dāstān-e amīr hamzah - the bilgrāmī text

8/3/2019 Dstn-e amr Hamzah - The Bilgrm text

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A N O T E O N T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N

The letters of the Urdu alphabet have been transliterated as follows. The forms

with traditional diacritics are those used in the PDF files. The forms in squarebrackets are the substitute forms used on html pages. If you are interested in

transliteration issues and want to know more about the logic of all this, see the

explanations given in *A Desertful of Roses* on this site.

alif as: a --- i --- u --- [=aa]

b --- p --- t --- t. [=;T] --- s.

[=;s]

j --- ch --- h. [=;h] --- k. h [=;x]

d --- d. [=;D] --- [=;z]

r --- r. [=;R] --- z --- zhs --- sh

t

[=:t] --- z

[=:z]

[=((] --- g.h [=;G]

f --- q

k --- g

l --- m

n

v o as: v --- [=uu] --- o --- au

h

[=ii]bar.ye: y --- e --- ai

nn-e g.hunnah: [=;N]

hamzah: [=))]

iz.fat: -e

For the sake of consistency, Persian words have been transliterated as they are

pronounced in Urdu. Indic words have been treated as though they were written

phonetically in Urdu script.


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A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

FROM THE PRINT VERSION (1991):

My dastan work goes back for more than ten years now, and from the start I

have had the support of my teacher and friend, C. M. Naim of the University ofChicago. As the work progressed, M. A. R. Barker of the University ofMinnesota most generously lent dastan volumes from his own collection formicrofilming, as did Ralph Russell, formerly of the School of Oriental andAfrican Studies, London. William L. Hanaway of the University ofPennsylvania, to whose work on Persian dastan I am immensely indebted, hasalso been a most valuable friend and counselor.

At Columbia, I have been fortunate in my colleagues: for readings,comments, and general encouragement I particularly thank John S. Hawley,Barbara Stoler Miller, Theodore Riccardi, David Rubin, James Russell, and EhsanYarshater.

In South Asia too, I have had generous help from friends and colleagues.These have included, in India, Dr. Gopi Chand Narang of Delhi University andDr. Naiyar Masud of Lucknow University; and in Pakistan, Dr. FarmanFatahpuri of the Urdu Dictionary Board, and Jamiluddin Aali and Dr. AslamFarrukhi of the Anjuman Taraqqi-e Urdu, in Karachi. Maulvi Niyaz ud-Din ofthe Kutubkhanah Anjuman Taraqqi-e Urdu, in Urdu Bazaar in Delhi, has longbeen the best and most consistent supplier of rare books, and my work wouldhave been much the poorer without his help. The India International Centre,New Delhi, provided ideal living and working arrangements during severallong visits to Delhi; the Centres support has contributed a great deal to thesuccessful completion of the project.

Libraries too have been of the greatest help at all stages of the work.Kenneth Jones and Ismat Jahan of the Library of Congress office in New Delhinot only found things for me, but also made it possible to preserve rare dastantexts in microform versions. In London, the India Office Library and Records,the Oriental Reading Room, and other parts of the British Library maintainunparalleled collections, and have an altogether cooperative and helpful groupof staff members; I am especially indebted to Qazi Mahmud ul-Haq. Dastanmicrofilming in the United States was made possible by the good offices ofMaureen L. P. Patterson of Regenstein Library at the University of Chicago, andof Henry Scholberg of the Ames Library at the University of Minnesota. First

Cecelia Shores, and then Ray Boylan, arranged for the forty-six-volumemicrofilm version to find a safe home at the Center for Research Libraries inChicago. In New York, the Columbia University libraries and the New YorkPublic Library have been most helpful.

Ive also had the benefit of several research grants for dastan-relatedprojects: a short-term Senior Research Fellowship from the American Institute ofIndian Studies (1984), and two successive summer grants (1985, 1986) from theCouncil for Research in the Humanities, Columbia University.Jennifer Crewe, John Director, and Leslie Bialler of Columbia University Press
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, .magical companion as well: my faithful and intelligent computer, equippedwith the astonishing brainpower of Nota Bene.

In fact my dastan work all along has had a magical quality, like theWater-flask of Khizr. As the work has progressed, as its demands have becomeclear, unexpected resources have always appeared, and they have always beenjust sufficient for the needs of the moment. The dastan world has proved to be

the ultimate tilism: its wonders keep changing, but they never diminish.First, last, and always, Ive had the invaluable help of Shamsur Rahman

Faruqi, my best collaborator and friend. This project, like so many others weveworked on during the past twelve years, really belongs to us both.

Frances W. PritchettNew York, 1990

FOR THE ONLINE VERSION (2004)The Hamzah project was the reason I bought a computer in the firstplace, in 1985. I knew I'd have to do a lot of paragraphing andre-paragraphing, since the original Urdu text had no paragraphbreaks at all. It made no sense not to do that on a computer (withWordStar, which at the time was state-of-the-art). So, anxiously butwith desperate resolve, I took the plunge. No more cutting, pasting,re-xeroxing!

I'd like to celebrate Nota Bene (again), the simplicities of NetscapeComposer 4.7, the elaborations of DreamWeaver, and all my lovelycomputers over the years. What a long way we've all come, andhow the possibilities keep expanding!

And I'd like to renew my thanks to Shamsur Rahman Faruqi,whose own work on the dastan world, now so much deeper andmore extensive than mine, began when he helped me with these

very enjoyable translations in the early 1980's.

Fran PritchettNew York, January 2004
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Introduction, Part One:

The medieval Persian romance tradition

Dstn and qis.s.ah1 in Persian both mean story, and the narrative genre to which

they refer goes back to medieval Iran. At least as early as the ninth century, it was a widely

popular form of story-telling: dastan-narrators practiced their art not merely in coffee houses, but

in royal palaces as well. They told tales of heroic romance and adventure--stories about gallant

princes and their encounters with evil kings, enemy champions, demons, magicians, Jinns, divine

emissaries, tricky secret agents called ayyrs, and beautiful princesses who might be human or

of thePar (fairy) race.

Dastans had no official religious or social purpose within their culture, and therefore

no externally prescribed form. They existed for the sheer pleasure of the story-telling experience:

created by the narrators artistic authority, they were sustained by the listeners responsiveness,

by the perpetual question, Then what happened? Dastan-narrators drew on the revered nationalverse epic Shh nmah (The Book of Kings) (c1010),2 and incorporated into its framework folk

traditions of all kinds, creating narratives that were swept along by the strong currents of the

imagination. Their ultimate subject matter was always simple:razm o bazm, the battlefield and

the elegant courtly life, war and love.

A number of such dastans were current in medieval Iran, and their well-known plots

offered frameworks upon which each narrator practiced his own kind of embroidery. As a

professional, the dastan-narrator provided passages of elaborate rhyming prose at high points in

the story (especially when describing gardens, nights, women, or battlefields), inserted verses

from well-known poets, and in general catered most carefully to the mood and tastes of his

listeners.

William L. Hanaway, who has made a close study of Persian dastans, describes themas popular romances which were created, elaborated, and transmitted by professional story-

tellers. He mentions five as the principal ones surviving from the pre-S. afavid (i.e., fifteenth

century and earlier) period: those which grew up around the adventures of the world-conqueror

Alexander, the great Persian king Darius, the Prophets uncle H. amzah, the legendary king Froz

Shh, and--an interesting counterpoint--a humbly born trickster-hero named Samak the Ayyr.3

Only a few translations of these texts into Western languages have ever been made.4

The medieval Persian romance tradtion, page 1

____________________

1Both dastan (dstn) and qissah (qis.s.ah) were used interchangeably, with the latter term predominating.

To these terms could be appended either -go (go), teller, or -khvan (k.hvn), reciter, reader, to refer to the

narrators of the tales.

2An abridged but useful English version of this important text is Reuben LevysThe Epic of the Kings.

3William Hanaway, Formal Elements in the Persian Popular Romances, pp. 140-143. This latter romance

has been studied in Marina Gaillard,Le livre de Samak-e Ayyr; Structure et idologie du roman persan mdieval.

4Two abridged English translations are available: Minoo S. Southgate Iskandarnamah; A Persian Medieval

Alexander Romance; and William L. Hanaway,Love and War: Adventures from the Firuz Shah Nama of Sheikh

Bighami. One French translation has been begun, but not completed: Frdrique Razavi,Samak-e Ayyr, vol. 1.


