglo-German relations and explores the cultural and political context in which Henry Crabb Robinson’s 1811 article on WilliamBlake was published. Addressing issues of Romantic cosmopolitanism and nationalism, it investigates some of the mechanisms at work, and at stake, in the

circulation of ideas between England and Germany in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. In particular, this article shows the important role played by the German publisher Friedrich Christoph Perthes, a man whose political stance and professional activism as a bookseller and publishingentrepreneur led to the publication of the Vaterlä ndisches Museum (1810–1811),the periodical in which Crabb Robinson’s essay on Blake appeared. At the sametime, this essay casts a new light on the role of Crabb Robinson as mediator of English literature to Germany, as opposed to his much better-known and multifaceted role as mediator of German literary and intellectual culture to England.

“. . . [W]hy did I come to Germany?” Henry Crabb Robinson asked his older brother Thomas in November 1803, “Did I anticipate the German Philosophy? Could I foreseeinto what connections I should fall? Had I any preacquaintance with the easy free activeanimated life of a german University? Had I any knowledge of the excellencies of theGerman Characters of [sic] the congenial habits & manners of its people?” CrabbRobinson’s relentless questions betrayed his desire to identify the reasons for hisinterest in all things German. Brushing aside any superior motivations, however, headmitted to a much more modest impulse. Not being able to pinpoint the specificmotives for his visit, Crabb Robinson explained his protracted stay in Germany asthe result of an un-informed decision, a kind of accident resulting from youthfulennui. Candidly, he confessed, “I came to Germany because I did not know what to

do with myself in England – . . .” (Morley 131).This vague impulse turned out to be highly productive. The “connections” into

which he “fell” were numerous and influential. Immediate connections associated him with some of the most celebrated and canonical authors of late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Germany such as Goethe, Wieland, Herder, Tieck, Schiller,as well as Schelling, whose lectures on post-Kantian idealism he attended at theUniversity of Jena (1802–1803) (Stelzig 64–78). As a journalist, reviewer, translator,and literary critic, Crabb Robinson also established and maintained wider and lesstangible connections that transcended national boundaries. Although his motives for travelling to Germany were unclear, he soon became a leading figure in the

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European Romantic Review

Vol. 23, No. 4, August 2012, 435–451


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transmission to Britain of German idealist philosophy, and of German literature and cri-ticism in Britain. His status as a disseminator of German thought in Britain rests for themost part on his journalism for the Times,1 but there are also his essays on Kant for the

Monthly Register , which appeared between 1802 and 1803 (Vigus). Moreover, CrabbRobinson published a series of “Letters on German Literature” for the Monthly Regis-ter , as well as “Remarks on the Genius and Writings of Herder” for the third volume of the Monthly Repository (1808). Years later, Crabb Robinson wrote an additional ninearticles on Goethe, issued in the Monthly Repository between May 1832 and April1833.2

In view of Crabb Robinson’s critical output on German culture and philosophy, it may come as no surprise that analyses of his contribution to Anglo-German relations inthe eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries have been largely confined to his essays inBritish periodicals (Behler; Stockhorst). In contrast, his role as a disseminator of English literature and ideas in Germany has been regarded as less influential, relyingas it does on a much narrower scope of publications.3 Indeed, Crabb Robinson’s

1811 essay on William Blake, published in the short-lived Vaterlä ndisches Museum(1810–1811), seems to have been his only English piece intended specifically for aGerman monthly journal.4 Seen through the prism of Blake scholarship, Crabb Robin-son’s essay certainly constitutes an important instance in the transmission of English art and ideas in Germany and, more particularly, in the critical reception of Blake in that country. Crabb Robinson’s piece has in fact often been discussed in relation to the dis-semination of Blake’s art on the Continent (Esdaile). Within the wider context of trans-national and intercultural relations, however, Crabb Robinson’s article on Blake breaksnew ground and asserts integral, yet complex, connections between Anglo-Germaninteraction, periodical culture, and literary and artistic networks. It is the aim of this

essay to explore the cultural and political matrix in which Crabb Robinson’s articleon Blake was embedded, and to investigate some of the mechanisms at work, and at stake, in the circulation of ideas between England and Germany in the late eighteenthand early nineteenth centuries. In particular, I wish to show the important role played bythe German publisher Friedrich Christoph Perthes, a man whose political stance and

professional activism as a bookseller and publishing entrepreneur led to the publicationof the Vaterlä ndisches Museum (1810– 1811).5

Clearly, the publication of Crabb Robinson’s essay in Perthes’s journal was atypical product of a culture that became increasingly mobile in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Literary and cultural exchanges between England and

Germany became gradually more fertile during this period, each country importingand exporting literary and cultural goods that would find new lives and new meaningsin novel environments.6 Crabb Robinson’s two visits to Germany as well as the trans-lation of his Blake essay from English into German represent in themselves physical,geographical, and linguistic instances of mobility. On a more metaphorical level, the

publication of Crabb Robinson’s text also articulates more complex issues regardingthe tension between cosmopolitanism and nationalism. Such concepts are often

pitted against each other, as the former typically suggests universalism and common bonds, while the latter implies foreign-ness and borders. Yet, sometimes cosmopolitan behaviour does not necessarily exclude nationalist(ic) attachments (Bowden; Calhoun).As I will show, Perthes’s publishing venture with the Vaterlä ndisches Museum wassimultaneously transnational and nationalistic. It grew out of a desire for cosmopolitanGermanic-ness and yet, at the same time, also betrayed an anxiety to promote a quin-tessentially nationalist German agenda. Although seemingly out of place in the

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Vaterlä ndisches Museum, Crabb Robinson’s essay on Blake articulates the very tensionand conflicting allegiances that Perthes was facing.

