Williams, Christopher Fall 2010

The future of deliberative democracy depends on meeting two general challenges, one theoretical and one practical. Theoretically, deliberative democrats must recognize the provisional nature not only of democratic deliberation but also of their own theory of democratic deliberation. Both their theory and their practice need to be essentially responsive to change. Practically, deliberative democrats must work not only to make familiar institutions of democracy more friendly to deliberations but also to extend the scope of deliberation to institutions where it has not previously dared to go. – Why Deliberative Democracy, Gutmann and Thompson1

No political theory has generated more discussion in the last twenty years than deliberative

democracy.2

This paper seeks to meet the twofold challenge set forth by Gutmann and Thompson by

arguing that deliberative democracy poses significant challenges for colleges and universities

that seek to deal with racism on campus. This paper will begin by illustrating that deliberative

Most fundamentally, it challenges liberal theory assumptions about the moral basis

for collectively binding decisions. Instead of fully entrusting representatives to decide what is

best for the common good or assuming that citizen preferences expressed through voting ensures

that a morally justifiable claim can be asserted, deliberative democrats seek to base decisions on

justifications that have been morally and publicly reasoned. This reasoning should be guided by

willingness, on the part of deliberators, to affirm moral claims based on fair terms of cooperation

and to assume that an opposing claim may have moral merit. It purports neither that deliberation

will resolve all disagreement nor that division will not be heightened, but it does make collective

reasoning a central virtue. However, Gutmann and Thompson hold that deliberative democracy

need not be constrained by its own theoretical assumptions or be limited to decisions made

between governmental representatives and citizens. They seek to discover new horizons in

deliberative theory, particularly within educational institutions.

1 Gutmann, Amy, and Dennis F. Thompson. Why Deliberative Democracy? Princeton: Princeton UP, 2004. 56. Print 2 Gutmann, Amy, and Dennis F. Thompson. Why Deliberative Democracy? Princeton: Princeton UP, 2004. Preface. Print

democracy incorrectly assumes that citizens should engage in deliberation only when a policy

issue has been raised. Given that racial attitudes and prejudices problematize how moral

arguments take shape and are defended, they should not be viewed by deliberative democrats

only in terms of withstanding deliberative mandates on a given issue. Further, because they take

the form of hate speech and conduct on college campuses, they warrant deliberative

consideration apart from a defined policy question.

Second, this paper will argue that in basing moral decisions on collective reasoning,

deliberative democracy evades legal and otherwise important societal obligations that colleges

have in ensuring students’ interactional and classroom learning opportunities. These institutions

must seek to optimize the racial climate by correcting institutional deficiencies that, in effect,

worsen race as a source of moral disagreement.

Given these two weaknesses, this paper will conclude that deliberative democracy places

severe limits on combatting racism on college campuses and, thus, should not be the primary

framework to resolve moral disagreements. Deliberative democracy, however, may be useful in

requiring deliberators to engage more deeply about in race study circle models.

I (a) Concerning a Deliberative Issue: The General Problem With Race

Deliberative theorists posit that when decisions bind collective groups, all those whom are

affected by these policies have a right not just to know the reasons for which this decision is

supported, but also to reason with authoritative figures on affirming moral justifications.

Deliberation should aim to encourage non-aggregative points of convergence based upon

justifications that provide fair terms of cooperation. When deliberation fails to produce a

decision, as it often does, substantive principles (i.e. the principle of moral accommodation)

create better conditions for cooperation in the future. These goals generally appeal to democratic

principles because they affirm that citizens are not merely objects of laws and rules. At least in

American constitutional tradition, citizens are the source of legitimacy for governmental exercise

of power and authority3

. Thus, this underlying assumption of deliberative democracy is

consistent with well-established political values and norms. However, deliberative democracy

has a faulty premise concerning the necessity of policies to engage citizens in moral deliberation.

“Deliberation is the most appropriate way for citizens collectively to resolve their moral disagreements not only about policies but also about the process by which polices should be adopted.” “Deliberative principles depend on context in a more specific sense. They are developed and defended through reflection on actual cases…(A)n adequate conception of deliberative democracy must attend to actual argument that citizens and official use or could use in political discussion.”

First, this premise requires rearguing racial issues for each policy instance. Many claim that the

percentage of minorities in Congress and governorship (12%)4 as compared to their share of the

total population (33%)5, deprive minorities of effective representation and a fair chance to affect

policy outcomes6. Deliberative theorists would favor multi-member districts under some

conditions because they may lead to more sustained deliberation7

3 Declaration of Independence “That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the

. On the other hand, racially-

motivated gerrymandering would ultimately lead to a divided citizenry and ill-serve deliberation.

When preferential hiring or affirmative action is discussed, it is primarily in the context of

AT&T’s policy in the 1970s that effectively moved more employees on account of their race and

consent of the governed, 4 Kraushaar, Josh. "Democrats’ Diversity Problem - Wednesday, December 1, 2010." National Journal.com. 30 Nov. 2010. Web. 1 Dec. 2010. <http://nationaljournal.com/columns/against-the-grain/democrats-diversity-problem-20101130>. 5 American FactFinder. US Census Bureau. Web. 19 Dec. 2010. <http://factfinder.census.gov/home/saff/main.html?_lang=en 6 Guinier, Lani. The Tyranny of the Majority: Fundamental Fairness in Representative Democracy. New York: Free, 1994. Print. 7 Gutmann, Amy, and Dennis F. Thompson. Why Deliberative Democracy? Princeton: Princeton UP, 2004. 153. Print

gender into higher positions within the company. Although Gutmann and Thompson outlines

general principles for accessing claims involving fair opportunity, they leave similar cases to be

decided by “actual deliberation,” which leads to the second objection to deliberative democracy.

Deliberative democracy would not favor asserting any generalizable claims from even

similar cases. This can potentially enable unmitigated racial attitudes and prejudices. The true

test of deliberative democracy rests on the merits of each case. It does not seek to provide a

common morality before or after deliberation. Its principles and values are only provisionally

formed, defended, and challenged in the process of responding to actual moral claims in public

life.8

When Guttmann and Thompson discuss the obligations of welfare in chapter 8, the

impact of racial motivation on policy debate is nearly absent save for a few remarks in passing.

Instead, they argue more broadly that the government has three obligations (1) to guarantee child

support on account that basic opportunity goods would be denied to children, to make work (2)

pay and (3) available because “workfare” encourages the libertarian, deliberative, and political

capacities of citizens and ensures burden-sharing among citizens. However, this argument should

not be taken as prescriptive. “What specific reforms each of these implies is ultimately a question

to be pursued in a process of democratic deliberation, but we suggest the general shape that the

answers might take.