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It is hard to be certain about the earliest sources and origins of such romances;

inevitably, the surviving manuscripts leave many questions unanswered. Moreover, since the

dastans lived at their fullest in performance, the written forms they were given from time to time

cannot speak with complete authority about their real lives. The romances, even in the written

scripts we have, are so clearly designed to be narrated orally and heardby a listening

audience, that our lack of access to the medieval performance tradition must always remain asource of regret. According to one observer, the H. amzah story in particular was a staple of

Teheran coffee-house performances as recently as the early 1930s.5 It is hard to know to what

extent we can extrapolate from modern parallels. An excellent study done in 1974-75 found the

coffee-houses of Teheran playing host to resident professional narrators who spun out long,

complex tales for a relatively stable clientele, filling in the crevices of the Shh nmahwith

material from their notebooks, memories, and opinions.6 Another modern study found the

H. amzah story occasionally told by Turkish coffee-house narrators in Azerbaijan.7

Of all the early dastans, the H. amzah romance is thought to be the oldest8; it probably

originated in the eleventh century.9 In Hanaways view it also shows the greatest direct

influence of the Shh nmah; it is structurally the simplest of all the romances, since H. amzah

himself comes on the scene early and dominates it throughout the story. Hanaway finds,however, one glaring example of padding in the plot: the strangely incongruous episode in

which H. amzah goes to the land of Qf and spends eighteen years among the non-human Devs

(demons) and Pars. The incongruity lies in the insertion of such a fantastic episode into a very

earthbound book--a book which otherwise contains practically nothing of the marvelous or

supernatural. Hanaway concludes that the whole Qf episode has no apparent structural

function, and could even be deleted without any serious damage to the story. Apart from the

Qf episode, the H. amzah story thus has the virtue of simplicity, though it lacks the variety and

movement of, for example, the later romance about Samak the Ayyr, in which numerous

strands are woven harmoniously together, and even a flashback--Samaks recounting of a

childhood experience--appears.10


____________________

5D. M. Lang and G. M. Meredith-Owens, Amiran-Darejaniani; A Georgian Romance and its English

Rendering; see p. 474 for discussion of the H. amzah cycles continuing popularity, including this observation made

by E. Bloch in 1934.

6Mary Ellen Page,Naqqali and Ferdowsi: Creativity in the Iranian National Tradition, includes detailed

accounts of their narratives. Nowadays these storytellers are called naqql--derived from naql, anecdote, story--

and according to Page they do not narrate the old romances as such, though they may freely borrow material from

them.

7Ilhan Basgz, in Turkish Hikaye-Telling Tradition in Azerbaijan, Iran, finds that both the H. amzah nmah

and the Shh nmah are told during the two holy months of the year, when secularhikaye narratives are not

acceptable (p. 394).

8Hanaway, Formal Elements, p. 152. For a conflicting view, see Alessandro Bausani, Hikaya--Persian,

Encyclopedia of Islam (new series) 3:373.

9Lang and Meredith-Owens, Amiran-Darejaniani, p. 473.

10William L. Hanaway,Persian Popular Romances Before the Safavid Period, pp. 196, 237-238, 230. The

H. amzah text on which he bases his discussion is Ja far Shi r, ed., Qis.s.ah-e H. amzah.


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The romance of H. amzah goes back--or at least purports to go back--to the life of its

hero, H. amzah ibn Abd ul-Muttalib, the paternal uncle of the Prophet. According to the earliest

biographical source, H. amzah was the strongest man of his tribe and the most unyielding. He

was an outdoorsman, fond of hunting. After he accepted Islam, he was impetuously willing to

use force in its defense: even in the early days at Mecca, he once struck a violent blow at

someone who had been reviling the Prophet, and cried out, Will you insult him when I followhis religion, and say what he says? Hit me back if you can! H. amzah followed the Prophet to

Madina, became one of the earliest standard-bearers on expeditions, and fought in the battle of

Badr. Finally, in the battle of Uh. ud (625 C.E.), as he fought like a great camel, slaying men

with his sword, none being able to resist him, he was struck in the groin by a javelin. The

javelin-thrower was a slave who had been promised his freedom in return for H. amzahs death;

his act was instigated by a woman named Hind bint Utbah, whose relatives H. amzah had killed

at Badr. Hind bint Utbah then went to the battlefield and mutilated the dead H. amzahs body,

cutting off his ears and nose, cutting out his liver and chewing it to fulfill the vow of vengeance

she had made. Later, when the Prophet conquered Mecca, Hind bint Utbah came veiled and

disguised before him, fearful of punishment; she accepted Islam, and was pardoned.11

It has been argued that the romance of H. amzah may actually have begun with theadventures of a Persian namesake of the original H. amzah: H. amzah ibn Abdullh, a member of a

radical Islamic sect called the K. hrijites, who was the leader of an insurrectionary movement

against the caliph Hrn ur-Rashd and his successors. This Persian H. amzah lived in the early

ninth century, and seems to have been a dashing rebel whose colorful exploits gave rise to many

stories. As these stories gained circulation they were eventually transferred to the earlier

H. amzah, who was an orthodox Muslim champion acceptable to all.12 This conjecture, though

attractive, rests on circumstantial evidence alone; it cannot be substantiated, as far as I know,

from any evidence within the manuscripts themselves. What the romance claims to be about is

the life--and grisly death--of the Arab H. amzah, the Prophets uncle; though this life is seen

through very Persian eyes.13

In early medieval Iran, the romance about the life of H. amzah was only one of anumber of similar stories, and did not particularly stand out among its peers; it was, as we have

seen, on the brief, simple and straightforward side, while other early romances had been more

elaborately developed. Yet the H. amzah story was unique in its ability to grow, to ramify, and to

travel: it gradually spread over immense areas of the Muslim world. It was soon translated into

Arabic; there is a twelfth-century Georgian version, and a fifteenth-century Turkish version

twenty-four volumes long.14 It also exists in sixteenth-century Malay and Javanese versions,15


____________________

11A. Guillaume, trans., The Life of Muhammad; A Translation of Ibn Ishaqs Sirat Rasul Allah (London:

Oxford University Press, 1955), pp. 131-132, 283, 299, 375-376, 385-387, 553.

12Lang and Meredith-Owens, Amiran-Darejaniani, pp. 475-477.

13Somewhat confusingly, there also exists a traditional Arabic H. amzah romance, the Srat H. amzah, but its

hero is an entirely different person who is, however, some relative of the Prophet. See G. M. Meredith-Owens,

H. amza b. Abd al-Muttalib,Encyclopedia of Islam (new series) 3:153.

14Lang and Meredith-Owens, Amiran-Darejaniani, pp. 471-474.

15Ph. S. Van Ronkel,De Roman van Amir Hamza.


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and in Balinese and Sudanese ones as well.16 Moreover, even in Iran the story continued to

develop over time: by the mid-nineteenth century the H. amzah romance had grown to such an

extent that it was printed in a version about twelve hundred very large pages in length.17 By this

time the dastan was often calledRumz-e H. amzah (The Subtleties of H. amzah). And by this

time, the H. amzah romance had made itself conspicuously at home in India as well.


____________________

16G. M. Meredith-Owens, H. amza b. Abd al-Muttalib,Encyclopedia of Islam (new series) 3:152-154.

17This printed version,Kitb-e rumz-e H. amzah (Teheran, AH 1274-76 [1857-59]), is in the British Library.


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Introduction, Part Two:

The Persian romance tradition comes to India

Persian-speakers began to establish themselves in Sind from the early eighth century,and in large regions of northwestern South Asia from the early eleventh century onward. They

came as military adventurers, and stayed to become founders of dynasties. The cultural prestige

of Persian was so commanding at the time that even those rulers whose native language was

Turkish tended to use Persian as their court language. But of all the Persian romances, only the

story of H. amzah took firm root in the new soil. Annemarie Schimmel judges that the H. amzah

story must have been popular in the Subcontinent from the days of Mahmud of Ghazna 1 in the

early eleventh century, and it is tempting to suppose so. The earliest solid evidence, however,

seems to be a late-fifteenth-century set of paintings that illustrate the story; these were crudely

executed, possibly in Jaunpur, perhaps for a not-too-affluent patron.2

By the beginning of the Mughal period the H. amzah story was well established across

a wide region. In 1555, Bbur noted with disapproval that the leading literary figure of Khurasanhad recently wasted his time in composing an imitation of the cycle. 3 The great emperor

Akbar (r1556-1605), far from sharing his grandfathers attitude, conceived and supervised the

immense task of illustrating the whole romance. As Akbars court chronicler tells us, H. amzahs

adventures were represented in twelve volumes, and clever painters made the most astonishing

illustrations for no less than one thousand and four hundred passages of the story.4 The

illustrated manuscript thus created became the supreme achievement of Mughal art: of all the

loot carried off from Delhi by Nadir Shah in 1739 (including the Peacock Throne), it was only

theHamza-nama, painted with images that defy the imagination, that Emperor Muhammad

Shah pleaded to have returned.5 Akbar was so fond of the H. amzah story that he even used to

tell it himself, like a qissah-khvan or qissah-narrator, in the harem.6 Akbars personal qissah-

khvan--himself the son of another professional narrator--was so constantly present in court thathe is said to have earned the nickname of Darbr K. hn.

7 Akbars successor Jahngr (r1605-

The Persian romance tradition comes to India, page 1

____________________

1Annemarie Schimmel, Classical Urdu Literature from the Beginning to Iqbal, p. 204.

2Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra,New Documents of Indian Painting--a Reappraisal(Bombay: Board

of Trustees of the Prince of Wales Museum, 1969), pp. 50-55, plates 117-126.

3Bbur described this imitation as a far-fetched lie, opposed to sense and nature. Annette S. Beveridge,

trans., The Babur-nma in English (London: Luzac and Co., 1969), p. 280.

4

H. Blochmann, trans., Ain i Akbari (Lahore: Qausain, 1975; 2nd ed.), p. 115.5Stuart Cary Welch,Imperial Mughal Painting(New York: George Braziller, 1978), p. 44. Only about 150

of these paintings are known to survive today.

6Lang and Meredith-Owens, Amiran-Darejaniani, p. 473. For an attempt to outline the story as Akbar

knew it, see Glck,Die Indischen Miniaturen des Haemzae-Romanes; see also the more scrupulous Faredany-

Akhavan, The Problems of the Mughal Manuscript of the Hamza-Nama.