Periodicals as Textual Platforms for Cosmopolitan ExchangesThe role played by periodicals in the circulation of ideas across local, national, and lin-guistic boundaries has long been acknowledged. Periodicals were certainly of funda-mental importance for the growth of a European literary and cultural consciousnessin the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. By publishing pieces on foreignauthors and literatures, many magazines traversed national barriers and offered a com-munal space for international and intercultural communication and friendship (Scrive-ner). In 1788, the preface to the European Magazine acknowledged the obvioususefulness of periodicals – so much so that the reviewer did not deem it necessaryto vindicate their didactic and entertaining benefit: “[T]he utility of periodical publi-

cations,” the writer remarked:

their general power of entertainment, the knowledge which has been diffused throughevery part of the known world by means of them, and the improvements in arts, sciences,and civilisation, which may be ascribed to them, are so universally known and felt, that it would be a waste of time to attempt to prove what no one will deny, and which requiresonly the slightest observation to perceive. (Qtd. in Keen 201)

In Britain, periodicals like the European Magazine, the Monthly Magazine, the Monthly Review, and the Monthly Repository contributed effectively to the dissemination of German literature and culture in England (Boening). By the early nineteenth century,

most of such magazines and reviews set aside ample space for the discursive treatment of German literary criticism, and for commentaries on various other aspects of German

politics and society. It is worth noting that the vast majority of these publications were produced by and for Unitarian circles, particularly receptive as they were to foreigninfluences. A Unitarian himself, Crabb Robinson’s efforts to disseminate German lit-erature and philosophy in Britain added to those of the Unitarian critic and translator William Taylor of Norwich, who had made similar important contributions to thecause of German literature in the Monthly Review and the Monthly Magazine. The

Monthly Repository, the journal of the Unitarian movement and one of the first channelsthrough which German biblical criticism spread into England, also included among its

pages a vast number of poems in translation, many of which were from the German(Mineka 115– 16; Wu).In Germany, the situation was different. Although the number of journals and maga-

zines was important, the fragmented political and administrative structure of German-speaking territories inevitably imposed practical and political restrictions that thwarted the smooth and prompt circulation of periodicals among the different German states(Lüsenbrink and Popkin 10). In spite (or, more likely, because) of this, many magazinesand newspapers issued in eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Germany shared withthe philosophes a sense of mission that consisted in bringing “enlightenment” to newgeographical and political areas (Lüsenbrink and Popkin 9). The intellectual networksestablished by such journals and magazines often created, in Benedict Anderson’sfamous phrase, “imagined communities” that were oriented towards common and collec-tive political, philosophical, and scientific issues (Anderson).7 Christoph MartinWieland, for example, novelist and editor of the Teutsche Merkur (1773–1789), wrote

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in the 1780s a series of influential articles on the theme of cosmopolitanism, including“Das Geheimnis des Kosmopolitenordens” (1788), in which he discussed notions of moral citizenship (Kleingeld).8 His article – expanding upon the idea that all human

beings share certain fundamental features that unite them in a worldwide order that crosses national boundaries (Kleingeld 505) – fed into a wider debate about cosmopo-litanism that intensified enormously during the second half of the eighteenth centuryin Germany. This debate lasted until the first decades of the nineteenth century, whennationalist voices became increasingly loud.

In keeping with its cosmopolitan outlook and interest, the Teutsche Merkur and itssuccessor the Neue Teutsche Merkur (1790– 1810) published frequent articles on other national cultures, including pieces on British art and literature. Wieland himself wroteseveral essays on Shakespeare, including a review of the German translation of Shake-speare’s plays by Johann Joachim Eschenburg, published by Orell in Zurich in 1775(Wieland 286). The Neue Teutsche Merkur of 1796 also offered a long article on “Eng-lische Hexameter” by the German archaeologist and classicist Karl August Böttiger.

Other German newspapers – including Heinrich Christian Boie’s and ChristianKonrad Wilhelm von Dohm’s influential Deutsches Museum (1776–1788) as well asthe Journal zur Kunstgeschichte und zur allgemeinen Litteratur (1775–1789), edited

by the historian and magistrate Christoph Gottlieb von Murr – reported on variousaspects of the artistic and literary world of eighteenth- and early nineteenth-centuryBritain. Perthes’s Vaterlä ndisches Museum, in which Crabb Robinson’s essay onBlake appeared, contained another English piece reviewing the work of the German

philosopher and critic Friedrich Bouterwek entitled On Modern English Poetry (Vonder neuesten englischen Poesie). Bouterwek’s book represented a supplement to hishistory of English literature which had been published two years earlier, in 1809, as

part of his chief critical work, the History of Modern Poetry and Eloquence (Geschichteder neuern Poesie und Beredsamkeit ) (Bouterwek). Unlike the “English” volume for the Geschichte – which by then already included volumes on the histories of Spanish and Portuguese literature and which would later also discuss the literaturesof France and Germany – the essay reviewing Bouterwek’s latest book commented on the literary productions of more recent authors, including Cowper, Burns,Southey, and Wordsworth. Interestingly, it did not mention Coleridge who, of allEnglish poets of the period, was the most thoroughly acquainted with German culture.

Crabb Robinson’s Essay on Blake in the Vaterlä ndisches Museum

Crabb Robinson’s essay on Blake was published anonymously in the single issue of thesecond volume of the Vaterlä ndisches Museum, immediately after the review of Bou-terwek’s work, thus representing a bibliographic and symbolic extension of the latter’shistory of European literature. Crabb Robinson’s was the last item to be published

before the magazine’s demise, and the third to be devoted to a visual artist – theother two being Raphael and Goethe’s friend, Wilhelm Tischbein (Vaterlä ndisches

Museum 1810, 120–23 and 230–42 respectively). Crabb Robinson’s piece was not the first account of Blake in Germany. By 1789 the artist was known well enough to

be listed in Carl Heinrich von Heinecken’s Dictionnaire des artistes (1778–1790), published in Leipzig (Heinecken iii, 3). Blake’s 1797 engravings for Edward Young’s Night Thoughts (1742– 1745), which had been circulating in Germanysince approximately 1800, had also been commented upon by the novelist Jean PaulRichter in several of his letters.9 Richter had received a copy of Young’s Night

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Thoughts from Emil Leopold August, Duke of Sachsen-Gotha-Altenburg, though hefeigned to ignore the identity of his benefactor (Bentley, Blake Records 113– 15).