Deliberative democrats’ favor in taking one policy debate at a time exposes serious flaws.

9

8 Gutmann, Amy, and Dennis F. Thompson. Why Deliberative Democracy? Princeton: Princeton UP, 2004. 26. Print

” There is evidence to suggest that race is important to how moral

arguments can take shape and are defended. An experiment was conducted to see how views

about welfare and welfare recipients might change when a fake news story interviewed a welfare

9 Gutmann, Amy, and Dennis F. Thompson. Why Deliberative Democracy? Princeton: Princeton UP, 2004. 294. Print

beneficiary of different races10

“Whether we believe it, whether we notice it, whether we acknowledge it, race is affecting what (we) see, what (we) think, what (we) do.

. Respondents watched only one of two newscasts, and then were

asked about their beliefs concerning the causes of and solutions to welfare, as well as their views

about African Americans. Those who watched a script with black Rhonda were more likely to

experience increases in opposition to welfare and attribute causes to individual failings.

Exposure to white Rhonda increased negative stereotypes of African Americans by 12%

compared to the black Rhonda and by 23% compared to the group who watched the news story

without any picture. The author attributes the latter finding to the inherent social “value” that

white women are given over black women.

11

”

In another case, a social experiment was designed to see if passersby would react differently

depending on the race of a supposed bicycle thief. John Dovido, psychology professor at Yale

University convincingly articulates that unconscious and conscious racism creates individual and

social moral contradictions. In this instance, the white actors enjoyed little interference in the

course of stealing a bike, but the black actor was surrounded by angry mobs who more quickly

called the police and who expressed more emotive, direct disapproval. While not every issue

may show such blatant double standards, it challenges deliberative principles of reciprocity. If

deliberative democrats ask agents to affirm reasons based upon widely shared principles and

makes its theory contingent upon a set of given circumstances, then how do theorists understand

the implications of racial attitudes of separate, yet similar cases? The actors in the scenario

10 Gilliam, Franklin D. Jr.(1999). The "Welfare Queen" Experiment: How Viewers React to Images of African-American Mothers on Welfare. UC Los Angeles: Center for Communications and Community. Retrieved from: http://escholarship.org/uc/item/17m7r1rq 11 "What Would You Do? - ABC News." ABCNews.com - ABCNews.com: Breaking News, Politics, World News, Good Morning America, Exclusive Interviews - ABC News. Web. 10 Dec. 2010. <http://abcnews.go.com/WhatWouldYouDo/>.

involving the black actor appealed to universal principles in that a) their conduct was

“colorblind,” b) they acted as good citizens to prevent a crime and c) protected an unidentified

victim from experiencing harm. Generally, the passersby felt like they did the right thing.

Admittedly, this social experiment does not occur under deliberative conditions, but the lesson is

that race can determine which moral standards are relevant and how they should be applied.

Deliberative democracy circumvents the messy and often times more contentious issue of race in

the United States. Race is not merely a political issue that can always be resolved through the

give-and-take of public policy. In and of themselves, racial attitudes and perceptions are a

common source of moral disagreement.

I (b) Concerning a Deliberative Issue: Public Calls for Racial Discussions

Both direct and indirect public calls for racial discussions suggest that deliberative

democrats undermine racial progress by limiting moral deliberation to actual policies that

collectively bind citizens. US attorney general Eric Holder criticized Americans in a highly

publicized speech in 2009 for not directly addressing race, “Though race related issues continue

to occupy a significant portion of our political discussion, and though there remain many

unresolved racial issues in this nation, we, average Americans, simply do not talk enough with

each other about race.”12

12 "Attorney General Eric Holder at the Department of Justice African American History Month Program." Welcome to the United States Department of Justice. Web. 22 Nov. 2010. <http://www.justice.gov/ag/speeches/2009/ag-speech-090218.html>.

Equally important is US Democratic Senator Jim Webb’s op-ed that

illustrated that affirmative action programs encompassing all “people of color” exceeded the

original intent of civil rights legislation by creating a white monolithic culture vis-à-vis all

minority groups. Far from being homogenous, white subgroups such as white Baptists and Irish

Protestants were unfairly denied basic opportunities in education, employment, and business.

Whether his argument is undermined by outdated data13

Arguably, the policy question could involve whether Virginia should join a handful of

other states in passing anti-affirmative action laws. However, it is unclear whether it could pass

constitutional muster if a) African Americans are exempted as a class and b) more recently

arrived and naturalized immigrants are separated from other citizens. The second criticism, as to

whether his sentiments should work within a policy framework, deals with the remarkable

turnabout in race relations in the last forty years since Massive Resistance. Virginians elected an

African American governor more than fifteen years before Massachusetts did so in 2006. It was

only one of two traditional Southern states to vote for President Barack Obama in 2008.

Although deliberative democrats do not endorse one means through deliberation should take

shape, it is reasonable to expect in this case that deliberative exchange would take the form of a

law proposed in the Virginia General Assembly, constitutional amendment or a series of

townhall meetings. None of which would ensure an open-ended or non-voting resolution or

create ideal conditions for deliberative speech such as giving reasons that minimize differences

with one’s opponents. More importantly, to opt for an automatic policy question could

jeopardize racial progress by simply recasting a new lot of winners (white subgroups) and losers

(non-African American minority groups).

or inconsistent in that he carves out an

exception for African Americans, this may be beside the point. The purpose of his article was to

suggest that regardless of whether nondiscrimination laws involved college admissions,

government contracts, or job promotions, “our government should be in the business of enabling

opportunity for all, not in picking winners.”

13 1970s study

Webb is right in another way that supports Holder’s argument. By concluding that, “fairness will

happen, and bitterness will fade away” once these issues can be resolved, he asserts a claim that

race relations do deserve more attention as a source of moral disagreement. This is also evidence

to suggest that black and white Americans have strong differences of opinion that should be

examined and discussed publicly. A 2010 Pew Research Center survey shows that only about

one third of whites as compared to 80% of African Americans believes the country needs to

make more concessions to ensure that blacks have equal rights with whites. About half of white

voters and three-quarters of black voters in 2008 thought that Obama’s election would improve

race relations. Webb would attribute this lack of optimism on the part of whites to the

“bitterness” and unfairness in the allocation of opportunity goods like jobs, contracts, and college

admissions.

I (c) Concerning a Deliberative Issue: Incidents Involving Racial Hate Speech

Next, this paper argues that given that perpetuators of racial hate speech and conduct frequently

cite having had no intention to inflict harm or to incite racism, general racial discourses can at

least raise awareness and promote mutual understanding. Racial identity is an important element

to understanding the intentionality and, ultimately, the best way to achieve moral agreement.