7H. Beveridge, trans., The Akbar Nama (Delhi: Ess Ess Publications, 1977), vol. 2, p. 343.


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27) also retained a Persian qissah-khvan, Mirz Asad Beg Shrz, whose skill he valued and

rewarded.8

The H. amzah story left traces in the Deccan as well. One Persian romance-narrator,

H. jQis.s.ah-K. hvn Hamadn, records his arrival in 1612 at Hyderabad, at the court of Sultan

Abdullh Qutb Shh (r1611-72) of Golconda. The H. jwrites, I had brought with me a

number of manuscripts of theRumz-e H. amzah. When I presented them in the kings service, Iwas ordered, Prepare a summary of them. In obedience to this order this bookZubdat ur-rumz

(The Cream of theRumz) has been prepared.9 The prestige of the written word in this oral

performance tradition can be clearly seen: a professional oral narrator, a qissah-khvan, can think

of no better way to introduce himself at the court of a potential patron than by presenting written

texts. The king graciously responds by ordering the qissah-khvan to make a written digest of

these texts--an offer which no doubt included a pension, permission to attend at court, and a

chance to practice his oral art as well. At least two other seventeenth-century Indo-Persian

H. amzah manuscripts survive, dated A.H.1096 [1684-5] and A.H.1099 [1687-8], as well as

various undated and later ones.10

By the eighteenth century, the H. amzah story was so well-known in India that it

inspired an indigenous Indo-Persian imitation, the massiveBostn-e K. hiyl(Garden ofK. hiyl). The future author of this work, Mr Muh.ammad Taq, who had chosen as his pen-

name K. hiyl (dream, vision), came to Delhi from Ahmedabad, hoping to improve his none-

too-promising fortunes.

Near the house where he was staying was a gathering place where a number of

people came every day, and before them a qissah-khvan used to narrate the qissah of

Amr H. amzah, which is well-known in the whole world. Poor Mr Taq too, with a

view to lifting his spirits, joined the gathering on one or two occasions, and listened

silently to the qissah. The qissah-khvan, seeing this person poorly dressed and

looking like a student, one day said tauntingly before the people of the gathering, A

man can, according to his capacity, learn every discipline and science. But the art of

qissah narration is so subtle and difficult that it can never be acquired at all--exceptby someone whose temperament is naturally suited to it.

The young K. hiyl is supposed to have responded to the taunt by vowing to create a colorful

story of such a style that not even the sky itself--much less mere human beings--will ever have

heard the like!11

The result of his boast was an original Persian dastan that kept getting longer and

longer: over a thirty-year period (1726-1756) K. hiyl composed a dastan long enough to fill

fifteen massive manuscript volumes which averaged something like 500 (extraordinarily large-

Introduction, page 2

____________________

8Gyn Chand Jain, Urd k nas.r dstne, p. 106.

9H. jQis.s.ah K. hvn Hamadn,Zubdat ur-rumz, p. 2. The manuscript, which is in the Khudabakhsh

Library in Patna, is unfortunately incomplete.

10Ah. mad Manzav, comp.,A Comprehensive Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts in Pakistan (Islamabad: Iran

Pakistan Institute of Persian Studies, 1987), vol. 6, pp. 933-939.

11Amn, Dbchah-e kitb natjah-e fikr-e tarjamah nigr, an introduction toH. ad iq-e anr, p. 3. (This is

the first volume of K. hvjah Amns Urdu translation ofBostn-e K. hiyl.) In typical dastan style, there is another

origin myth as well: that in his youth K. hiyl invented one new qissah every day, at the command of a woman with

whom he was in love. See Ibn-e Kanval,Hindstn tahb bostn-e k.hiyl ke tanz

ur me, pp. 24-25.


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sized) pages in length; during most of this time he lived on patronage from various local rulers.

To speed up the process of composition, one eager patron is said to have bestowed on him

fifteen swift-writing scribes with fine penmanship.12 K. hiyls original work was never

printed, but it circulated widely in manuscript form, and as a basis for oral narrative it indeed

became the only serious rival to the H. amzah cycle throughout North India.13

The degree to which the H. amzah romance had become a part of Indo-Persianlanguage and culture can be seen in some of the most famous Indo-Persian dictionaries: they

define a number of characteristic terms from the story as full-fledged words in the Persian

language.14 In the course of countless retellings before faithful audiences, the Indo-Persian

H. amzah story seems to have grown generally longer and more elaborate throughout the

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Oral narration in Persian continued well into the nineteenth

century. Writing in 1834, James Forbes describes the household of a Persianized navab at

Cambay, near Ahmedabad, as containing the usual contingent of professional kissa kawn, a

class of people well known to the admirers of Persian and Arabian tales. Forbes then tells an

anecdote about an English friend who was ill with a dangerously high fever the nabob sent him

two female story-tellers, of respectable Mogul families, but neither young nor handsome. Placing

themselves on each side of his pillow, one of them in a monotonous tone commenced a tale,which in due time had a soporiferous effect. Whenever the patient woke, the story was

renewed exactly where it had left off. The women relieved each other day and night by his

bedside, until they wrought a cure.15

Even in the second half of the nineteenth century, it appears that written Persian

dastans of considerable length were circulating among the educated elite in North India. The

great Urdu (and Persian) poet Mirz Asadullh K. hn G.hlib (1797-1869), writing around 1861,

speaks of his delight at receiving a book of the dastan of Amr H. amzah about fifty or sixtyjuzvs

long, and a volume of the same size ofBostn-e k.hiyl.16 The length of ajuzv in Delhi was

usually sixteen pages, which would yield a book 800 to 960 pages long.17 No Urdu version of

such length then existed, so G.hlib was surely reading a Persian narrative--but was it an

indigenous Indo-Persian work, or an import from Iran? Was it some manuscript descendant ofthe sixteenth-century text which Akbar caused to be illustrated in theH. amzah nmah?

18 Was it


____________________

12Ibn-e Kanval,Hindstn tahb, p. 25.

13Gyn Chand,Nas.r dstne, pp. 598-600.

14These dictionaries includeBurhn-e qt

(mid-seventeenth century),Bahr-e ajam (early eighteenth

century), Chirg.h-e hidyat(early eighteenth century), and Shams ul-luht(printed in the early nineteenth century,

but based on much older dictionaries). Examples of such linguistic incorporation are being compiled by S. R. Frq

as part of a larger study of the Persian and Urdu H. amzah tradition.

15James Forbes, Oriental Memoirs; a Narrative of Seventeen Years Residence in India (London: RichardBentley, 1834, 2 vols.), vol. 2, pp. 235-236.

16Mirz Asadullh K. hn G.hlib,K. hut

t-e g

.hlib, ed. by G

.hulm Rasl Mihr (Lahore: Panjab University

Press, 1969, 2 vols.), vol. 1, p. 385.

17Abdul Qadir interprets the length as 960 pages. Sir Abdul Qadir,Famous Urdu Poets and Writers

(Lahore: New Book Society, 1947), p. 42.

18Only bits and pieces of this text survive, mostly on the backs of the famous illustrated leaves which are


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an offshoot of H. jQis.s.ah K. hvn Hamadns massive manuscriptZubdat ur-rumz(c.1612)?

(We do not know the full length of either of these works, since only fragments of the former

remain, and our only existing copy of the latter is incomplete.) Or had G.hlib perhaps received

the newly publishedKitb-e rumz-e H. amzah, printed in Teheran in 1857-59? The questions are

tantalizing, and the answers still all too few. In the case ofBostn-e K. hiylas well,G.hlib almost

surely read a Persian (manuscript) text;19

for a few years later he took elaborate and celebratorynotice of two different Urdu translations, as though he had never seen one before.

Near the end of his life G.hlib paid one last conspicuous tribute to the dastan world.

When his patron Navb Kalb-e AlK. hn of Rampur (r1865-86) expressed interest in the

H. amzah romance, G.hlib addressed to him a Persian praise-poem (qas.dah)

20 in which every

verse contained a witty reference to one or more characters in the dastan. Of a total of forty-

seven references, eight were to H. amzah himself, five to his trickster companion, Amar Ayyr,

and the rest to about thirty-three other characters; G.hlib arranged the references so cleverly, and

made them so evocative of the various characters individual roles, that he clearly knew the

dastan extensively and well. In an accompanying letter (1865), he gave his own account of the

history of the H. amzah romance, calling it a fictional (mau ) work written by talented men

of Iran in the days of Shah Abbas II [1642-1666]. In Iran, he said, it was calledRumz-eH. amzah, while in India it was known asDstn-e amr H. amzah. It was written something over

two hundred years ago, but is still famous and always will be.21

By the nineteenth century, however, Persian as an Indian language was in a slow

decline, for its political and cultural place was being taken by the rapidly developing modern

languages. But even into the early twentieth century, there was at least some market in India for

short Persian versions of the H. amzah romance: one such version was published in Bombay as

recently as 1909.22

The H. amzah romance spread gradually, usually in its briefer and less elaborate

forms, into a number of the modern languages of South Asia. Pushtu and Sindhi were

particularly hospitable to the H. amzah story, and at least in Pushtu it continues to flourish today,

with printed pamphlet versions being produced.23 In Bengali it was popular among Muslims as


now dispersed in museums around the world. For a thorough and fascinating study of these fragments, see

Faridany-Akhavan, The Problems of the Mughal Manuscript of the Hamza-Nama.