Crabb Robinson started to think more carefully about his piece on Blake whenPerthes, whom he had met during his second stay in Hamburg between January and September 1807, asked him to “send him an article for a new German magazine entitled Vaterländische Annalen” (Bentley, Blake Records 296). Crabb Robinson had just seenBlake’s works at an exhibition at 28 Broad Street, in London’s Golden Square, and had

been fascinated by the talents of this “insane poet painter & engraver” (Bentley, Blake Records 296). Years later, in his Reminiscences, Crabb Robinson also confessed that hehad been “deeply interested by the Catalogues as well as the pictures” of Blake, and that he therefore “took four copies” (Bentley, Blake Records 298–99). It is this cataloguethat provided the main inspiration for his essay in the Vaterlä ndisches Museum,though Crabb Robinson also gleaned some biographical details from BenjaminHeath Malkin’s own account of the artist in A Father’s Memoirs of his Child (1806)and from Henry Fuseli’s introduction to the 1808 edition of Blair’s Grave. The essay

was originally written in English and was subsequently translated into German by acertain Dr Julius, a doctor and friend of Perthes with whom he co-edited the Vaterlä n-disches Museum (Wright 138–39).

Crabb Robinson acknowledged that the primary goal of his essay was to makeBlake “as well known as possible,” though he did confess that he knew “too little of his history to claim to give a complete account of his life” (Bentley, Blake Records601 and 594). Crabb Robinson’s modest rhetorical style further surfaces in the assertionthat his piece had “nothing in it of the least value” (Bentley, Blake Records 594). CrabbRobinson’s self-effacing conviction may have partly stemmed from the fact that hisobservations were based entirely on Blake’s texts and pictures; they did not include

any personal details on the artist, whom the writer had not yet met in person. Introduced by an epigraph from Shakespeare’s Midsummer Night’s Dream – “The lunatic, thelover, and the poet / Are of imagination all compact,” – Crabb Robinson’s essayquickly moves on to some fleeting observations about the complex yet “attractive”(Bentley, Blake Records 594) union of genius and madness. Crabb Robinson mani-festly saw Blake as an unusual artist and individual, describing him as the most promi-nent and representative member in the whole race of “ecstatics, mystics, seers of visions, and dreamers of dreams” (Bentley, Blake Records 594). Throughout theessay, Crabb Robinson underlines Blake’s eccentric singularity and his stubbornnessin following his own artistic path. He believes that the painter’s emerging genius is dis-

tinguished by its lack of interest and concern for the “usual, ordinary employment”(Bentley, Blake Records 595) of his friends and fellow artists. Although Crabb Robin-son views Blake’s artistic deviance and his obstinate wish for aesthetic independenceas a sign of strength and superior talent, he also believes that the artist’s insistenceon self-reliance was a decisive element in keeping him confined to relative obscurity,especially at the beginning of his career.

Throughout, Crabb Robinson’s essay combines aesthetic judgement and factualinformation; it includes details about Blake’s birth in London, his apprenticeshipwith the engraver James Basire, his passion for Gothic architecture, his drawing excur-sions to Westminster Abbey, and his activity as a collector of engravings (Bentley,

Blake Records 594). The main bulk of his piece, however, focuses on describing thetechnique and the meaning of Blake’s art and poetry. Several paragraphs are devoted to Blake’s linear designs: “His greatest enjoyment,” Crabb Robinson writes, “consistsin giving bodily form to spiritual essence” (Bentley, Blake Records 597). Crabb



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Robinson interprets Blake’s intercourse with the spiritual world as congruent with that of Emanuel Swedenborg, whom Crabb Robinson sees as a direct source of inspirationfor the artist. The author’s commentaries on Blake’s pictures and linear style are articu-lated in the idiom of a connoisseur. His disapproval of Blake’s sweeping condemnationof the Dutch and Venetian masters – whom the artist qualifies as “most cruel . . . and most outrageous demons” (Bentley, Blake Records 596) – also testifies to CrabbRobinson’s knowledge of the visual arts and his understanding of contemporaryaesthetic currents.

The remarks Crabb Robinson makes about Blake’s poetic activities are less power-ful. Although he admits that Blake’s “poems breathe the same spirit and are distin-guished by the same peculiarities as his drawings and his critical prose” (Bentley,

Blake Records 600), he believes that the metre of the poems included in the Poetical Sketches “is usually [so] loose and careless as to betray a total ignorance of the art.”

Nonetheless, Crabb Robinson admits that “there is a wildness and loftiness of imagin-ation in certain dramatic fragments which testifies to genuine poetical feeling” (Bentley,

Blake Records 600–1). Several poems are inserted in the essay, in the original and intranslation, including “To the Muses,” the “Introduction” from the Songs of Innocence,“Holy Thursday,” “The Tyger,” and “The Garden of Love.” Crabb Robinson’s criticalappreciation of these texts usually consists of brief, undeveloped commentaries: whilst he believes that Blake’s Songs of Innocence are “child-like songs of the greatest beautyand simplicity,” he remains puzzled as to the significance of Songs of Experience,which he reads as “metaphysical riddles and mystical allegories” (Bentley, Blake

Records 601).10 Crabb Robinson also confesses his inability to give a sufficient account of several poems, including Europe, Prophecy, and America, which he findsare too “obscure . . . mysterious and incomprehensible” (Bentley, Blake Records 602).