Black students at schools where white fans wave the flag and sing "Dixie" during football games see the Confederate emblems as symbols of an era in which their ancestors were enslaved by whites. Many white students, on the other hand, seem to take the flag as representative merely of their Southern heritage, a cultural identity distinct from Northern or urban lifestyles. Such whites do not see themselves as endorsing, through the flag, a return to slavery. They simply do not see what the big deal is about celebrating the Confederate flag once14

14 Brown, Darryl. "Racism and Race Relations in the University." Virginia Law Review 2nd ser. 76.Mar (1990): 295-335. Print.

.

In this same article, Darryl Brown argues that antidiscrimination laws meant to explicitly

condone intentional acts of racism perpetuate unconscious racism by allowing unexplained

beliefs about white race consciousness to be privileged over black race consciousness. Though

white race consciousness may not be recognized on account that is a normative state, it may

explain why many whites may strongly defend against claims of “racism.” When two students at

Whitman College in Walla Walla, Washington painted their entire bodies in black for a

Survivor-theme fraternity party, they probably did not intend for it to be taken as mimicry of

blackface minstrelsy. They may have felt as the president of the fraternity in question did.

“I was a little shocked and surprised because I was at that party and the thought of Brice and Byan dressing up in blackface never crossed my mind. I know that they wore black paint, but I never thought of it as a racial issue. I felt like they were being called racists. That wasn’t her (the student who first brought the pictures to the attention of the administration) intent,—she was trying to say that their actions were racist, not that they were racist—but I felt that they were being portrayed as racists … and I felt like that was unfair,”

The whole incident ended with apologies from the two students, intense and divisive debate

among students, and curriculum changes, as well as much unwelcomed national media attention.

Similar incidents happen across many campuses embroiled in racial hate speech. When the editor

of the Tufts University school newspaper printed a poem entitled, “O Come All Ye Black

Folk15

15 O Come All Ye Black Folk Boisterous yet desirable O come ye, O come ye to our University. Come and we will admit you, Born in to oppression, O come, let us accept them, O come, let us accept them, O come let us accept them, Fifty-two black freshmen. O Sing, gospel choirs, We will accept your children, No matter what your grades are, F's, D's or G's Give them privileged status; We will welcome all. O come, let us accept them,

” to criticize affirmative action, she, too, registered that it was “not (her) intention” to

make fun of the black race. She did not, however, recant her position about affirmative action16.

Dartmouth University exploded when an independent conservative newspaper printed a cover

depicting Native Americans as scalpers for taking strong positions against a number of racially

charged incidents. In this case, the editor did not apologize and felt that racist accusations were

unwarranted. “There are no “racists” or people who “hate” at The Dartmouth Review. Such

terms are the clichés of unearned, but desperately desired, moral superiority.17

” Neither the

perpetuator nor victims sought compromise. Native American students urged disciplinary action,

while the paper’s editor put the burden on Native American students to “lay out measurable

goals and steps for how this harmony can be achieved.”

I (c)ii Concerning a Deliberative Issue: Weaknesses of Deliberation in Action One hope for deliberative democrats is to strengthen not only tolerance18

O come, let us accept them, O come, let us accept them, Fifty-two black freshmen. All come! Blacks, we need you, Born into the ghetto. O Jesus! We need you now to fill our racial quotas. Descendents of Africa with brown skin arriving: O come, let us accept them, O come, let us accept them, O come, let us accept them, Fifty-two black freshmen.

for moral

disagreement, but also mutual respect. One should self-reflect on his or her own moral opinions,

maintain consistency in speech and action independent of the circumstances, and accept broader

implications of their principles. Citizens should also acknowledge the moral possibility of their

opponents’ position by i) assuming moral rather than political motivations and ii) inclining to

openness rather than permanent moral judgments. However, deliberative democracy does not

accommodate broad discussion of race, which has the effect of a) obscuring contemporary forms

16 Cheroo, By Pranai. "Campus Debates Primary Source 'carol'" Tufts Daily. 11 Dec. 2006. Web. 19 Dec. 2010. <http://www.tuftsdaily.com/2.5511/campus-debates-primary-source-carol-1.592623>. 17 "Dartmouth College Roiled by Controversies over Treatment of American Indian Students." Index Page 1 of Main Web Page to RLNN.COM. Web. 1 Nov. 2010. <http://www.rlnn.com/ArtNov06/DartmouthRoiledControsTreatmentAIStudents.html>. 18 “Requires majorities to let minorities express their moral views in public and practice them in private. (pg 61)

of “settled” decisions and ii) nearly assuming that each of the above events would have had to

take place.

Gutmann and Thompson argue that racially-latent issues like slavery need not be

reargued because they are deemed “settled”. This is, of course, true, but many issues are settled

for some groups and not others. Wearing KKK attire to a lighthearted, “politically incorrect”

themed party19, blackfacing as Jamaican bobsledders from a popular movie20

The second objection raises a more important question for deliberative democracy. It

assumes a context within which deliberation should take place. This context, however, may mean

that someone must suffer an indignity, offense, or assault when prior deliberation may have

lessened or altogether avoided the offensive act. Deliberative democrats may say that this is

, or depicting

starving Ethiopians as cannibals may be intended as innocuous for some and reminiscent of

historical periods for others. Blackface and other satirical or humorous forms of expressions

seem to be outside the scope of acceptable expression, but given the frequency with which

blackface incidents occur on college campuses this seems to indicate that not all issues are

collectively deemed settled. Deliberative democrats must take this claim seriously because the

source of moral disagreement is, again, transcendent of any policy question. Indeed, colleges

could open discussion of, say, the most appropriate attire to wear to a party. These discussions

could even undergo deliberative mandates. But even so, the invariably indeterminate number of

manifestations of racism and the outcry one could expect from regulating first amendment rights

makes the deliberative position neither a morally desirable or efficient one.

19 Aqueel, Haris. "Politically Incorrectness Is No Excuse for Racial Insensitivity." The Mac Weekly. 9 Feb. 2207. Web. 1 Dec. 2010. <http://www.themacweekly.com/home/index.cfm?event=displayArticlePrinterFriendly&uStory_id=c6079151-bb48-4437-a135-8aa91d8c1d4f>. 20 Blake, By Laurie. "Hamline Blackface Costumes Prompt Investigation | StarTribune.com." StarTribune.com: News, Weather, Sports from Minneapolis, St. Paul and Minnesota. Web. 5 Dec. 2010. <http://www.startribune.com/local/stpaul/11550356.html>.

inevitable. The universal sources of moral disagreement (scarcity, limited generosity, incomplete

understanding, and incompatible values21) mean that the citizens do not live under an egalitarian,

condition, free of moral disagreement and should not reasonably expect to22

This argument, however, privileges moral disagreements about policies and about the

process by which policies should be adopted over moral disagreement without policies. Denying

that communities should be subject to a deliberative mandate exposes avoidable risks to

individuals and communities. Colleges and universities that are embarrassed by racial incidents,

likely regret that they had not done more to encourage understanding and dialogue. Many may

disclose this only privately, yet publicly appear to suggest that cultural norms within the college

or university did not enable some “few, misguided individuals.