19The one existing printed Urdu version (1842) was much shorter. There were, however, some Urdu

manuscript volumes done at Rampur, at the Navbs command, from 1842 onwards; see Ibn-e Kanval,Hindstn

tahb, pp. 28-29.

20G.hlib,Kulliyt-e G

.hlib frs (Lahore: Majlis Taraqq-e Urd, 1967), vol. 2, pp. 390-395. I am grateful to

C. M. Naim for bringing this qas.dah to my attention.

21Russell and Islam, trans. and eds., Ghalib, p. 321. See also G.hlib, Qas. id o mas.naviyt-e frs, ed. by

G.hulm Rasl Mihr (Lahore Panjab University, 1969), pp. 470-475. Apparently G

.hlib knew nothing of Akbars

H. amzah nmah, which antedates the reign of Shh Abbs II by more than half a century.

22Mirz Muh. ammad K. hn Malik ul-Kuttb,Kitb-e dstn-e amr h.amzah s.h. ib qirn. This version is in the

Columbia University Library. Two other late printed Indo-Persian versions--Bombay, 1895, and Lucknow, 1906--

are in the British Library. Each of the three is about 250 large, closely-printed pages long.

23For this information I am indebted to Dr. Wilma Heston of the University of Pennsylvania, who has made

an extensive study of modern Pushtu folk narrative. One substantial 324-page printed verse version in modern


12/52

early as the eighteenth century, in a long verse romance calledAmrhamjar pth which was

described by its authors, Fakr Garbullh and Saiyad Hamj, as a translation from the Persian24;

this romance was printed repeatedly in pamphlet form in the nineteenth century, and even

occasionally in the twentieth. Various Hindi versions were produced, as we will see. But above

all, the story of H. amzah flourished in Urdu.


Pushtu, Jn Muh. ammad Mull,Dstn amr h.amzah (Peshawar: Miyn H. j Abdul K. hliq, 1949), is documented

in Iqbal Ali Jatoi,Bibliography of Folk Literature (Islamabad: National Institute of Folk Heritage, 1980), p. 76.

24Abdul Mannan, The Emergence and Development of Dobhasi Literature in Bengal, pp. 79-133.


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Introduction, Part Three:

The H. amzah Romance in Urdu

From the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, an important change was graduallytaking place, first in the Deccan and then in North India: Urdu was developing as a literary

language. It was equipping its Indic grammar with an extensive overlay of sophisticated Persian

words, expressions, and idioms. It was also appropriating every Persian genre it could possibly

use. Both Urdu poetry and Urdu prose seem to have developed initially in the Deccan, then

gradually migrated northwards. The various genres of poetry, led by the ghazal (g.hazal), made

the transition quickly and easily.

Prose, however, was another matter. Dakkani (Deccani) Urdu may have been, as

was Persian, a medium for oral dastan-narration; there is little evidence either way. But it could

certainly boast the qissah-like allegorical prose romance Sab ras (1635) and the H. amzah-

influenced verse narrativeK. hvar nmah (1649). The latter in particular was full of battles in

which H. az.rat Al, the Prophets son-in-law, fought with Devs and Paris, and confronteddragons, tigers, and ghosts; the action also included wars with hundreds of kings, and in

between, some romantic episodes.1 The H. amzah story itself exists in a late Dakkani prose

version called Qis.s.ah-e jang-e amr H. amzah (Qissah of the War of Amir H. amzah) (1784). This

work was probably translated from a Persian text, but we cannot be sure; very little is known

about its background. Dakhani Urdu was also the medium of a number of other, generally shorter

qissah narratives with the typical themes of magic, romance, and adventure. These qissahs were

produced from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries; the earlier ones were mostly in verse,

the later ones in prose.2

Despite this early cultivation in the Deccan, written Urdu prose seems to have been a

late migrant to the North: ordinary people were illiterate, and literate people, even if they spoke

fluent Urdu, wrote in Persian.3 Until the end of the eighteenth century, according to GyanChand Jain, the writing of prose in Urdu was such a unique thing that several authors...thought

they had invented it.4 A few manuscript works like Faz.l-e AlFaz. lsKarbal kath (The Story

of Karbala) (1732), a tragic narrative about the battle of Karbala; Mr Muh. ammad H. usain At

K. hn Tah. snsNau tarz-e muras.s.a (A New Style of Adornment) (1780), an elaborately told

version of the Persian Qis.s.ah-e cahr darvesh (Qissah of the Four Dervishes); and the Mughal

king Shh lams Aj ib ul-qis.as. (Wonder among Qissahs) (c1790), also a traditional qissah,

The H. amzah romance in Urdu, page 1

____________________

1Farmn Fath.pr, Urd kmanz

m dstne, p. 90.

2Farmn Fah.pr, Manz

m dstne, pp. 118-120; Gyn Chand,Nas.rdstne, pp. 130-139.

3he great prestige of Persian, which lasted far into the nineteenth century, was lamented by Abdul H. alm

Sharar in his famous cultural history of Lucknow: But as for prose, the whole country was interested only in

reading and writing in Persian....The result of which was that however sweet and elegant the Urdu language had

become for colloquial conversation, when it came to writing, everyone was struck dumb. Sharar, Guz.ashtah

Lakhna , p. 181.

4Gyn Chand,Nas.rdstne, p. 143.


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stand as rare examples--and even they tend to be heavily and somewhat clumsily Persianized in

style.5

Azz Ah. mad states flatly that pre-nineteenth-century Urdu prose developed an

intricate and interminable romance tradition that lost itself into the fantasies of the dastan,

chiefly of the cycle of Amir Hamza,6 but there is not yet enough evidence to establish the point.

It is easy to show that during the eighteenth century the Islamicized North Indian elite patronizedthe H. amzah romance in Persian; but even when K. hiyl set out to challenge the dominance of the

H. amzah romance he wrote, as we have seen, not an Urdu dastan, but another Persian one. If the

Urdu H. amzah romance was cultivated, either in oral narration or in manuscript form, in

eighteenth-century North India, no clear proof of its presence has yet been found.

There are a few vague traces, but they are exasperatingly blurred by the constant

interpenetration of Persian and Urdu. One such murky trace is a verse by the great early ghazal

poet Mr (c1722-1810): The story-tellers boy--how can I tell you, hes so worth seeing! / My

and his qissah is, friends, worth hearing.7 The verse is in Urdu, but were the stories? In the

1770s the Urdu poet Mr H. asan composed, in Persian, a takirah or anthology of Urdu poets. In

it he said of one contemporary poet, He earns his living through qissah-khvani; in this art he is

the pupil of the late Mr Ah.mad, who was famous for his qissah-khvani.8

A casual statement,showing that qissah-khvani was a well-known and long-established profession. But was its

medium Urdu, or Persian? An even more tantalizing trace appears in K. hiyls manuscript itself.

K. hiyl writes that when he had completedBostn-e k.hiyland was reading it in a coffee-house,

to the listeners approval, a qissah-khvan made some objections, one of which was: This man

tells this story in Persian, but a sweet story is one which is told in Hindi [=Urdu].9 The qissah-

khvans remark itself is recorded in Persian, as is the whole anecdote. Do we here see the only

real evidence of a parallel tradition of Urdu dastan-narration in the eighteenth century, as Rz

Yazdnargues? Were qissah-khvans like the one quoted here bilingual in their narrative skills,

choosing Persian or Urdu according to the capacities of their listeners? We do not at present have

enough evidence to be certain.

Once we move into the nineteenth century, however, we are immediately on firmerground. In 1800 the famous Fort William College in Calcutta was founded, to teach Indian

languages to newly arrived English agents of the East India Company. Fort William

commissioned, and printed in various modern Indic languages (and Persian, Arabic, and Sanskrit

as well), a number of simple texts that could be used as readers for language training. Most of

the works Fort William published were prose fairy tales, romances, and fables, often didactic in

intent. In the case of Urdu, the Fort William textBg.h o bahr(Garden and Spring), also known

as Qis.s.ah-e cahr darvesh (Qissah of the Four Dervishes) (1801), by Mr Amman, is recognized


____________________

5Gyn Chand,Nas.rdstne, pp. 140-147, 729-751.

6Aziz Ahmad,Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment(London: Oxford University Press, 1964), p.

255.

7Mr TaqMr,Kulliyt-e Mr, ed. by Zill-e Abbs Abbs(Delhi: IlmMajlis, 1968), pp. 679-680.

8Mr H. asan, Takirah-e shu ar-e urd (Lucknow: Uttar Pradesh Urdu Academy, 1985), p. 28.

9The manuscript is in the Raza Library, Rampur; the anecdote is quoted and discussed by Rz Yazdnin

his excellent article, Urd me dstn go aur dstn navs, p. 9.