Significantly, Crabb Robinson concludes his essay by emphasizing the Germancharacter of Blake’s art and poetry and the appropriateness of his subject for aGerman periodical. Crabb Robinson clearly counted upon a more widespread appreci-ation in Germany for the mystery and obscurity surrounding Blake’s personality and work – an obscurity, he adds in his essay, “which one would expect from a Germanrather than an Englishman,” and which “assuredly cannot lessen the interest whichall men, Germans in a higher degree even than Englishmen, must take in the contem-

plation of such a character” (Bentley, Blake Records 603). Crabb Robinson’s evalu-ation was the first of a long series of other statements that have acknowledged the

proximity between Blake’s aesthetics and those of the German Frühromantik.11

Blake’s affinities with his German contemporaries were certainly no coincidence. If such affinities might be attributed to parallel developments from similar literary,visual, and philosophical sources, including Jacob Boehme, they were also the result of several direct encounters with Henry Fuseli and Johann Jacob Lavater, whose fron-tispiece to the Aphorisms on Man (1789) Blake engraved.12 In Lavater’s work, in par-ticular, Blake had found support for his more transcendental and idealistic tendencies,and his belief that external, physionomical appearances reflect internal realities (Earle).

Perthes: Cosmopolitan Nationalism and the Book Trade

Whilst the obscure and mysterious quality of Blake’s art ostensibly made him an appro- priate subject for publication in a German periodical, the symbolic significance of Crabb Robinson’s piece gains further complexity when discussed in relation to theorigins of the Vaterlä ndisches Museum, and especially to the cultural scheme and

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political motivations of its moving spirit, Friedrich Christoph Perthes. By the timeCrabb Robinson met Perthes in 1807, the latter had already established himself as a pro-minent figure in the German book trade.13 Educated in Rudolstadt, a small town southof Weimar and Jena, Perthes abandoned school early to follow in his uncle’s footstepsand embrace a career in the bookselling business. After learning his trade for severalyears in Leipzig, the young Perthes subsequently went to Hamburg in 1793 and worked for the publisher Benjamin Gottlob Hoffmann, the founder of the renowned Hoffmann-Campe Verlag. In Hamburg, Perthes met with several distinguished localindividuals who all encouraged him to start his own bookselling business – whichhe did in July 1796 (Moldenhauer 81).

Perthes’s first bookshop was unlike other contemporary bookshops. His was thefirst “Sortimentsbuchandlung,” or retail bookshop, in Germany.14 Conceived as anintellectual and cultural meeting point, an enlightened community in miniature,Perthes’s bookshop was an immediate success. It became a popular venue inHamburg, attracting as it did a constant flow of the curious, booklovers, and experts.

For Perthes, it opened up a whole new range of professional and social possibilities. Not only did Perthes’s thriving business introduce him to the influential bourgeoissociety of Hamburg, it also secured him financial support from various firms, includingHülsenbeck, Runge, & Co. which had already established many contacts in England (Moldenhauer 88–90).

Among Perthes’s customers were a number of important individuals, including the philosopher Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi and the writer Matthias Claudius, who intro-duced Perthes to the poet Friedrich Leopold Graf zu Stolberg-Stolberg, and whoseeldest daughter Perthes later married (Moldenhauer 119). F.L. Gr. zu Stolberg-Stolbergexerted a powerful influence on Perthes. He and his brother Christian zu Stolberg-

Stolberg were members of the famous Hainbund , a society of young men who had great aspirations for the freedom of their country. Highly inspired by Friedrich GottliebKlopstock, the Hainbund poets produced sentimental pieces which celebrated Nature,friendship, and the “Vaterland” – “Mein Vaterland” (1768) being one of Klopstock’smost famous poems in which he expressed his longing for a united fatherland, as well ashis hope for the honour and welfare of the German nation.

However, the idea of nation that the Hainbund poets promulgated was not concep-tualized as a clearly-defined political and territorial entity. On the contrary, for such

poets, the “nation” was understood as an enlightened network of communicationamong like-minded individuals who sought to promote German language and literature.

Eighteenth-century Germany, we remember, consisted of a heterogeneous collection of many individual states, provinces, principalities, and Free Cities, that were held together not by a common constitution, but rather by cultural tradition and language.In such a cultural framework, literature was conceived as the most important bond of the nation, and the poet, its most prophetic messenger.

The efforts of the Hainbund poets grew out of a desire to loosen the exclusive hold of (neo-)classicism on thought and art. These writers wished to offer a Northern, Germanicalternative to the Greek and Roman ideals, an alternative that might be as rich in culturalsignificance as the Mediterranean model of classical antiquity (Oergel 76). Indeed, manyof the young poets of Perthes’s generation believed in the suitability of the Germanic

people to represent universal humanity (Perkins 99– 100). Nowadays, this desire to promote Germanic-ness and, more generally, this mission for universal humanitythrough Germanic culture, may seem to have inevitably sinister overtones. However,as Mark Hewitson has pointed out, “identification with a German nation – or a nation



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state – was by no means incompatible . . . with the championing of the idea of Europe.Indeed, it was commonly believed that Germany’s mission was to safeguard and enrich awider European heritage” whose legacy went back to Judeo-Christian traditions( Nationalism versus Cosmopolitanism iii). While the Germanic nation became, for many contemporary poets, the bastion of freedom and moral law, revolutionaryFrance on the other hand gradually became the epitome of all opposite values, a recipefor disorder, lawlessness, and immorality.

In the early nineteenth century, these ideals of common bonds and cultural affilia-tion among the Germanic regions became more narrowly focused. Indeed, the Napoleo-nic wars and the occupation of large sections of German territory by the Frenchgenerated a desire to create a more specifically German nation within the northern Euro-

pean framework (Oergel 78). This German identity was, for the most part, defined asantithetical to the French and many poets and writers sought to reject any French influ-ence on German culture and literature (Oergel 78). There is no doubt that the tension

between a European, cosmopolitan Germanic-ness and a much narrower, nationalistic

German-ness became increasingly acute during this period, and many individuals – including Perthes – vacillated between these two opposite, yet reconcilable,affiliations.