. Deliberative

democrats hope that citizens can engage in deliberation that, at best, moves them to making

decisions based upon reasons that are mutually justified. If moral disagreement persists, then

citizens can at least hope to become better deliberators.

23

“Recent events at the University have been a sad reminder that there is still much work to be done to create a truly open and civil community. While that work takes on a new urgency, I am convinced that we have the commitment and dedication of our students, staff and faculty in assessing where we are and

” While other statements

indicate that the university may have been complicit. In the aftermath of a racially-motivated

physical attack on a student and (another) Halloween party involving blackface, the president of

the University of Virginia readily acknowledged university culture as an important source of

racial division.

21 Page 29 22 Pg 25 23 "What We Are Doing." UC San Diego : Battle the Hate. Web. 6 Dec. 2010. <http://battlehate.ucsd.edu/transcript-2-26..php>

creating a vision of where we must go to achieve a more welcoming community for every individual.” 24

Almost all institutions respond with some action meant to mobilize the community around

shared understanding and values. Among other things, Johns Hopkins instituted its first summer

reading assignment for incoming freshmen to discuss the book, “Why Are All the Black Kids

Sitting Together in the Cafeteria,” which explores racial identity development and diversity in

education

25. The University of Maryland held two forums attended by 100-140 people26.

Whitman College canceled classes for a day, so students could attend a symposium that

addressed the biological, psychosocial, and experiential roots of racism27. The University of

California-San Diego started a “Battle the Hate” campaign28 that involves creating a diversity

commission and increasing outreach to religious and political community leaders29.

Unfortunately, colleges and universities too often roll out these programs only after a galvanizing

issue has required it. On the one hand, deliberative democracy recognizes the need to publicize

moral disagreement, even when moral disagreement has not materialized. “In a deliberative

democracy it is just as important that citizens recognize when they do not have a fundamental

disagreement as when they do.30

24 "A BOV Special Committee and a Presidential Commission." University of Virginia. 3 Apr. 2003. Web. 1 Dec. 2010. <http://www.virginia.edu/topnews/releases2003/diversity-april-3-2003.html>.

” On the other hand, deliberative democracy seems ill-equipped

25 Kinzie, By Susan. "College Campuses Struggle to Control Racial Incidents | National | Chron.com - Houston Chronicle." Houston Chronicle. 27 Sept. 2007. Web. 6 Dec. 2010. <http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/nation/5168061.html>. 26 Kinzie, By Susan. "Colleges See Flare In Racial Incidents." Washington Post - Politics, National, World & D.C. Area News and Headlines - Washingtonpost.com. 26 Sept. 2007. Web. 6 Dec. 2010. <http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/09/25/AR2007092502353_pf.html>. 27 Bridges, George S. "Conveying a Simple, Yet Difficult Message." Higher Education News and Jobs. 19 Apr. 2207. Web. 7 Nov. 2010. <http://diverseeducation.com/article/7245/>. 28 "What We Are Doing." UC San Diego : Battle the Hate. Web. 6 Dec. 2010. <http://battlehate.ucsd.edu/actions-taken.php> 29 "What We Are Doing." UC San Diego : Battle the Hate. Web. 6 Dec. 2010. <http://battlehate.ucsd.edu/actions-taken.php> 30 Gutmann, Amy, and Dennis F. Thompson. Why Deliberative Democracy? Princeton: Princeton UP, 2004. 71. Print

to handle an approach that does not set aside deliberation on account that there is no higher

contextual objective for which citizens seek to justify.

II.(a) Institutional Obligations: Legal Reasoning

Deliberative democrats do, however, promote deliberation beyond political institutions to

educational institutions because i) administrative decisions affect people’s basic liberties and

opportunities in society, ii) education can encourage well-informed citizens and iii) a “rehearsal

space” can provide tools needed for effective deliberation in the political sphere. As compared to

churches, synagogues, and voluntary associations, deliberative democrats view “the single most

important institution outside government (to be) the educational system.31

31 Gutmann, Amy, and Dennis F. Thompson. Why Deliberative Democracy? Princeton: Princeton UP, 2004. 61. Print.

” Deliberative

democrats recognize the unique responsibility that educational institutions have in a democratic

society. This reasoning is supported by the legal tradition established in the landmark Bakke case

(1978) and reaffirmed by the Supreme Court in Grutter v Bollinger (2003). In essence, the court

recognizes the compelling interest of higher educational institutions to create a diverse student

body to “contribute the most to the robust exchange of ideas.” Race is defended in that it i)

promotes “cross-racial understanding,” ii) “helps to break down racial stereotypes” and iii)

“enables students to better understand persons of different races.” More practically, an

educational experience with “exposure to widely diverse people, cultures, ideas and viewpoints”

better prepares students to meet the demands of a global and more greatly interconnected world.

Further, the Supreme Court acknowledges a special burden on universities because they account

for a significant share of the nation’s leaders. Law schools, in particular, can claim half of state

governors and US senators, and more than a third of US representatives.

However, apart from what institutions cannot legally do (e.g. quotas) or unlawful

justifications for promoting diversity (e.g. reducing a historic deficit in a given field, remedying

societal discrimination, or increasing medical school diversity to reach underserved populations),

should colleges and universities seek to promote diversity as an institutional principle? Legal

jurisprudence defers to state prerogatives as to whether college diversity should include race-

conscious admissions, though it explicitly advocates diversity in academic learning

opportunities. Several states, including Texas, California, Michigan, Nebraska, and Washington,

have successfully eliminated affirmative action in college admission and/or have adopted

alternative top-x% programs. (It is worth briefly mentioning that: i) State anti-affirmative action

laws do not impose an absolute ban on race-conscious action and ii) Institutions that use federal

funds may violate Title VI of federal civil rights legislation where a selection criterion like SAT

scores are shown to have a disparate impact on minorities.32

) Nevertheless, these states’ public

universities have not sidestepped the goal of a diverse student body and continue to extol the

virtues of a diverse student body much like the University of California – Los Angeles.