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as one of the masterpieces of prose narrative in the language. The Fort William versions of well-

known traditional North Indian folk narratives like Sinhsan batts(Thirty-two [Tales] of the

Throne) (1801),Baitl paccs(Twenty-five [Tales] of the Vampire) (1802), Gul-e bakval(The

BakvalFlower) (1803), and r ish-e mah.fil(Adornment of the Gathering), also known as

Qis.s.ah-e H. tim T

(1803), have enjoyed long and successful careers. All these works,

includingBg.h o bahr, have been perennial favorites of the popular publishing industry from

its very inception, in the 1880s, to the present.10

Fort Williams Hindustani department included on its staff a qissukhaun, or

qissah-khvan, no doubt to give the students listening practice; we have, alas, no record of his

tales.11 We do know, however, that another member of the Hindustani department, K. hall Al

K. hn Ashk, composed one of the first, and longest, Fort William books to be published: the 500-

pageDstn-e amr H. amzah (1801). Ashk writes in his preface,

Let it be known to all that this interesting qissah was created in the time of Sultn

Mah. md Bdshh. And in that era, all the sweet-tongued narrators sat down together

to narrate and commemorate plans for battles and fort-seizures and conquests of

countries. Especially for the king they wrote down fourteen volumes of the qissah of

Amr H. amzah. Every night they used to narrate one dastan in His Majestyspresence, and attain rewards and honor. Now in the era of the noble Shh lam

Bdshh, in the year 1215 H. ijr, that is to say, 1801 A.D., K. hall AlK. hn, who

uses the pen-name Ashk, according to the desire of Mister Gilchrist S. h. ib of great

glory and high praise, for the use of those who have just started to learn the Hindi

[=Urdu] language, wrote this qissah in the language ofUrd-e mu all [i.e., standard

Urdu] so that it would be easy for the beginning S. h. ibs to read, by His bounty and

grace.12

In this notable preface to the first known North Indian Urdu dastan, Ashk brings together two

classic dastan themes that are worth examining in a bit more detail: the claim of ancient, remote,

and prestigious origins; and the claim to tell a story of great length.

Ashk claims that the story he is telling goes back to the time of Mah.md of Ghazna,in the early eleventh century; he implies that his present text is a translation, or at least a

rendering, of the written, presumably Persian text that the distinguished dastan-narrators of

Mah.mds court first set down. Once again, we can see that Ashk envisions these narrators oral

dastan-narration as closely linked to the production of written texts: they composed written

dastans which they then narrated to the king. The actual historical claim involved is highly

doubtful, for a fourteen-volume dastan would be a major undertaking, and we have no evidence

that Mah. md of Ghazna ever sponsored the production of such a work. Gyn Chand thinks that


____________________

10The modern genre of printed pamphlet literature, called qis.s.ah in Urdu and kissin Hindi, to which all

these works came to belong, has been studied in my dissertation, Marvelous Encounters: Folk Romance in Urduand Hindi; see especially Chapter 2.

11M. Atique Siddiqi, ed., Origins of Modern Hindustani Literature--Source Material: Gilchrist Letters

(Aligarh: NayKitb Ghar, 1963), pp. 123, 159-160.

12Ashk,Dstn-e amr H. amzah, p. 2. The His in the last sentence is cleverly ambiguous: it can refer

either to God or to Gilchrist. In different editions of the Ashk text there are slight variations in the wording of this

introduction, but the main points are always clear. I have not yet seen a first edition.


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Ashk in fact based his version on the Dakhani Qis.s.ah-e jang-e amr H. amzah (1784),13 which

was itself probably translated from a Persian source. Certainly there are enough Persianisms of

usage and idiom in Ashks text to make it overwhelmingly likely that he had a Persian source,

either directly or indirectly. His plot agrees in many important particulars with the early Persian

Qis.s.ah-e H. amzah, but it disagrees in many others. In our present state of knowledge we cannot

say whether he used a Persian text from which he sometimes departed, or used a divergent Indo-Persian text. The point to be noted is his finely cavalier attitude about the whole business:

questions of plausibility and textual access and historical possibility simply dont arise. The

claims the thing, and the more sweeping and impressive the better.

In this he is merely continuing a classic dastan tradition. The early Persian H. amzah

romance has been said to have been commissioned by H. amzah the K. hrijite14; the later Indo-

Persian H. amzah romance has been said to have been composed by Faiz.for Akbar.15 TheZubdat

ur-rumzactually gives two conflicting origin-stories: first, that after H. amzahs death anecdotes

in his praise were told by ladies living near the Prophets house, in order to get the Prophets

attention, and that one Mas d Makkthen produced the first written version of these stories, in

order to to divert the Meccans from their hostility to the Prophet; and second, that the romance

was devised and recited by wise courtiers to cure the brain fever of one of the Abbsid caliphs.16

The 1909 Indo-Persian version also gives two conflicting sources: first, that the dastan was

invented by Abbs, who used to tell it to the Prophet, his nephew, when he was feeling sad, to

cheer him up with stories of his other uncles glory; or, second, that the dastan was invented

during the reign of Mu awiy (r661-79), to keep loyalty to the Prophets family alive among the

people despite official hostility and vilification.17

The point seems to be that the story should be ascribed to some irreproachably

ancient and picturesque source, which will envelop the dastan in an additional veil of interest by

evoking a bygone time and place; and also that the remoteness of the original source from the

present audience will make incongruities or inconsistencies in the story seem no more than what

one would expect. Dastans never begin with a Once upon a time formula, but invoking the

mysterious aura of the past serves to create the same effect. The whole pretense of chronicle-writing and consultation of ancient writers or narrators which most dastans keep up (though

only sporadically) is far from being a real historicity; it is in fact anti-historical, and serves to

remind the audience that the dastan world is inaccessible, unchallengeable, wrapped in layer

after layer of the past.

Ashk also claims that his sources, the narrators of Mah.mds court, compiled

fourteen volumes of H. amzahs adventures. The implication is that the dastan is immensely large


____________________


14See Jafar Shi r, Qis.s.ah-e H. amzah, introduction to volume 1, p. 3.

15The claim that the Indo-Persian H. amzah romance was written by Faiz.for Akbar is made most

insistently by a later Urdu version of the romance, to be discussed below; the claim has been thoroughly discredited,

though it lingers on in many library catalogues. See Gyn Chand,Nas.rdstne, pp. 476-480, for a convincing

refutation.

16H. jQis.s.ah-k.hvn Hamadn, Zubdat ur-rumz, pp. 2-3.

17Mirz Muh. ammad K. hn, Kitb-e dstn-e amr H. amzah, pp. 2-3.


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in relation to any individual narrators resources of time and energy. (Bostn-e k.hiyl, with its

fifteen 500-page volumes, had taken even the resolute K. hiyl thirty years to create.) The single

400-page book that Ashk actually composed consists of twenty-two dastans, or chapters,

grouped into four volumes.18 But apparently Ashks plan for his work was at some point much

more expansive--or at least so he told his patron, John Gilchrist, head of the Hindustani

department at Fort William College, for Gilchrist wrote with suitably patronizing approval,If, as KHULEEL KHAN, one of the learned natives of the College, and who now

considers himself the Hereditary Story Teller of the Emperor, Princes, and Nobles of

India, asserts, the Historical Romance of Umeer Humzu itself, which he is now

translating, will consist of 15 or 20 large Volumes, the patrons and admirers of the

Hindoostanee may, in this branch alone, hail an inexhaustible fund of legendary

narrative and diversion. Though oriental knight errantry and Harlequinism can

hardly possess many charms for the present age, it may nevertheless exhibit in the

wonderful feats and ingenious pranks of Umeer Humzus squire Omr-yar, and such

other heroes of Asia, some instructive lessons, as the first models of several of our

most excentric ideal characters, in modern times.19

Even if Ashk never actually intended to write so many volumes, the numbers had a fine,grandiloquent effect: they were a rhetorical flourish, sufficiently impressive in their own right,

and they served to call attention to the vastness of the H. amzah cycle. Moreover, by confirming

that the ultimate size of the dastan was far greater than the text he had (so far) written, Ashk left

ample scope for future dastan-writers to create pre-legitimated expansions and additions.

Interestingly, at least one later nineteenth-century dastan-writer took very explicit advantage of

this legitimating process: he claimed that of the original fourteen volumes produced at

Mah.mds court, Ashk had translated only four, then had tacked on H. amzahs martyrdom from

the fourteenth--and so he himself would now translate volumes five through eight!20

During the early and middle nineteenth century, we start to have glimpses of Urdu

dastan-narration in public places. We know that the famous Qis.s.ah-k. hvnBzr in Peshawar

was a celebrated institution, and that dastan-narrators figured commonly in fairs and festivals,catering to mixed audiences of Muslims and Hindus.21 We know from a travel book about Delhi

calledA Tour of the Sights (1820?) that nightly performances took place at the Jma Masjid:

On the stairs on the north side in the evening a qissah-khvan comes and does qissah-


____________________

18 The word volume (jild) can be used to refer to units of text ranging in length from fewer than 100

pages to more than 1,000 pages; instances at both ends of the spectrum are easy to find. My observation is that the

sense of volume shifts toward the large end of the range when claims or boasts of length are being made; but

within a single book or manuscript small clusters of chapters are sometimes grouped together, and each of these

clusters may also be called a volume.

19John Borthwick Gilchrist, The Hindee Story Teller, or Entertaining Expositor of the Roman Persian,

and Nagree Characters (Calcutta: Hindoostanee Press, 1802), vol. 2, p. iii.

20Niyz Ah. mad K. hn,Dstn-e amrH. amzah, p. 4. However, the authors own zeal seems to have failed

him after a time: volume 5 is 132 pages long; volume 6, 83 pages; volume 7, 71 pages; and volume 8, entirely

lacking (though the work is complete). This text is in my possession.

21Narayani Gupta,Delhi Between Two Empires, 1803-1931 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1981), pp.

5, 51.