Operating within such an intellectual and political environment, Perthes became particularly alarmed by the rise of Napoleon. Unlike many citizens of Hamburg whodid not consider Napoleon’s military success as a danger to their nation (they were,after all, the citizens of a Free City), Perthes, from the small provincial state of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt, felt Napoleon’s invasion and conquests as a threat to thevery political, cultural and intellectual fabric of the empire. Thus spurred by anti-French feelings, Perthes took action. He exploited his activities as a bookseller and

publisher to propagate the idea of an “open” and virtual nation among free-thinkingindividuals. In a letter sent to Jacobi in 1809, he asserted that “the German booktrade. . . alone can save the German republic of letters, and this is my mission for this life”(“Der deutsche Buchhandel . . . allein kann die deutsche Gelehrtenrepublik retten, und das ist meine Aufgabe für dieses Leben”) (Perthes i, 164). Perthes’s desire – or indeed,what he conceived as his duty and mission (“meine Aufgabe”) – was to found a com-munity of individuals whose intellectual and literary endeavours would keep alive and sustain the Germanic spirit. Perthes’s professional and political initiative rested on hisinnate conviction that many German princes had failed to instil a national conscious-ness into their people, and that now there was a need for scientists, traders, and other

professionals to replace such princes and become the new creators and designers of the nation’s identity (Moldenhauer 136).

Perthes and the Vaterlä ndisches Museum

It is in such a political and cultural context that Perthes’s Vaterlä ndisches Museum took shape. The first issue appeared in February 1810 – the title being a reference to Boie’sand von Dohm’s respected Deutsches Museum which, with its combination of poemsand various literary, philosophical, and scientific essays, had set a bibliographicexample for many other contemporary periodicals.15 Perthes articulated his editorialambitions in the preface to the first issue, stating clearly the political and culturalaims of his journal. Like many German artists and writers with whom he had mixed,Perthes asserted in his “Ankündigung” that his periodical was not political in theusual sense of the word, but that it aimed at the re-establishment and the dissemination

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of what he called the “inner peace” (“der Wiederbringung und Verbreitung des innernFriedens”) (Vaterlä ndisches Museum, “Ankündigung,” unpaginated). People fought too often in the name of religion and science, Perthes believed. The well-balanced, har-monious relationship that ought to exist between reason and religion, Perthes wrote,was too often obliterated by unfortunate and ill-fated misunderstanding, nonsense,and malicious misinterpretation (“Missverstand und Blödsinn oder Uebelsinn”). Theworld was infested with ignorance and superstition and the consequences of suchmad behaviour could be witnessed in the present day (“und so ist die Welt bald mit Dummheit und Aberglauben, bald mit Afterweisheit und Unglauben heimgesucht worden; die Folgen dieses verrückten Verhältnisses liegen am Tage.”) AlthoughPerthes clearly stated his ambition to sustain German culture and preserve authenticGerman mores, science and art (“Erhaltung deutscher Bildung und für Bewahrungdeutsch-eigenthümlicher Art und Wissenschaft und Kunst”), he also expressed hisdesire to provide, through his periodical, a “picture of European culture” (“einemGemählde europäischer Cultur”). Like many of his contemporaries, Perthes believed

in the suitability of the Germanic people to stand for collective humankind. To fulfilhis editorial aim, Perthes relied on the contributions of “informed and well-meaning”correspondents of all countries, whose aspirations lay above “faith, knowledge, and the deeds of the nations” (“ü ber Glauben, Wissen, und Handeln der Nationen”).Through careful editorial layout and the juxtaposition of well-chosen articles, therefore,Perthes hoped that his Vaterlä ndisches Museum would allow him to fulfil his ideal of the creation of a cosmopolitan cultural space that reflected common humanity (“hoffenwir uns dem Ideale einer Culturgemähldes das uns vorschwebt, zu nähern”).

Thus conceived as an enlightened platform – representing, as it were, a textualequivalent to his “Sortimentsbuchandlung” – the Vaterlä ndisches Museum published

wide ranging essays by famous contemporary writers, poets, and scientists. Religiousand cultural articles by Claudius and Stolberg were printed alongside poems by Frie-drich Baron de La Motte Fouqué and other “Reflections” by Johann Joseph Görres.Many contributions were printed anonymously. The first issue was published in July1810 and was followed by a new instalment every month until the end of January1811. The six issues (“Stücke”) that appeared in 1810 were reassembled in onevolume (“Band”) and amounted to an impressive 769 pages; the second “Band” con-tained only one issue for January 1811. Significantly, the first piece to follow the adver-tisement was a posthumous essay by Klopstock entitled “Fragments from the LiteraryLegacy” (“Bruchstücke aus dem literarischen Nachlasse”). Perthes’s editorial decision

to introduce his periodical through Klopstock’s voice was of course highly symbolic.As we have seen, the German poet had been greatly influential in awakening in hiscountrymen a dignity and pride in their fatherland and a vision of the possibilitieslatent in their own native genius. Klopstock’s presence would permeate later issuesof the journal, including the November instalment which contained a piece entitled “Further Fragments from Klopstock’s Papers” (“Noch einiges abgerissene aus Klop-stocks Papieren”) as well as a poem by a certain G.F.E Schönborn entitled “Hope at the Grave of Klopstock” (“Die Hoffnung am Grabe Klopstocks. 1803”).

