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1
Demographic Dynamics
and Labour Force
S Irudaya Rajan
Udaya S Mishra
Draft Thematic Paper 1
2
This is a draft thematic paper. It was prepared by Prof. S.Irudaya Rajan and Udaya.S.Mishra from Centre for Development Studies. The views expressed herein are those of its author/s and do not necessarily reflect the views of the ILO. May 2018
3
Contents
1. Abstract …………………………………………………………………. 4
2. Introduction …………………………………………………………….. 5
3. Population Size and Growth …………………………………………… 6
4. Examining the half-century trend in age-sex composition …………… 7
5. Verifying Sex composition of the Population: Trends in Age specific
sex ratios, the myth of feminine sex ratios in Kerala …………………. 8
6. Changing structure of marital status composition …………………… 9
7. The Youthness lost in Kerala’s Population and its workers …………. 10
8. Dependency structure and duration of working years ………….......... 11
9. Household size and composition in Transition ……………………....... 12
10. Implications and future prospects ……………………………………… 13
11. Bibliography ……………………………………………………………… 14
4
1. Abstract
Kerala has a distinct age structure of populace on account of the dramatic changes in the three
demographic variables––fertility, mortality and mobility, over the last six decades. The state has
witnessed its demographic changes since 1961.There was 21 per cent population increase during
the 1961-71 inter-censal period which has reduced to just 5 per cent increase during 2001-2011
inter-censal period and our projections indicate that Kerala is expected to experience a negative
population growth rate after 2026. Thus, there has been a consistent decline in growth rates of
population implying a changing shape of the age structure.
The shrinking share of child population is the result of the fastest decline of fertility among
couples in Kerala since 1960, which has touched the below replacement level in 1987 and has
advanced further with the reported total fertility rate of 1.4 in 2016. The consequence of such a
rapid transition is reflected in the proportion of children in Kerala reaching 23.4 per cent as of
2011 from 42.6 per cent in 1961, which amounts to about 45per cent decline in 50 years. This is
accompanied with a decline in infant mortality rate from a level of 80 in 1960s to 6 in 2017; a
decline of almost 10 times which resulted in the unprecedented increase in life expectancy for
both males and males – reaching 72 for males and 78 for females in Kerala. The net result is the
rising share of elderly population from 5.8 per cent in 1961 to 12.6 per cent in 2011; about 54 per
cent increase.
Along with this transition on both ends of the age structure, the share of working age population
depicts a shift from 51.5 per cent in 1961 to 64.0 in 2011. However, this shift was sharper during
1971-1981 with 2.5 per cent increase, termed as realization of demographic dividend, in the state
which has gradually slowed down to1.2 per cent increase during 1991-2001 and just 0.6 per cent
increase in the latest decade of 2001-11 with a prospect for further decline in the near future. If
we characterise the working age population, the migration prone age group of 15-29 accounted
for 47.7 per cent of the labour force in 1961, rising to a maximum of 52.7 per cent in 1981 and
declined continuously to reach 36.9 per cent in 2011. Kerala’s demographic dividend seems to
have not benefitted the State’s economy directly due to its high unemployment but in turn it
pushed the unemployed and under-employed to move out both internally with India and
externally, outside India. Since 1971, Kerala was referred to as money order economy only to be
replaced later with remittance led economy based on currently remittances alone contributing
equivalent to 36 per cent of the state income.
The changing demographics of the state are reflected in the median age of population shifting
from 19 years in 1961 to 31 years in 2011. This need not to be read merely as aging of state’s
population but aging of the work force as well, which will be older when compared to the past.
The sustained below replacement level of fertility along with large scale international migration,
closing of the demographic dividend as well as aging of population has prompted large-scale in-
migration to the state in recent times basically to replace the migrant labour from Kerala,
otherwise termed as replacement migration. Such replacement labour migration to the state needs
to be sustained with appropriate policies in place for a smooth functioning of the domestic
economy. The current and prospective demography of Kerala therefore remains vital for designing
policies and programmes in the state particularly with regard to labour and employment followed
by social security and welfare.
5
2. Introduction
The age structure of human populations is shaped by three vital components––fertility, mortality and
migration. As conceptualised in the theory of demographic transition, the interactions between the
fertility and mortality levels results in the evolving age structure, in the context of changing fertility
and mortality regimes. With advances in the process of demographic transition i.e. from a high-high
to a low-low fertility and mortality, the age pyramid reverses from a wider base to a narrower one
along with a wider top in place of a narrower top. Such a transformation, as witnessed in recent times,
is not merely conditioned by fertility and mortality alone but migration as well.
There is a greater mobility across regions particularly from less developed to more developed regions.
Such mobility significantly shapes the age structure of regions following the saturation of transition
in fertility and mortality levels. The changing age structure therefore is not only dictated by the
interaction between fertility and mortality levels but also by the increasing mobility in recent times.
Apart from population size, its structure has been of greater interest in recent times given the discourse
on demographic dividend and active ageing of population.
On this account, it becomes pertinent to verify the same in a state like Kerala which is said to be a
front runner in terms of demographic transition and is uniquely placed in terms of a long history of
migration. Kerala occupies 1.2 percent of the total area of India and accounts for 2.8 percent of the
India’s population as per the 2011census. The population of Kerala has almost doubled in2011 since
its formation as a State in 1956 (Rajan and Sunitha, 2018). It has 8th place among the most densely
populated states and union territories of India (860 persons per square kilometer) which witnessed
the highest increase in the inter-census period 1961-1971 from 435 to 549.