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narration.22 Writing in 1847, Sir Sayyid Ah. mad K. hn amplified this description of the Jma

Masjids northern stairs: In the evening a qissah-khvan arranges a reed stool, sits down, and

narrates the dastan of Amr H. amzah. To one side the qissah of H. tim T

is being told, and

somewhere else the dastanBostn-e k.hiyl. Hundreds of men gather to hear the performances.23

No less a literary figure than G.hlib, who as we have seen took a strong interest in dastans, wrote

in 1864 of arranging private dastan performances at his own house: Muh.ammad Mirz comes[to my house] on Thursdays and Fridays at the time of dastan [narration].24

Now that dastans were narrated in Urdu, the language of the general population, they

could be enjoyed beyond the narrow ranks of the educated and elite; romance-narration became

much more like the popular, street-corner, coffee-house tradition it had always been in Iran.

From about 1830 on we begin to know the names of individual dastan-narrators.25 At some point

during this period, dastan came to be used as a special name for the longer, more elaborate

romances, like that of H. amzah, and qissah became a residual category of shorter, simpler

stories that were more like traditional fairy tales26; but this distinction was never absolute.

While oral dastan-narration was well launched in popularity during the first half of

the century (if not before), dastan printing necessarily lagged behind. Ashks text was reprinted

several times, and two one-volume Urdu translations ofBostn-e k.hiyl--Calcutta, 1834,27

andBhagalpur, 184228--were published. But dastans could not be printed on a large scale until

sufficient presses were available. Presses had been in the hands of Englishmen, missionaries,

educators, local rulers, newspaper editors, and others with various axes to grind, since at least the

beginning of the century. Not until the second half of the century, however, did presses gradually

come into the hands of enterprising businessmen with a keen eye for what large numbers of

people really wanted. It was the second half of the nineteenth century that saw the Urdu dastan

tradition, in both oral and printed forms, at its height.


____________________

22Mirz Sangn Beg, Sair ul-manzil, trans. and ed. by Sharf H. usain Qsim(New Delhi: Ghalib

Institute, 1982), pp. 18, 161.

23Sayyid Ah. mad K. hn, s.r us.-s.andd, ed. by K. hlid Nas.r Hshim(Delhi: Central Book Depot,

1965), p. 278.

24Mirz Asadullh K. hn G.hlib,K. hat

t-e G

.hlib, ed. by G

.hulm Rasl Mihr (Lahore: Panjab

University, 1969), vol. 1, p. 329.

25Rz Yazdn, Urd me dstn go, pp. 6-7.

26This is how Sir Sayyid Ah. mad K. hn uses the terms in the passage quoted above.

27Garin de Tassy,Histoire de la littrature Hindouie et Hindoustanie (Paris: Adolphe Labitte, 1870, 3

vols.), vol. 1, pp. 186, 236.

28This version, perhaps in the tradition ofZubdat ur-rumz, was calledZubdat ul-k.hiyl. Ibn-e Kanval,

Hindstntahb, p. 28.


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Introduction, Part Four:

The dastan of Amr H. amzah in oral narration

During the latter half of the nineteenth century, the H. amzah romance in Urdureached a peak of popularity all over North India, among people at social levels from the highest

to the lowest. Oral dastan-narration became so widespread, in fact, that local styles are said to

have developed in different cities. Suhail Buk. hrclaims to have identified styles associated with

Delhi (simple and short), Lucknow (ornate and lengthy), Rampur (influenced by Lucknow style),

and Akbarabad (a hybrid of Delhi and Lucknow styles).1 In my opinion such claims go

considerably beyond the evidence; it seems more probable that each city asserted the uniqueness

of its local dastan-narration on principle, as a form of proper civic pride. Most such claims of

local oral styles are ultimately founded on the famous Delhi-Lucknow polarization; this great

divide has been shown to be largely an artifact of cultural history in the case of poetry,2 and I

believe it is so in the case of dastan-narration as well, though it is often taken for granted by

scholars writing in Urdu.In any case, local styles had to accommodate considerable movement of the most

celebrated dastan-gos from one patronage center to another, especially when the rebellion of

1857 and its aftermath caused many narrators to leave Delhi. Lucknow became, and remained,

the single most important center of Urdu dastan cultivation. For ordinary people, there were

almost daily public performances by dastan-gos in Chauk, starting when the lamps were lit.

And for the elite, there were private sessions--even for ladies. Upper-class ladies kept their own

female dastan-gos and story-tellers, who were treated with real respect. Story-telling sessions

often went on and on in the early evening until the dining-cloth was spread.3

The Lakhnavcultural historian Abdul H. alm Sharar assigns to dastan-narration,

which he defines as an art of extemporaneous composition, a preeminent place among the

verbal arts of his city. Sharar writes of this period,The famous dastan-gos of Delhi began to come to Lucknow. The opium-

users valued them so much that they made listening to dastans a major part of their

social gatherings. Very soon the practice had become so popular in Lucknow that

there wasnt a rich man to be found who didnt have a dastan-go in his entourage.

Hundreds of dastan-gos appeared....

The dastan consists of four arts: razm (war), bazm (elegant gatherings),

h.usn o ishq, (beauty and love), and ayyr (trickery). The dastan-gos of Lucknow

have shown such expertise in all four arts that without seeing and hearing one cannot

The dastan of Amr H. amzah in oral narration, page 1

____________________

1

Suhail Buk.hr, Urd dstn k fann tajziyah, p. 96.

2Carla R. Petievich, in The Two-School Theory of Urdu Poetry (University of British Columbia at

Vancouver, Dept. of Asian Studies: unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, 1986), makes this case effectively.

3These female story-tellers tended to be among the well-bred but impoverished ladies who acted as

companions, tutors, and general factotums in wealthy households. Such a lady was called a Mug.hln or an

Ustn. Mirz Ja far H. usain, Qadm Lakhna k k.hir bahr(New Delhi: TaraqqUrd Bureau, 1981), pp. 168,

434, 453.


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imagine it.4

This makes the dastan-gos sound like versatile all-rounders. By contrast, Viqr Azm maintains

that the Lakhnavdastan-gos cultivated their own special styles, and each one was known as

unique and distinctive in his style. Their styles sound rather narrow: One was excellent at

portraying battle scenes; another was unequalled in describing elegant gatherings; another made

the dastan pleasurable by including many verses; anothers dastan was so humorous thatwhoever heard it rolled on the floor with laughter. Yet Az

m also agrees with Buk.hrabout the

presence of a distinctive Lakhnav style of narration.5 There are obvious gaps in our knowledge

here, and we have no way of filling them.

While the art of dastan-narration was cultivated longer and more intensively in

Lucknow and Rampur, the dastan-go about whose career we have the most substantial

information was a Dihlav, and remained in Delhi all his life. We know somewhat more about

him because his career extended into the twentieth century: born in 1850, he lived until 1928.

Mr Bqir AlDihlavwas the last famous dastan-go, and by all accounts a great one; among his

admirers was the Grand Old Man of Urdu, Maulv Abdul H. aq himself.6 Mr Bqir Alwas

born into a family of Persian emigrs, and was trained in dastan-narration by his maternal uncle,

Mr Kzim Al, also a professional dastan-go.7

Several anecdotal descriptions of Mir BaqirAlis performances have survived.

He nevertolddastans--he presented lively, moving pictures; or rather,

you could say that he himself became a picture. If he described a battlefield, you felt

that you had seen the combat of Rustam and Isfandyr. If he evoked a romantic

gathering, an air of intoxication began to pervade the atmosphere.

His memory was so extraordinary that everything was at the tip of his

tongue. If food was the topic, he described every sort of delicacy; if the subject of

clothing came up, then how could any sort of dress escape mention? He not only

knew the name of every kind of jewelry, but was thoroughly acquainted with its

form and style. If anyone interrupted to challenge him, then what rivers of

knowledge began to flow! His style was so fluent that once he had begun the dastan,he never paused for breath till it was finished.

He was a thin, slightly built man, but while he was reciting the dastan, if

a king appeared in the story, the listeners felt themselves standing before an

imperious monarch. Sometimes, if he spoke the words of some old woman, he

adopted the very style of speech of respectable elderly ladies, and even (despite his

teeth) became quite toothless!

....In his old age, he settled in Bhojl Pahr. [in Delhi]. He kept up the

tradition of dastan-narration to his last breath. Every Saturday evening, listeners

came from miles away, placed two pennies in a niche in the wall, and sat respectfully


____________________

4Sharar, Guashtah Lakhna , pp. 188-189.

5Viqr Azm,Hamrdstne, p. 22.

6Tah. sn Sarvar, Mr Bqir Aldstn go, pp. 74, 54.

7Ashraf S. ubh.says of him, Mr Kzim Alwent beyond qissah-khvani and began dastan-goi (qis.s.ah

k.hvnse bar.h kar dstn go shur k); he thus seems to treat these as two separate narrative arts, of which the

latter was superior. S. ubh., Mr Bqir Al, pp. 43-44.


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down in a corner. Till the last watch of the night, held enchanted by his magic of

speech, they sat breathless and still as if turned to stone.

....Mr S. h. ib was a regular user of opium, and unless he was intoxicated

he could never recite a dastan.8

He knew thousands of verses by heart. He also had the knack of using

them appropriately. He had such a command of language that poets and writersaccepted Mr S. h. ib as an authority....