If one of Perthes’s aims was to promote and provide a picture of European culture,his periodical also voiced more patriotic feelings and included contributions that were

politically more explicit. For example, Perthes’s periodical printed an address by acertain K.D Hüllmann entitled “The People and the Language Must ImmortalizeGermany” (“Volk und Sprache müssen Deutschland verewigen,” Vaterlä ndisches

Museum 1810, 176–79) as well as a poem by Graf von A.G.D. Moltke entitled



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simply “The German” (“Der Deutsche,” Vaterlä ndisches Museum 1810, 208–10),which gave utterance to the author’s strong patriotic convictions:

Uns kann die Freyheit nur von Deutschen kommenSie mag von Deutschen nur allein uns frommen

Die edlem Rechte angehörenUnd kein Gesetz mit Frevel stören. (Vaterlä ndisches Museum 1810, 208)

The idea that law (“Rechte”) and order (“Gesetz”) should not be violated through crime(“Frevel”) was one essential aspect of Perthes’s political and publishing agenda, aswas his faith in the Germans’ leading role in the establishment of peace and freedom. Perthes’s convictions about the crucial role of language in defining anation’s spirit were also articulated in several articles. Indeed, the Vaterlä ndisches

Museum incorporated several essays that dealt specifically with linguistic issues. Frie-drich Leopold Graf zu Stolberg-Stolberg, for example, wrote a piece named “On our language” (“Ueber unsere Sprache,” Vaterlä ndisches Museum 1810, 513–30), whichunderlined the intrinsic, God-given bond between a people and its language. Arnold Heeren’s “On how to preserve the nationality of defeated peoples” (“Ü ber die Mittelzur Erhaltung der Nationalität besiegter Völker,” Vaterlä ndisches Museum 1810,129–53), too, insisted on the idea of a nation’s identity being inseparably linked toits language and literature. Like Herder, Heeren conceived of language in its widest sense, not simply as everyday language (“die [Sprache] in dem Munde der Völker inihrem täglichen Gespräch”), but as the language alive in the works of literature,

poetry, and eloquence (“[die Sprachen, die] in den Werken ihrer Literatur, ihrer Poesie, und Beredsamkeit, leben”) (Vaterlä ndisches Museum 1810, 143). Preservationand perpetuation of a nation’s language, Heeren believed, was an essential condition for

the preservation of its identity – conversely, the obliteration of a nation’s language wasonly possible through the destruction of its people (“Die gänzliche Vertilgung der Sprache eines Volkes durch gewaltsame Mittel ist nur möglich mit der Vertilgungdes Volks selber”) (Vaterlä ndisches Museum 1810, 142). Such assertions wereclearly political: written in the context of anti-French propaganda, they expressed thedesire to free the German repertoire from any French literary and linguistic incursions(Oergel 80).

Perthes, Runge, and Blake

The tension between cosmopolitan ideals and nationalistic anxieties re-emerges in the

very design adorning Perthes’s Vaterlä ndisches Museum. Conceived by Perthes’sfriend Philipp Otto Runge, one of the leading figures in German romantic painting,the magazine’s highly decorative and allusive adornment symbolically underlined Perthes’s editorial and cultural aims.16 Interestingly, the front cover underwent major changes from the sketch version to the published one. The sketch version, produced in 1809, depicts a woman carrying her baby on her shoulders. Holding a plough, sheis simultaneously directed by a cherub who forms the second half of the cover’ssymmetry (Figure 1).

A dead man’s body can be seen under the grass on which the figures are walking.17

The whole composition is framed in a floral design giving it the quality of an enclosed

allegory. Runge chose the title “The Fall of the Fatherland” (“Fall des Vaterlandes”) for this first version, which Perthes mentioned in a letter to Görres in 1810 (Traeger 451).Runge’s own interpretation of the picture was that new Life grows out of the dead

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bodies of those who fight for the freedom of their country. Around the time he first sawthis picture, Perthes received a letter from Görres informing him that “the plough of Time has dragged across Germany, leaving deep furrows which are open for more pros-

perous seeds” (“die Zeit ist mit dem Pfluge ü ber Deutschland hingefahren und hat tiefeFurchen eingeackert, die bereits sind, jeden guten Samen aufzunehmen”) (qtd. in Grolle59). The composition of Runge’s picture – especially its visual narrative developing

Figure 1. Philipp Otto Runge, Fall des Vaterlandes, 1809, Hamburger Kunsthalle, Hamburg.# bpk / Hamburger Kunsthalle / Christoph Irrgang.



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from left to right – translated into visual terms the optimistic tone of Görres’s state-ment, suggesting that the fate of a nation nourishes itself from its own fertile soil. In

both Görres’s and Runge’s declarations, the fall and the destiny of Germany weredepicted as being closely related to, and dependent upon, each other.

This first version of the front cover, however, was deemed politically too explicit byRunge’s brother Daniel (“gar zu schneidend deutlich”) (Traeger 451). The artist there-fore produced a second version entitled “Destitution of the Fatherland” (“Not desVaterlandes”), which was more cautious in its symbolism. This second design,which adorned all six issues of the Vaterlä ndisches Museum in 1810, depicted sinuous passion flowers springing from a divided heart at the foot of the page, awinged and besom-wielding cherub above, and weaving around vertical spades and halberds to form a border before finally reconnecting to adorn a two-headed Janus at the head of the composition.

Runge’s message of regeneration and hope was clearly conveyed through theartist’s natural design and through his heavy use of vegetation, intertwining boughs

encircling and framing his compositions. Like many other German artists (includingwriters like Tieck and Novalis) in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries,Runge regarded nature as a gateway to spiritual knowledge. He believed that plantsand flowers symbolized the cyclical process of growth and decay, and that their linear, repetitive, hieroglyphic patterns were the pictorial correspondents to the “primi-tive” and “original” life and language of paradise – a state of innocence which, in thesketch version of the front cover, is also shared and embodied by the two infants. Inview of the political context in which Perthes’s Vaterlä ndisches Museum appeared,Runge’s combination of floral designs and naked infants no doubt provided a visualequivalent to the idea of national renewal and of the rebirth of the German artistic

tradition.Yet, importantly, the patriotic allusions of Runge’s picture and the suggestion of a

national regeneration rested on an aesthetics whose roots were foreign and cosmopo-litan. Runge’s training in Copenhagen under the Danish artist Nikolai Abilgaard had,for example, been partly shaped by the Swiss Fuseli, whom Abilgaard had met inRome and whose style he incorporated in his own classicist and mannerist style(Traeger 28–30). Above all, however, Runge created visual works that owed muchto the English sculptor John Flaxman.18 Runge – like many other visual artiststhroughout Europe around 1800, including Blake – followed Flaxman in his desireto purify and simplify artistic representations (Traeger 146–49). Flaxman’s “inter-

national style” and his famous outlines attempted to reduce art to its quintessentialexpression and to produce images that emphasised ideal and symbolic permanence.19