Diversity is a core value of UCLA. It enables us to provide the kind of broad, enriching educational experience for which the university has long been known. Because we are a public institution, our students, faculty and staff must reflect the broad diversity of the state of California. We take great pride in the many backgrounds represented on our campus. UCLA has a great legacy of preparing leaders from all segments of society who have gone on to make significant contributions all over the world. We are deeply committed to ensuring the continued diversity of our campus. We will do whatever we can, legally and appropriately, to preserve and expand the diverse nature of our university community3334

.

Deliberative democrats, too, would seem to embrace diversity in student bodies. Unlike

elementary, middle, or high schools, colleges have a wider catchment area that is not dictated by

32 West-Faulcon, Kimberly. "The River Runs Dry: When Title VI Trumps State." University of Pennsylvania Law Review 157 (2009): 1075-160. Print. 33 Welcome to the UCLA Diversity Website. Web. 2 Dec. 2010. <http://www.diversity.ucla.edu/>. 34 "Diverse People and Ideas: The University of Texas at Austin Places High Priority on Diversity." Home | The University of Texas at Austin. Web. 5 Dec. 2010. <http://www.utexas.edu/diversity/feature/banner.php>.

school district lines. Therefore, greater potential exists for coming into contact with the diversity

needed for deliberative development. But does diversity in colleges and universities require

more? Should upholding the virtues of diversity constitute a further obligation to a) cultivate this

personal virtue in students, b) ensure that students experience deeper levels of contact with

students from different backgrounds, or c) manufacture and promote shared values involving

tolerance and mutual respect? The answer to this, in part, turns on an empirical inquiry. The

second part uses Association of American Colleges and Universities (AACU) recommendations

to demonstrate that not only do these obligations exist beyond attracting diverse student bodies,

but also they, in fact, have been incorporated in college curricula.

II.(b)i Institutional Obligations: Evidence for Diversity

Numerous studies have shown the positive impact of a diverse student body on individual

outcomes. Greater racial diversity leads to greater socializing across race, which then becomes a

gateway for discussing racial issues, taking ethnic studies courses, attending diversity

workshops, and actively promoting racial understanding35. Interactional diversity experiences

have shown positive effects on openness to diversity and critical thinking36. Frequent interaction

cross-racially positively predicts student retention, intellectual and social self-concept and

overall satisfaction with college37

35 Antonio, Anthony Lising. "Diversity and the Influence of Friendship Groups in College." The Review of Higher Education 25.1 (2001): 63-89. Print.

. Student engagement with diversity has also promoted

democratic outcomes linked to “perspective taking,” and accepting differences and conflicts as

36 "Diversity Experiences and College Student Learning and Personal Development." ERIC – World’s Largest Digital Library of Education Literature. Web. 19 Dec. 2010. <http://www.eric.ed.gov/ERICWebPortal/recordDetail?accno=EJ671040>. 37 Antonio, Anthony Lising, Mitchell J. Chang, Kenji Hakuta, David A. Kenny, Shana Levin, and Jeffrey F. Milem. "Effects of Racial Diversity on Complex Thinking in College Students." Psychological Science 15.8 (2004): 507-10. Print.

social realities38. Even after accounting for student backgrounds and institutional variation, white

students on campuses with less than 10% of the student body composed of students of color were

72% more likely to join (a presumably homogenous) fraternity or sorority than they would have

done otherwise on a campus with greater than 17% students of color39

On the other hand, chronic racism on college campuses can affect the health, well-being,

and self-esteem of people of color

. Such changes may be

responses to environmental factors involving the values and tone of the institution and student

body.

40

II.(c) Institutional Neutrality: AACU Recommendations for Institutional Involvement

. Other studies have shown that the ability of student of color

to succeed in college is associated with a amicable racial climate and campus commitment to

diversity.

In a series of papers commissioned by the Association of American Colleges and

Universities (AACU) on diversity in higher education, Milem, Chang, and Antonio draw upon an

expansive body of research to explain the roles that institutions must play to help students

develop on a racially and ethnically diverse campus. Their assumptions are that i) leaving

students to their own devices inside and outside of the classroom would not ensure the full

maturation of a well-rounded education, ii) that the institution would be less attentive or sensitive

to the campus racial climate and iii) that the community would be less likely to share common

values on diversity. They propose twenty guidelines on how institutions should take on a greater

38 Zuniga, Ximena, Elizabeth A. Williams, and Joseph B. (Joseph Buryl) Berger. "Action-Oriented Democratic Outcomes: The Impact of Student Involvement With Campus Diversity." Journal of College Student Development 46.6 (2005): 660-78. Print. 39 Milem, Jeffrey F., Mitchell J. Chang, and Anthony L. Antonio. Making Diversity Work on Campus: A Research-Based Perspective. Rep. Association of American Colleges and Universities. Print. 40 The Influence of Racism-Related Stress on the Academic Motivation of Black and Latino/a Students

role in promoting diversity. Several are worth highlighting to illustrate the obligations that higher

educational institutions have beyond a demographic sense of diversity.

II.(c) i) Institutional Obligations: Historical Legacy

An institution should acknowledge and seek to directly deal with its historical legacy of

exclusion and racism. Part of owning its history means that students, student organizations, and

faculty no longer benefit from accepted practices that have their origins in other, less tolerant

times. At the behest of the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) in 2006, many

colleges began removing Indian imagery from team nicknames, mascots, and traditions. The

NCAA barred any team from post-season tournaments for continued use of “hostile or abusive”

Indian motifs41. Many schools like the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign were

genuinely endeared to their mascots, though equally naïve to the history surrounding their

beloved traditions. Carol Spindel discusses in her book, Dancing at Halftime: Sports and the

Controversy over American Indian Mascots, that not only did many students at the University of

Illinois believe that Native Americans are “gone,” “have no legitimate ancestors” or “destroyed

themselves through internal mechanisms,” but also they thought that Native American culture

was authentically represented42

What Illinois fans feel so emotionally attached to is not ideas about Native American stoicism, strength, and will power, but qualities derived from the Boy Scouts and costumes exploited by Wild West shows taking the exponentially diverse community of Native American cultures and combining them into one stereotypical and palatable identity. The Illinois faithful are longing for an attachment to an idea or concept that is false.

. One reviewer explains Spindel’s account of the persistent

stereotyping of Native American cultural diversity.

41 "NCAA American Indian Mascot Ban Will Begin Feb. 1 - College Sports - ESPN." ESPN: The Worldwide Leader In Sports. 12 Aug. 2005. Web. 1 Dec. 2010. <http://sports.espn.go.com/ncaa/news/story?id=2125735>. 42Sperber, Murray, Beer and Circus: How big-time college sports is crippling undergraduate education, Henry Holt and Company: New York 2000 (6-12 pp.)