People used to say that some of Mr S. h. ibs dastans went on for ten or

twelve years and still werent finished. From this one can guess what a great master

of his art and language he was.9

He never told even a small episode of the dastan of Amr H. amzah in less

than three hours....If he began to enumerate the names of weapons, then he named

thousands....the same with ornaments and jewelry, in fact with everything. In short,

he was an encyclopedia of knowledge. When he described ayyrs, people would

laugh till their sides split....Before beginning the dastan, he would wrap a pellet of

opium in cloth, and dissolve it in a silver cup. With great refinement, he would slide

into a state of intoxication.10

From the above and similar accounts, a few basic devices of oral dastan recitation

can be pieced together: mimicry and gestures, to imitate each dastan character; insertion of

verses into the narrative; recitation of catalogues, to enumerate and evoke all items of a certain

class as exhaustively as possible11; maximum prolongation of the dastan as an ideal goal.

Moreover, the association of dastan-narration with opium is mentioned in so many contemporary

accounts that it should not be overlooked. If both dastan-go and audience were slightly under

the influence of opium, they might well enjoy the long catalogues and other stylized descriptive

devices, which slowed down the narrative so that it could expand into the realms of personal

fantasy.

Except for such fragmentary material as the above, however, dastan-narration as an

oral art is essentially beyond our reach. We are several generations removed from the last expertpractitioner, and the secrets of his art died with him. No folklorist ever made a transcript--much

less, of course, a tape recording--of an oral dastan performance. Nor would it normally occur to

any listener to make such a transcript; and even if it did occur, he would find it almost

prohibitively difficult under actual performance conditions.

Therefore we must be cautious about accepting what purport to be tantalizing

fragments of just such a transcript. In his memoirDillkchand ajb hastiy (Some

Remarkable People of Delhi), Ashraf S. ubh. includes long excerpts from what he declares to be


____________________

8Sayyid Zamr H. asan Dihlav, in his introduction to Mr Bqir AlsK. hall K. hn fak.htah (Delhi: Sang-e Ml

Publications, 1966), pp. 7-10. This work, one of a number of potboilers written in Mr Bqir Als old age, is a

broad farce rather than a dastan. On these late works see Ysuf Buk. hrDihlav, Mr Bqir Aldstn go, pp. 51-

58.

9 Sarvar, Mr Bqir Al, p. 74.

10Gyn Chand,Nas.rdstne, pp. 108-109.

11The dastan-go thus needed a wide technical knowledge in a number of fields. According to H. akm Abdul

H. amd of the Hamdard Davakhana, Mir Bqir Alwould often come and consult his (the H. akms) father, about the

names and properties of herbs and medicines. S. R. Frq, personal communication, November 1989.


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one of Mr Bqir Als narrations. The performance probably took place in 191112--but the book

was not published until 1943. About his transcript S. ubh. says candidly, How could I

remember the whole dastan--I am not such a memorizer, and it wasnt just yesterday. But some

fragments have remained in my memory.13 Judging from his book, S. ubhdoes have a vivid

memory for detail, and Gyn Chand accepts the accuracy of his account without hesitation.14

The performance takes place in Mr Bqir Als house. Some visiting gentlemenfrom Lucknow, where dastan-narration is still popular, have come to hear a Delhi-style dastan;

there is an air of patronizing antiquarianism in their interest, since in Delhi dastan-narration has

fallen on hard times. Mr Bqir Al takes a cup of a marijuana preparation and a cup of tea, then

sits back on his heels and prepares to recite. After two introductory verses in Persian, he begins:

The most humble one presents this delightful dastan from the point at

which the daftarsKochak bk.htar(The Lesser West) andBl bk.htar(The Upper

West) have ended, and the luckless Laq, expelled from the court of Zumurrud Shh

of Bk.htar, has fled from combat with his Worship the Wealth-winning, World-

illuminating Sun, the Planet-brightening Moon of the Sultanate of Bhirah, the

Chastiser of the Arrogant of the World, the Highly-respected Ruler, the Revered and

Auspicious Lord of Arabia and Persia [i.e., Amr H. amzah]; and many arrogant oneshave already bent their proud heads at his fortunate door.

In this time of joyful outcome, it happens one day that in the midst of the

Palace of Solomon, the World-sustaining Court is being held. One or two hundred

dancers, producers of pleasure, are in attendance. The tablah is being played. The

trill of thesrangand the deep tones of the drum reach to the skies. Various kinds

of musical instruments--[here twenty-five kinds are named]--are being played. The

rosy cup-bearers, bringing wine-flasks and cups, are stealing away mens senses...15

At this point occurs the first of a number of breaks in S. ubh.s transcription. Of the

whole amount of text which he does provide, almost half consists of elaborate descriptive

material like that quoted above. There are catalogues: champions names; wild animals; boats;

wrestling equipment (nineteen kinds named); wrestling holds (forty-three kinds named); AmarAyyrs appearance and equipment. There are lengthy, sensuous, set-piece descriptions: a

country scene in the monsoon season, a group of lovely Parmaidens, the Parprincess herself.

There is ornamental verse, inserted freely and supplemented by many sets of doubled descriptive

phrases sharing rhythm and end-rhyme. The effect is rich, ornate, self-consciously poetic.

These more dense and static passages occur like islands within a narrative stream

that otherwise tends to be plain, colloquial, direct, and fast-flowing. As a sample of the simple

narrative style, here is Amar Ayyr cleverly winning the confience of a lovesick young prince,

one of Amr H. amzahs sons, who has fallen in love with a Parprincess and has just been

reproached by his father for his distracted condition:


____________________

12Since S. ubh. refers to the Delhi Darbar as a contemporary event, the other possible date would be 1903,

the date of an earlier Darbar, or royal visit from England.

13 S. ubh, Ajb hastiy, p. 49.


15S. ubh., Ajb hastiy, pp. 42, 49-50.


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Son, Im quitting right now! What reward can you expect from somebody whos so

stony-hearted toward his son? Hes forgotten his own youth--how he used to wander

around babbling with love for Princess Mihr Nigr! He was ready to comb the dust

of Mount Qf itself for Princess Raushan-tan. And even now, if he sees a pretty

face--I cant even describe the state he gets in. But not a thought for his son! He tells

me to cool the fire of love by reasoning with you. So, my dear boy, understand:throw dust on the flames of love. But Ive seen something of life myself. Theres no

more patience in a lovers heart, than water in a sieve.16 If your life were a burden to

me, then Id talk to you about patience and endurance! At this he pretended to

weep.

The prince, finding Amar sympathetic, said, Uncle, if you care about me, get

me the address of that devastating beauty!

Amar pretends to demur, but allows himself to be persuaded by a gift of ten thousand rupees;

extracting even more money from H. amzah himself, he prepares to set out in search of the Par.

And Amar setting out in his real form is an unforgettable sight: Head like a coconut, face like

a bread-bun, nose like a pine-cone, eyes like cumin seeds, chin like a sponge-cake, with a few

hairs on it like a goats beard only straight, shoulder blades like betel trees, chest like a basket,hands and feet like string, stomach like an earthenware pot, navel like a cup inverted over the

pot, and adorned with ayyr-weapons. The inventory of his ayyrequipment which follows

runs to twenty-three items; at this piquant point, Mr Bqir Als narration ends.17

In early Persian dastans Hanaway finds a similarly alternating diction, one which

moves back and forth between complexity and simplicity of syntax and rhetoric. He identifies it

as a characteristic romance style, in which simple narrative passages are combined with

elaborate descriptive passages.18 It seems highly probable that such an alternation of styles was

a common feature of dastan recitation, in both Persian and Urdu, with the formal set-pieces used

to embellish the more colloquial narrative prose. But we cannot quite prove it. Hanaway is

working from written texts. And since S. ubh.s transcript was done from memory after a

considerable lapse of time, we cannot be quite sure whether the exact choice of words originatesin Mr Bqir Als oral narrative, or Ashraf S. ubh.s writing style.

One other conspicuous feature of S. ubh.s transcript is its thorough grounding in a

larger narrative framework well known to the audience. Unless S. ubh.has completely falsified

the transcript, which seems unlikely, we can reasonably ascribe this major structural pattern to

the dastan-go himself. Mr Bqir Alnames two well-established daftars (large sections) of the

dastan, refers casually to the most recent previous events, and takes up the action without further

ado. Moreover, the narration itself is by no means a self-contained, complete episode. Rather, it

is a bundle of introductory material, the beginnings of several adventures which are unashamedly

left dangling at interesting and inconclusive points. The whole dastan itself was the narrative

context presupposed by the dastan-go: it was relied upon to integrate and make meaningful the

extremely minute, fragmentary threads of narrative which were embroidered into any individualperformance. If Mr Bqir Alpresented such a narration even before a temporary audience of


____________________

16This Persian saying is from the Gulistn of Sa d.

17S. ubh., Ajb hastiy, pp. 60-62.

18Hanaway,Love and War, pp. 4, 18-19.


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guests from another city, it seems safe to assume that narrations presented to the usual relatively

stable audiences were similarly constructed.

Mr Bqir Alenjoyed, as we have seen, a reputation as a dastan-go whose stories

went on for ten or twelve years and still werent finished; this reputation is adduced as

evidence of what a great master of his art and language he was. The interminable dastan,

suggested both by Ashk in his grandiose vision of 15 or 20 large Volumes and by K. hiyl in his7,500 pages, is a concept which lies at the very heart of oral dastan-narration. The dastan-go

could flaunt his power precisely by invoking and controlling this interminability: by a display of

prowess called arresting the dastan (dstn rokn). The assertive power of this display was so

well understood and admired that it could form the basis for a legendary battle royal of dastan-

narration.