Importantly, Flaxman’s lines and his precise contours marked a transition in the artsof the time. As Robert Rosenblum remarked, the artistic regeneration which Flaxmanhelped shape, and to which Runge contributed, “marked the destruction of one his-torical epoch and the desperate attempts to reconstruct a new a vital world uponthe most decadent of ruins” (182). Thus the content of Runge’s image, representingas it does a hope for political regeneration, was underpinned by the very form inwhich it was expressed.

Like Runge, Blake was highly inspired by Flaxman’s purified designs. In fact,Blake’s belief in the primacy of the line at the expense of colours resurfaces inCrabb Robinson’s own essay, when the latter writes about Blake’s disparagement of the Venetian and Flemish schools. Crabb Robinson’s further reference to one of Blake’s aesthetic “doctrines,” namely that “The great and golden rule of art, as well

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as of life, is this: That the more distinct, sharp, and wirey the bounding line, the more perfect the work of art” (Bentley, Blake Records 596) emphasises the redemptive func-tion of the line and its defining role in the concept of art and life. Crabb Robinson’sobservation, quoted above, that Blake’s greatest enjoyment consisted “in giving

bodily form to spiritual essence” (Bentley, Blake Records 597) is another instance inthe essay which underpins Blake’s conviction as to the metaphorical associationsthat link the line with human identity.20 Blake’s own designs for his Songs of Innocenceand of Experience include many linear shapes, which Crabb Robinson describes aseither forms resembling “monstrous hieroglyphs of the Egyptians” or, paradoxically,as “not ungraceful arabesques” (Bentley, Blake Records 601).

Anglo-German Connections and Common Language

If we bear in mind the cultural and political context in which Perthes’s magazine was published, the decision to include Crabb Robinson’s piece on Blake in the Vaterlä n-

disches Museum may appear less surprising than at first sight. The text, with its implicit and explicit references to the Germanic character of Blake’s art and poetry, under-

pinned Perthes’s aim to promote Germanic art, literature, and culture, indeed to keepalive and strengthen the Germanic spirit among his readers. Besides Blake’s aestheticaffinities with Runge, and Crabb Robinson’s overt admission of the Germanic-ness of his subject at the end of his essay, other, perhaps more oblique, references in his articleunderline the close connections between England and Germany. Having acknowledged that among Blake’s “aberrations,” there were also “gleams of reason” (Bentley, Blake

Records 598), Crabb Robinson writes that “The Protestant author of Herzensergiessun- gen eines kunstliebenden Klosterbruders created the character of a Catholic in whom

religion and love of art are mixed into one essence, and this same person, remarkablyenough, has turned up in Protestant England” (Bentley, Blake Records 599). CrabbRobinson’s allusion to Wilhelm Heinrich Wackenroder’s influential book (first pub-lished anonymously in Berlin in 1797) is particularly significant for several reasons.

Not only does it identify Blake as the English re-incarnation of a fictive Germanartist who succeeded in producing an art that was the product of both emotional feelingsand religious devotion – a characteristic, as we have seen, essential for Pietists likeRunge and Perthes:21 significantly, Crabb Robinson’s reference to Wackenroder’s Her-

zensergiessungen is also an allusive reference to medieval art and literature, and especially to the “sacred” Albrecht Dürer. In truth, Wackenroder’s assessment of

Dürer was instrumental in changing certain views that eighteenth-century critics had articulated about the artist, including his provincialism and his desire to remain inGermany (Sanford 446). Rather than interpreting Dürer’s localism as a lack of artisticambition, Wackenroder presented Dürer’s provincialism as a laudable mark of national

pride.In his biographical essay, Crabb Robinson specifically singles out Dürer as one of

Blake’s idols.22 The implicit and explicit presence of Dürer in Crabb Robinson’s piece was thus highly symbolic: on the one hand, it underpinned the patrioticmessage of Perthes’s magazine (Dürer, we remember, acquired his iconic statusduring the rise of German nationalism); on the other hand, however, by its transfer of the protagonist of the Herzensergiessungen from Germany to England, it simul-taneously undermined and neutralized the more nationalistic element latent in the

Herzensergiessungen and relocated Dürer within a more international and cosmopo-litan environment.



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Crabb Robinson’s reference to Young’s Night Thoughts is no less noteworthy.Although he confessed that Blake’s engravings for this work were “of very unequalmerit” and represented “nonsensical translations” of Young’s text, he also believed that “sometimes the inventions of the artist rival those of the poem” and that in someinstances Blake “literally translated” Young and turned “his thought” into a picture(Bentley, Blake Records 600). The reference to Young carried in itself heavy connota-tions, for the English artist had left a deep impression on Klopstock, who produced anode on Young and called him his guiding spirit and his teacher (Price 144 – 56). Indeed,Young had inserted chauvinistic attacks against the French into his Night Thoughts,which had fed into Klopstock’s own patriotic and anti-French feelings. Blakehimself had shown certain affinities with the French revolution, though his revolution-ary enthusiasm did not embrace the repressive aspects of its later developments, but rather towards the philosophy of sharing the common bond of humanity based on per-sonal, social, and intellectual freedom. The radical tendencies were intrinsic to Blake’s

Marriage of Heaven and Hell (1790–1793), The French Revolution (1791), and

America (1793). However, as we saw above, Crabb Robinson obliterated the radicalmessage of these poems by describing such texts as “obscure . . . mysterious and incom-

prehensible,” thereby silencing Blake’s revolutionary voice, which would not havefitted the political and cultural agenda of Perthes’s periodical.