As compared to Florida State University that received the endorsement of the Seminole Tribe of

Florida and successfully waged a campaign to be exempted from NCAA rules, “children and

adults in Illinois had no day-to-day interaction with real Indians, leaving only the stereotypes,

either of Chief Illiniwek (the school’s mascot) or Disney’s Pocahontas.”43 The broader

implication of this controversy involves race relations at the university. While pro-Illiniwek

students continue to engage in school traditions that stir controversy on campus, the university’s

stance on this issue serves as a powerful example of tolerance and respect for other cultures44

Other ways of addressing historical wrongs may involve a) scholarships named in honor

of someone who may have been denied admissions or became the first of a group to graduate

(e.g. Ridley scholarship at the University of Virginia), b) a lecture series or annual symposium to

mark an important event in the school’s history (e.g. University of Texas’ Heman Sweatt

Symposium on Civil Rights) or c) a statue or historic marker.

.

Students are now encouraged to think about the representations that they see in their everyday

lives. Even if they never come in contact with a Native American, they at least know to question

and defend against attempts to stereotype groups for personal entertainment and self-

gratification. Not to mention, Native American students would seem to feel more welcomed and

accepted and less likely to be subject to negative stereotypes.

4546

II.(c) ii) Institutional Obligations: Campus Balkanization

43 Wieberg, By Steve. "USATODAY.com - NCAA Allowing Florida State to Use Its Seminole Mascot." News, Travel, Weather, Entertainment, Sports, Technology, U.S. & World - USATODAY.com. 23 Aug. 2005. Web. 3 Dec. 2010. <http://www.usatoday.com/sports/college/2005-08-23-fsu-mascot-approved_x.htm>. 44 Dollair, Brian. "Students for a United Illinois Hold Counter-Demonstration at Assembly Hall." Urbana Champaign Independent Media Center. 24 Oct. 2010. Web. 4 Dec. 2010. <http://www.ucimc.org/content/students-united-illinois-hold-counter-demonstration-assembly-hall 45 "Ridley Fast Facts." About Ridley. University of Virginia. Web. 4 Dec. 2010. <Ridley Fast Facts>. 46 "25th Annual Heman Sweatt Symposium on Civil Rights." The University of Texas at Austin. Web. 23 Nov. 2010. <http://www.utexas.edu/diversity/events/hemansweatt/>.

The AACU also provides guidelines for colleges to address “campus balkanization” or

group segregation. Even before students set foot on college campuses, their exposure to other

racial groups can be limited. One study by the Civil Rights Project at the University of California

indicates a downward trend in desegregation in American schools47. Whites, on average, attend

schools where the white student population is over 80%. The only exception to this trend is in the

South and West, where whites attend more interracial schools, though suburban schools are the

most rapidly resegregating school system. In the 2003-2004 school year, 71% of Black students

and 75% of Latino students in the South attended majority minority (50-100%) schools, an 11%

and 2% increase respectively since the 1991-1992 school year48

If important educational benefits recognized by the Supreme Court and deliberative

democrats must be realized in students’ educational experience, then colleges must take

responsibility in creating opportunities for students to socially connect inside and outside of the

classroom. One study conducted at UCLA concluded that even a high degree of interracial

friendship among students cannot mediate the perception that the campus climate is

. This effect may be exacerbated

with the Supreme Court’s ruling in Parents Involved in Community Schools v Seattle School

District No. 1 (2003). The court denied school systems a compelling interest when race is solely

used to deny or admit a student into a public school, especially considering that school system

has i) never operated legally segregated schools, ii) been subject to court-ordered desegregation,

or iii) does not primarily base the use of race upon an educational objective.

47 Frankerberg, Erica, Chungmei Lee, and Gary Orfield. "A Multiracial Society With Segregated Schools: Are We Losing the Dream? — The Civil Rights Project at UCLA." The Civil Rights Project at UCLA. 16 Jan. 2003. Web. 2 Dec. 2010. <http://civilrightsproject.ucla.edu/research/k-12-education/integration-and-diversity/a-multiracial-society-with-segregated-schools-are-we-losing-the-dream/?searchterm=segregated>. 48 Orifled, Gary and Lee, Chungmei (2005). New Faces, Old Patterns? Segregation in the Multiracial South.Cambridge, MA: The Civil Rights Project at Harvard University.

characterized by racial clustering and rare cross-racial socializing. (Antonio, 2001)49

Moreover, campuses with high levels of balkanization would seem more likely to

experience not just more recurrent incidents involving racist hate speech and conduct, but more

explosive ones. In 2010 alone, the University of California-San Diego was rocked by four highly

charged racial incidents: i) a fraternity threw a “Compton Cookout” whose guests were invited to

“wear chains, don cheap clothes, and speak very loudly” and promised “chicken, watermelon,

and malt liquor for Black History Month commemoration.” ii) The editor of a student newspaper

appeared on campus TV and used racial epithets to describe protestors of said fraternity party.

Iii) A noose was found hanging in the main library and iv) a KKK-style hood was found atop a

campus statue

. Without an

institutional commitment, Antonio explains that students’ attitudes about campus climate may i)

discourage them behaviorally from seeking new, social opportunities in student organizations,

study groups, and the like and b) may psychologically isolate them, as they “see themselves as

the exceptions in an otherwise racially divided student community.”

50

49 Antonio, Anthony Lising. "Diversity and the Influence of Friendship Groups in College." The Review of Higher Education 25.1 (2001): 63-89. Print.

. These incidents can be explained in part by the fact that African American

students only make up 2% of the student population. It suggests a group whose perspectives may

be absent in student learning and who may have had to turn inward for peer support. However,

the domino-effect of these incidents would indicate that there were preexisting and more deeply-

held racial sentiments. In other words, should not the “Compton Cookout” have had the effect of

raising awareness and promoting sensitivity, rather than having no effect at all or encouraging

50 "Racism on Campus." Linking History to Moral Choices Today | Facing History and Ourselves. Facing History and Ourselves, 2 Mar. 2010. Web. 7 Dec. 2010. <http://www.facinghistory.org/resources/facingtoday/racism-campus>.

more intolerance? Certainly, UCSD’s Black Student Unions letter to school officials supports a

claim that the campus climate had already been primed for racial conflict.

The University of California system in not representative of communities of color…The detrimental effect of the campus climate that we now witness is only a continuum of institutional, systematic racial inequalities and intolerance that administration has been well aware of through documentation…Students in general feel isolated and unsupported, which contributes to the continuous cycle that prevents underrepresented communities from entering the university. For students of color, queer-identified students, and students form low socio-economic backgrounds, this has been a continuous struggle to validate our own presence at the university academically and socially51

.

Even the perspective of the female student who naively hung the noose in the library is telling.