Once in Lucknow there was a contest between two master dastan-gos, as

to how long each could arrest the dastan. One dastan-go brought his story to a high

point: the lover has drawn near to his beloved. Between two frustrated hearts,

between the lovers thirsty eyes, only a curtain intervenes. When the curtain is lifted,

the separated ones will meet. At this point, the spell-binding story-teller arrested the

dastan. The listeners were eager for the curtain to be lifted, and the meeting to bedescribed. But the dastan-go, through his capability, knowledge, and command of

language, kept sagely describing the emotions of both parties, and the hanging

curtain. This took some days. Every day the listeners came believing that on that day

the curtain would surely be lifted, for there was nothing left to be explained. But they

went home at night, and the curtain had still not quite opened. In this way the master

kept the dastan arrested for more than a week.19

The reason length was so greatly valued in oral dastan-narration is not far to seek:

length provided the direct and ultimate measure of a dastan-gos skill. For the prolonging of his

narration depended on his audiences active interest and consent. The rapt attention of his

listeners was both his supreme achievement, and the medium in which he worked. As Viqr

Azm puts it, it follows from a dastan-gos situation that his object and goal is simply to causethe listener to ask in his heart every moment, What happened next?20 To command this

degree of audience attention grows more difficult over time; thus a longer dastan-narration, like

a longer tight-rope walk, is inherently superior to a shorter one.

This vision of the interminable dastan, so central to the oral narrative tradition, was

extended during the latter half of the nineteenth century to printed dastans as well. The

combination of a new technology with an old narrative art produced, as we will see,

extraordinary results.


____________________

19Gyn Chand,Nas.rdstne, pp. 56-57. Another such performance is described in Ibn-e Kanval,

Hindstn tahb, p. 18.

20Viqr Azm,Hamrdstne, p. 361.


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Introduction, Part Five:

The dastan of Amr H. amzah in print

As we have seen, a few dastans had begun to appear in print in the first half of thenineteenth century. Only in 1858, however, when MunshNaval Kishor founded his famous

Lucknow press, did the real era of dastan publishing begin. Naval Kishor, born in 1836 in a

village near Mathura, was educated in the Aligarh area, where he studied Persian and Arabic in a

traditional school (maktab); the medium of education was undoubtedly Urdu. Though his family

were Hindu landed gentry, his classical and Islamicized education was not at all unusual: it was

in fact quite the normal thing in his day, for cultural traditions derived from the Mughal period

retained much of their prestige, and Hindi had not yet been sharply divided off from an Urdu

which belonged to everybody.1 The young Naval Kishor did so well in school that he was sent to

the English-style Agra College to complete his education--also quite a normal thing, for anyone

could see that the times were changing and some concessions to the new order were necessary.

During the five years that Naval Kishor spent at Agra College, he began to write articles for thelocal newspaper; these were well received, and he was awarded a government scholarship His

literary interests ranged so widely that by the age of seventeen he had added not only English but

also some Sanskrit to his array of languages.

Naval Kishor learned the newspaper and book publishing business while working for

a press called Koh-e Nr, in Lahore. He then decided to settle in Lucknow and establish his own

publishing house. In 1858 he obtained a hand press and set himself up in business, with the

strong encouragement of Colonel S. A. Abbot, the Commissioner. At first he published short

books that were guaranteed a quick sale: basic religious books, grammars for schoolchildren. But

Colonel Abbot gave him Government printing contracts, and soon he was able to expand his

operations, though he still did most of the work himself. He then started theAvadh Ak.hbr,2 a

long-lived and immensely influential newspaper, and began to enlarge his list of books.One of his early publications in the 1860s was AshksDstn-e amr H. amzah

(1801). This Fort William College production, the first printed Urdu dastan, had a head start on

its few competitors, and Naval Kishor was not the only one to reprint it. In fact, its very

popularity prompted the search for a successor. Naval Kishor eventually replaced Ashks version

with a revised and improvedDstn-e amr H. amzah (1871), explaining to the public that the

Ashk version, although it had been printed in thousands of copies in Calcutta, Bombay, and

Delhi as well as at his own press, was marred by its archaic idioms and convoluted style.3 In

1871, therefore, he published theDstn-e amr H. amzah in a new version by Abdullh

The dastan of Amt H. amzah in print, page 1

____________________

1

The process of Hindi-Urdu division, with its related Hindu-Muslim mutual self-consciousness, did notreally acquire momentum until the last decade of the nineteenth century. For a close look at this process see

Christopher R. King, The Nagari Pracharini Sabha...of Benares 1893-1914: A Study in the Social and Political

History of the Hindi Language (University of Wisconsin at Madison, Dept. of History: unpublished Ph.D.

dissertation, 1974).

2Amr H. asan Nrn, MunshNaval Kishor: h. lt aur k.hidmt(Delhi Idrah-e Ik.hvn us.-S. af, 1982), pp.

23-29.

3Bilgrm,Dstn-e amr H. amzah (1871), p. 752.


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Bilgrm. This version proved extraordinarily successful: Naval Kishor and his heirs have kept it

in print, with relatively minor modifications, from 1871 to the present. Although it has always

had competitors--and continues to have them today4--it has always outsold and outlasted them.

The Bilgrmversion has almost certainly been more often reprinted, and more widely read, than

any other in Urdu. Thus it has been selected for translation in the present volume, and will be

discussed at length below.No doubt because of the popularity of the Ashk and Bilgrmversions in Urdu,

Naval Kishor also brought out in 1879 a counterpart work in Hindi calledAmr Hamz kdstn,

by Pand. its Klcharan and Maheshdatt. This work was quite an undertaking in its own right: 520

large pages of typeset Devangarscript, in a prose adorned not with elegant Persian expressions

but with exactly comparable Sanskritisms, and interspersed not with Persian verse forms but

with Indic ones like kavitt,sorat.h, and chaup . The text described itself in its frontispiece as

telling of courage and heroism like that ofl [=lh] and dal, the heroes of the widely

popular North Indian folk epic lhkhand. .5 In view of the great fame of the H. amzah story, the

text sought to offer to the enjoyers of Ngar[script] and the cravers for qissahs, knowledge of

such an unprecedented dastan and conversance with worldly customs.6 At the front of the

volume Naval Kishor also included a list of his other Devangar script publications: these werewithout exception Sanskrit or Sanskrit-based works on astrology, traditional medicine (vaidya),

and religious topics. The addition of the H. amzah story to such a list represented a radical

departure indeed, and bears witness to the storys widespread appeal among Hindus as well as

Muslims; the story must in fact have sold well, for Naval Kishor reprinted it in 1883.7 TheAmr

Hamz kdstn, with its assimilation of a highly Islamic content into a self-consciously

Sanskritized form, offers a fascinating early glimpse of the the development of Hindi. The heirs

of Naval Kishor apparently published a 662-page Hindi version of the dastan as late as 1939, but

I have not been able to locate a copy. (Substantial twentieth-century Hindi pamphlet versions,

undated, have also been published by presses in Delhi and Mathura.8)

As if two versions of the H. amzah story were not enough, during this same period

Naval Kishor added a third. He began to publish a verse rendering of the romance: a newmas

.navby T

ot Rm Shyn called T

ilism-e shyn marf bah dstn-e amr H. amzah. This

version, which Naval Kishor published (probably for the first time) in 1862, was almost 30,000

The dastan of Amt H. amzah in print, page 2

____________________

4The most recent that Ive seen are: H. amd BukD. ipo,As.lmukammal dstn-e amr H. amzah urd batas.vr;

Mubn ur-Rah. mn,Dstn-e amr H. amzah; and Jahngr Buk D. ipo, Mukammal o batas.vr dstn-e amr H. amzah.

All three are divided into eighty-eight dastans, use modern (though minimal) paragraph breaks, and in plot are fairly

close to the Ashk version, though they all differ from each other.

5On the background of this most important modern North Indian folk epic see William Waterfield, The Lay

of Alha: A Saga of Rajput Chivalry as Sung by Minstrels of Northern India (London: Oxford University Press,

1923). See also Karine Schomer, Paradigms for the Kali Yuga: The Heroes of the lh Epic and their Fate, in

Blackburn et al., Oral Epics in India, pp. 140-154; and Laxmi G. Tewari, An Elementary Reading of the

lhkhand. , in South Asia Research 9,1 (May 1989), pp. 3-20.

6Klcharan and Maheshdatt,Amr Hamz kdstn. This edition is in the collection of the British Library.

7This second edition is in the Bodleian Library at Oxford.

8One example: MunshBadrprasd Jain, anuvdak,Amr Hamzchro bhg(Mathura: ShymkshPress,

n.d.), 248, 222, 136, 207 p.


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lines long--making it the longest Urdu mas.navever written in North India, with the exception of

versions of theArabian Nights. Yet Shyn, the most prolific writer in the genre, is said to

have composed it in only six months.9 This version too apparently found a good sale, for by 1893

Naval Kishor was printing it for the sixth time.10

All these were one-volume works; but most dastan-gos of the later nineteenth

century would have scorned to confine their genius to the narrow space of a single volume.Dastans, now increasingly popular, were growing ever longer and more elaborate; professional

rivalry among narrators was surely a contributing factor. Sharar describes theDstn-e amr

H. amzah as the dastan-narrators real and essential arena,11 and most written dastans of the

period, like most oral ones, indeed consisted of direct expansions and adaptations of parts of the

H. amzah cycle.

Two extreme cases give an idea of the amazing written output of the dastan-gos of

the period. Mirz Alm ud-Dn of Rampur