Conclusion

Clearly, Perthes’s Vaterlä ndisches Museum negotiated the binary and antagonisticimpulses between nationalism and cosmopolitanism, between the local and the

general, between the German and the Germanic. Although Perthes’s periodicalserved political and nationalistic ends in its effort to infuse a sense of power and self-confidence into its readers and stir them into action, the Vaterlä ndisches

Museum still in some measure espoused the cosmopolitan outlook of the time, putting forward the idea that all human beings belong to the human community.

Within such a political and cultural framework, Crabb Robinson’s piece onBlake articulated the very tension with which Perthes was dealing. Implicitly aswell as explicitly, Blake emerged as a figure that channelled Perthes’s conflictingloyalties. Interestingly, the format of the periodical itself and the position of Crabb Robinson’s essay, sandwiched as it was between the review of Bouterwek’s

Von der neuesten englischen Poesie and the Schluss-Anmerkung , moulded Blake’sreputation in two reconcilable ways: not only did it present him as a figurewhose art contained and could transmit elements of German culture and Germanidentity, but at the same time it also introduced the English poet as a quintessentiallycosmopolitan artist, a man speaking a language that went beyond borders and

beyond nationalities.The initial success of Perthes’s periodical exceeded all expectations. It was,

however, short-lived. Only one year after its first issue, in 1811, the Vaterlä ndisches Museum ceased publication. The purpose and ideals at the core of Perthes’ project were suddenly dashed by Napoleon’s annexation of Hamburg to the French Empirein 1811. Indeed, Perthes argued that because he no longer had a “Vaterland,” therecould be no Vaterlä ndisches Museum anymore. Deeply affected by the turn of politicalevents, and increasingly aware of the dangers of pursuing his publishing activities,Perthes brought the publication of his journal to an end.

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Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank Angela Esterhammer, Indira Ghose, Anthony Mortimer, as wellas the two anonymous ERR reviewers for their comments on an earlier draft of this essay.

Notes1. See for example Crabb Robinson’s article “The Duchess of Weimar” in the 26 December

1807 issue of the Times, and that entitled “Germany” in the December 1807 edition of the Times; see also Steinberg (ii, 26–47).

2. For a list of Crabb Robinson’s works on Germany, see Marquardt (ii, 354– 58).3. While it cannot be ignored, the cultural impact Crabb Robinson had through his personal

conversations and encounters with his German friends cannot be decisively proven.4. I am very grateful to Karen Racine and James Vigus for allowing me to have a copy of their

“working bibliography” on Henry Crabb Robinson, on which I base my assertion.5. Other texts published by Perthes were highly instrumental for the development of the book

trade in early nineteenth-century Germany. It was owing to Perthes’s initiative that the“Börsenverein der deutschen Buchhändler” (“Union of German Booksellers”) was

founded in Leipzig in 1825.6. On Anglo-German cultural and literary relations during this period, see Pipkin, Burwick and Klein, and Stark.

7. For a discussion of scientific exchanges on an international level, see for example the dis-cussion of the periodical ‘Zu den Annalen der Physik’ in Arnim (ii, 588–93).

8. Der Teutsche Merkur , 3 (1788), 97–115; on the subject of cosmopolitanism in eighteenth-century Germany, see Kleingeld.

9. Young’s Night Thoughts first appeared in German in 1760; see Bentley ( Blake Records),Letter of Friday 20 November 1801 (113– 14).

10. Others were puzzled by Europe, including J.T. Smith who described the poem as a “mys-terious and incomprehensible rhapsody . . .wholly inexplicable,” quoted in Bentley (TheStranger from Paradise 152).

11. A notice of Blake in the London University Magazine in 1830 compares him with Novalis,see Trawick (230).

12. On Blake’s relation with Fuseli, see Mason (44– 58).13. For biographies of Perthes, see Perthes, Grolle, and Moldenhauer.14. Production and distribution – or publishing and retailing – were only beginning to separate

in Germany at the time.15. Perthes states his inspiration from the Deutsches Museum in his “Ankündingung”; for a

detail account of how the Vaterlä ndisches Museum came into being, see Moldenhauer (236ff).

16. For a discussion of the various designs by Runge for the Vaterlä ndisches Museum, seeTraeger (451– 53).

17. The design was based on Fuseli’s “Body of Abel” that was engraved by Charles Grignionfor Johann Caspar Lavater’s Essays on Physiognomy, Designed to Promote the Knowledge

of Love of Mankind, translated by Henry Hunter, 3 vols in 5 parts (London: John Murray,1789–1798), see Berefelt (167).

18. Perthes had already commissioned Runge to produce a series of outlines for a volume of Ossian (1805–1806) as a pendant to his edition of John Flaxman’s Dante, see Vaughan(47). Besides his activities as an illustrator, Runge produced other pieces for Perthes, includ-ing a portrait of his daughter, Louise Perthes (Weimar, Kunstsammlungen) as well as his painting Moonrise (Winterthur, Sammlung Oskar Reinhardt), which was originallydesigned as decoration for the Perthes’s house in Hamburg.

19. Runge reworked the light /dark outline modes of representation of Flaxman’s silhouettesinto his own “Scherenschnitte” (Traeger 143–44).

20. Interestingly, when elaborating his “Kleine Morgen” and “Grosse Morgen,” Runge alsostruggled with the physicality of the bodies in the foreground and the spirituality of those

close to the light of heaven (Traeger 156–69).21. In his essay, Crabb Robinson does not mean that Blake is Catholic or that he belongs to the

established church. On the contrary, he points out that he belongs to a dissenting communityand that he was invited to join the Swedenborgians under Proud.



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22. Together with the now obscure Egbert van Heemskerk the Elder (1634– 1704), a DutchBaroque artist who spent part of his career in London in the late seventeenth century.

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