I found a small piece of rope on the ground earlier in the day. While I was hanging out with my friends a bit later, we tried jumproping with it and making it into a lasso. My friend then took the rope and tied it into a noose. I innocently marveled at his ability to tie a noose, without thinking of any of its connotations or the current racial climate at UCSD52

.

The anonymous student further explained that she too was a minority student and was deeply

anguished over the effect of her actions. Unfortunately, her ignorance of the historical meaning

of dangling nooses in public spaces reflects poorly on our educational system and her exposure

and interaction with African American students. At every turn in this case, balkanization helps

explain a) why incidents occur, b) how they are defended, and c) how groups respond to them.

What if the female student had an African American student studying with her? Had the African

American population had not felt so isolated, ignored, and unsupported, would their reaction

been more forgiving and empathetic? What if culturally minded library patrons would have

prevented the female student from leaving without some attention given to the noose on her

desk?

51 "UCSD Black Student Union Address! State of Emergency! | UCSD's State of Emergency: Real Pain. Real Action!" CSL Personal Page: Brad Werner. Web. 25 Nov. 2010. <http://complex-systems.ucsd.edu/antiracism/node/1>. 52 Anonymous, By. "Noose in Geisel Was Not Intended As a Threat | The Guardian." The Guardian | University of California, San Diego. 1 Mar. 2010. Web. 7 Dec. 2010. <http://www.ucsdguardian.org/feature-on-slider/noose-in-geisel-was-not-intended-as-a-threat/>.

Colleges and universities have an obligation beyond merely attracting diversity. (In UCSD’s

case, they failed to do even that.) They must seek to encourage students to optimize learning

opportunities outside of the classroom and outside of their social environment. In waiting until

racial incidents occur, student bodies and institutions incur harm. Penny Rue, UCSD’s vice

chancellor of student affairs, sees incidents like these as undermining the institution’s efforts to

make its campus more welcoming for minority students. It creates a “dilemma” for UCSD

because the more its school has a reputation for intolerance, the more likely black students will

choose to go to other schools like University of California-Berkeley, which has nearly twice the

percentage of African American undergraduate students5354

II.(c) iii) Institutional Obligations: Diverse Curriculum

.

Finally, AACU argues that colleges and universities have another obligation to ensure

that the curriculum reflects diverse ideas and life experiences. While academic institutions are

naturally inclined to vigorous scientific inquiry and challenge, they may struggle to meet the

learning needs of an increasingly diverse, international student body. Colleges who do not

assume this responsibility risk not only alienating minority students, but also depriving all

learners of the knowledge necessary to more fully understand and engage with the world. In the

aftermath of the civil rights struggles of the 1960s and the expansion of student bodies to include

people of color, many colleges began quickly instituting ethnic studies programs to include

African American, Asian American, Raza, Chicano, and Native American perspectives. Even

today, these calls remain sources of frustration and contention for minority groups. For example,

53 Tintocalis, Ana. "UCSD Students Say Deeper Racism Exists On Campus | KPBS.org." KPBS San Diego: Public Radio, TV and Web. 24 Feb. 2010. Web. 5 Dec. 2010. <http://www.kpbs.org/news/2010/feb/24/ucsd-students-say-deeper-racism-exists-campus/>. 54 "Fall 2010 Ethnic Distribution." Office of Student Research and Campus Surveys. Web. 10 Nov. 2010. <http://osr2.berkeley.edu/twiki/bin/view/Main/Fall2010EthnicDistribution>.

one of the demands made by UCLA’s Black Student Union in May 2010 called for the creation

of African American Studies and Latino Arts and Humanities minors to help with retention,

campus racial climate, and student learning55. Colleges with substantial sizes of Asian American

students face similar problems. At Princeton University, Asian American students, the

university’s largest minority population, have been struggling with administration officials for

four decades to expand Asian American course offerings. Despite a $6 million commitment in

1995 and subsequent petition drives to renew this commitment, a full-fledged Asian American

program has still yet to materialize. For students like April Chou, it is a matter of how this

impairs Asian American students’ ability to be fully embraced at Princeton, “We believe we

have a responsibility to help Princeton play a leadership role in Asian American studies and in

creating an environment that is supportive of this community.56

In the wake of a racially motivated assault on its campus in 2004, the University of

Virginia’s president charged a commission to formally assess four major areas that could

improve academic and climate problems. One of these areas concerned how the curriculum could

help shape attitudes and push the institution forward in inculcating its general diversity goals. Its

Curriculum Subcommittee’s final recommendations appealed directly to the contribution of a

diverse curriculum toward a campus culture of inclusiveness and mutual respect by a) increasing

student awareness and critical thinking, b) challenging institutional norms to ensure that these

” Along with an obligation to

create the potential for diverse learning opportunities, colleges must create favorable conditions

whereby students feel their perspectives and identities are reflected in curricular opportunities.

55 "UCSD Black Student Union Address! State of Emergency! | UCSD's State of Emergency: Real Pain. Real Action!" CSL Personal Page: Brad Werner. Web. 25 Nov. 2010. <http://complex-systems.ucsd.edu/antiracism/node/1>. 56 Leung, Shirley. "Princeton Alumni Weekly: Yearning for Recognition." Princeton Alumni Weekly: Home. Princeton Alumni Weekly. Web. 19 Nov. 2010. <http://paw.princeton.edu/issues/2010/01/13/pages/9134/index.xml>.

values are entrenched in all department courses and c) increasing its attractiveness to current and

future minority students. Specifically, the committee felt that creating ties with historically black

colleges and offering grants for faculty to teach courses that included racial/ethnic issues were

among many available tools to improve conditions for student learning57. Although, not every

recommendation was eagerly pursued, the University has made tremendous gains on many of the

Commission’s recommendations, as well as initiated many others along the way. It has partnered

with eight Virginia and North Carolina colleges and universities to increase the number of

minority students in science and technology fields, expanded its observance honoring Martin

Luther King Jr., and offered more integrated first year housing585960

III.(a i) Race Discussion Models

. The University of Virginia

illustrates that not only can diversity in the curriculum be achieved, but that it should be.

Educational institutions are uniquely situated among civic institutions to formally educate

citizens. This responsibility necessarily assumes additional responsibilities that address

everyday, lived experiences of students and the community. Students bring many assumptions

and social practices (i.e. balkanization) when entering college that should be challenged by

institutions. However, in order for an institution to be in a position of defending and encouraging

these values, it must first demonstrate an institutional commitment to a wide array of learning

opportunities in its curriculum.

57 Davis, Angela M., and Micheal J. Smith, eds. Embracing Diversity in Pursuit of Excellence: Report of the President’s Commission on Diversity and Equity. Rep. 2004. Print 58 "MLK Celebration, U.Va." University of Virginia. Web. 10 Dec. 2010. 59 "Virginia / North Carolina Alliance for Minority Participation." University of Virginia. Web. 5 Dec. 2010. <http://www.virginia.edu/amp/index.html>. 60 Bromley, Anne. "U.Va. Plans Expanded Observance Honoring Martin Luther King." University of Virginia. Web. 10 Dec. 2010. <http://www.virginia.edu/uvatoday/newsRelease.php?id=13738>.

This paper has thus far argued that in many ways deliberative democracy is ill-suited for

addressing racism on college campuses. First, it does not easily accommodate broad discussions

of race as a salient source of moral disagreement in American political and social discourse.

More problematically, it does not address the way in which race informs, consciously or

unconsciously, moral judgment and decision making. Deliberative democracy also does not

obligate institutions to create learning opportunities throughout the campus experience whereby

individuals’ everyday lives incorporate diverse experiences. Despite Gutmann and Thompson’s

challenge for deliberative democracy and the central importance of educational institutions in

furthering its practical applications, deliberative democracy too severely limits the range of

choices for addressing racism on college campuses. Guided by social science research and legal

jurisprudence, colleges have first an obligation to build racially diverse student bodies, which

then must be followed by other obligations to an inclusive curriculum and favorable campus

climate.

However, as argued earlier, deliberative goals primarily seek to resolve moral

disagreement and to guide discussions based on both substantive and procedural principles.

Citizens should seek to base reasons on general accessible moral claims that also ensure basic

liberty, basic opportunity, and fair opportunity for all. These aims are relevant to racism on

college campuses because the learning opportunities in and outside of the classroom can be

better informed. Institutions should seek to ensure that interracial experiences encourage

deliberation that best leads to mutual understanding and respect. While deliberative democracy

fails to account for cases, in which there is no higher goal to accomplish (i.e. collectively binding

decision), it reminds citizens that there are important considerations when engaging with morally

contentious issues.

As such, deliberative democracy may be a valuable tool for colleges to address racial

tension on campus through race study circle models. These models typically involve several

racially diverse groups of 8-10 people each that commit to discussing racial issues over a 6-8

week period. Similar to deliberative democracy’s ambivalence about ultimately resolving moral

disagreement, study circles are not primarily intended for conflict resolution or mediation, in

which the metric of success is judged by whether parties have resolved their differences. Neither

are they as unstructured as public hearings or town meetings,61

Although there does not exist a comprehensive study of the prevalence of race study

circle models on college campuses, research shows that it is widely used as a tool to facilitate

racial discussions and ameliorate hostile racial climates. Thirteen colleges and universities

belong to the Campus Conversations on Race College Network (CCORCN), which helps build

cross-racial understanding through discussion

in which case, the primary goals

are to express and defend one’s opinion without regard to moral accommodation. Study circle

models lie somewhere in between these versions. It fundamentally concerns information sharing

and correctly understanding the values, beliefs, and experiences of others. Resolution is hoped

for in the same way that deliberative democracy merely hopes that consensus can reached. Much

like deliberative arguments, study circle theorists argue that individuals and communities gain

benefits from engaging in a process that does not seek to “teach” or impose a certain set of

beliefs. Many studies from college study circle models support exiting data about the impact of

direct, interracial, and sustained contact.

62

61 "Everyday-Democracy.org: New How-to Guide for Training Facilitators." Everyday Democracy. Web. 19 Dec. 2010. <http://www.everyday-democracy.org/en/Article.496.aspx>.

. The Sustained Dialogue Campus Network is

62 Smith, By William. "Spotlight on Diversity: Campus Conversations on Race : Multicultural Issues : : Careers And Colleges .com." Careers And Colleges .com - Find Scholarships, College Grants, Colleges, and Loans. Alloy Education. Web. 23 Nov. 2010. <http://www.careersandcolleges.com/tp2/cnc/articles/view.do?cat=cnc.si.multicultural-issues&article=spotlight-diversity-campus-conversations-race>.

comprised of thirteen colleges and universities that have institutionalized racial dialogue as a

way to further student learning opportunities63

Arizona State University initiated a race study circle model in spring 1996 entitled,

“Voices of Diversity”. It recruited students from diversity-related courses into dialogue groups

that addressed racial conflict between many groups: African American/White, Latino/White,

Latino/African American, disabled/able-bodied, and male/female, among others. Students were

required to attend six two-hour sessions and given extra credit in a related course. Two, trained

graduate students, each from different racial groups, facilitated meetings. The first meeting

helped develop personal bonds among participants by discussing ground rules (e.g. listening

skills, putting oneself in other people’s shoes, etc). The remaining sessions are guided by video

and question discussion prompts from the facilitators, though facilitators can deviate from the

curriculum. The final session brings students together around lessons that they have learned from

the experience. Pre- and posttests showed that students improved their cognitive (e.g., knowledge

about other groups) and affective (feelings about other groups) skills, which echoed existing

research on the benefits of intergroup dialogue. ASU students also found the course to be

beneficial and “feel the program should be required for all students.

. Additionally, with the support of organizations

like Everyday Democracy, which provide free training manuals on its website, colleges and

universities more easily can plan and execute these models. More research is needed to

understand how this movement takes shape across US campuses. However, an example found at

Arizona State University yields important questions for deliberative democracy.

64

63 Welcome to SDCN! Sustained Dialogue Campus Network. Web. 17 Nov. 2010. <http://www.sdcampusnetwork.org/ht/d/Home/pid/187

”

64 Schoem, David Louis., and Sylvia Hurtado. Intergroup Dialogue: Deliberative Democracy in School, College, Community, and Workplace. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2001. 87-97. Print.

Although these learning opportunities have shown to be beneficial, it is unclear if

dialogue has a minimum standard for engagement. Can individual participants offer reasons that

are neither morally accessible nor uphold any fundamental principle about basic liberties and

opportunities? It is acceptable to use emotive forms of speech such as anger, blaming, or

shouting, which run counter to the deliberative principle that all speech could “economize”

differences with one’s opponents? Should study circles seek to make the experience binding in

any way since usually groups have shared lessons from the experiences?

To return to Gutmann and Thompson’s original proposition, the future of deliberative

democracy involving institutions of higher learning depends on meeting two theoretical

challenges and one practical challenge for addressing campus racism. First, deliberative

democracy should seek to provide guidance on moral disagreement that is not tied to one single

issue. Second, deliberative democracy should develop some theoretical room for institutional

obligations to facilitate moral disagreement. Finally, deliberative democracy can be more useful

in terms of informing the race study circle model.