Further, the state has experienced rapid urbanization over time with 2011 census reporting almost
equal share of rural and urban areas (rural – 52.3 per cent and urban – 47.7per cent with an annual
exponential growth rate of 6.6 per cent). High literacy, especially among females, and the political
leadership committed to social welfare, individualism and greater utilization of public services has
helped the region attain better levels of social welfare. These can be the probable reasons for the low
levels of mortality and fertility in the state. Kerala's population more than doubled between 1951 and
1991 (adding 15.6 million people to reach a total of 29.1 million residents in 1991), the population
stood at 31.8 million by 2001 and 33.3 million in 2011.
As regards population count, there was a noticeable increase during 1961-1971 periods among males
and females. The next decade showed a drastic decline in male population compared to the population
of females. Since 1971, the rate of annual population growth has been declining (Bhat and Rajan,
1990; Zachariah and Rajan, 1997) and in 2011, the growth rate for males was 0.35 per cent per year
as against the same for females being 0.60 per cent per year with an overall growth of 0.48 per cent
per year. The shrinking growth rate of population is the result of rapid transition in levels of fertility
and mortality. However, the differential growth between sexes is undoubtedly due to male centric
mobility of the population and the undisputed favourable sex ratio in Kerala also a result of large-
scale male migration (Zachariah, Mathew and Rajan, 2003). The transformation in the social and
health sectors in Kerala has made a revealing impact on reduced fertility levels and survivorship gains
which has led to the imbalance of the population age structure. Such imbalance is in terms of
consistent reduction in share of the young and an increase in the share of the aged. In other words,
these changes impacted on the age structure of the population.
6
3. Population Size and Growth
Over the last 120 years, Kerala has held a unique position among Indian states with respect to the sex
ratio which has been favourable to females, as per the data provided by the Indian censuses. However,
this is being questioned in the light of large scale international migration from Kerala (Zachariah,
Mathew and Rajan, 2001a; 2001b; 2003; Zachariah and Rajan, 2007). In 1901, there were 4 more
females to 1000 males whereas in 2011 there were 84 more females to 1000 males. The large
difference is attributed to both higher life expectancies among females (Bhat and Rajan, 1990) and
larger international migration among males (Zachariah and Rajan, 2008; 2012)
Table 1: Population Size Growth and Net Migration Rate, 1901-2011
Year Male Female Total Sex
Ratio
Annual
Exponential
Growth Rate
Natural
Increase
Net
Migration
Rate
1901 3191466 3204796 6396262 1004 -- -- --
1911 3559425 3588248 7147673 1008 1.1 1.08 0.03
1921 3879458 3922669 7802127 1011 0.9 0.84 0.04
1931 4702951 4804099 9507050 1022 2.0 1.83 0.15
1941 5443296 5588245 11031541 1027 1.5 1.75 -0.26
1951 6681901 6867217 13549118 1028 2.1 2.28 -0.22
1961 8361927 8541788 16903715 1022 2.2 2.69 -0.48
1971 10587851 10759524 21347375 1016 2.3 2.47 -0.14
1981 12527767 12925913 25453680 1032 1.8 1.96 -0.20
1991 14288995 14809523 29098518 1036 1.3 1.63 -0.29
2001 15468600 16372800 31841400 1058 0.9 1.20 -0.30
2011 16027412 17378649 33406061 1084 0.5 0.82 -0.34 Source: Calculated from Various Censuses 1901-2011, Registrar General of India.
The year 1971 has been a turning point for Kerala. The annual exponential growth has been coming
down along with natural increases in population which is below the national average. Kerala strictly
followed population policies which were created as part of the family welfare policy. It encouraged
small families, higher age of marriage, female education, reduction of birth and death rate, improved
child health care and vaccination programmes along with other social reforms. As a result, there has
been an increase in the adult literacy rate, life expectancy and a reduction in infant mortality and
fertility rates.
With regard to migration, until 1940, Kerala was in-migration state and since then Kerala has been
experiencing net out-migration reflected in the negative sign, first due to internal migration and later
due to international migration. If the current flow of in-migration to Kerala continues for some years,
Kerala will reach its earlier position of gaining through migration.
7
4. Examining the half-century trend in age-sex composition of the State’s population
On verifying the age-sex composition of the state’s population over the last half century, it is apparent
that age specific growth rates too declined in keeping with the overall population growth rate except
in the age group 60+. (Bhat and Rajan, 1990) Not only declining growth rates but also negative growth
rates in the age group (0-14) is noticed during last three decades that seems to spill over to the ages
15-19 and 20-24 as well during the recent decades (Table 2). Further, age specific growth rates among
males in ages 30-39 is negative during the period 2001-11in contrast with their female counterparts.
This visible pattern of shrinking or negative growth rates are more among the male population in the
state but not in case of female population. In fact, females’ population seem to be rising in its share
which is otherwise depicted in the feminine sex ratio in the state.
Table 2: Overall growth rate and Age Specific Growth Rate of Population by Sex,
Kerala, 1961-2011
Male 0-14 15-19 20-29 30-39 40-59 60+ Total
1961-1971 1.75 4.91 2.47 1.57 2.78 2.91 2.36
1971-1981 0.35 2.45 3.20 1.98 1.80 3.50 1.68
1981-1991 -0.25 0.19 1.91 3.38 2.08 2.84 1.29
1991-2001 -0.37 0.12 0.00 1.28 2.77 2.20 0.81
2001-2011 -0.58 -1.11 -0.90 -0.22 2.34 2.38 0.35
Female
1961-1971 1.78 4.88 1.85 1.96 2.56 3.02 2.31
1971-1981 0.34 2.59 3.44 1.68 2.22 3.76 1.83
1981-1991 -0.32 -0.10 2.16 3.23 2.14 3.06 1.34
1991-2001 -0.46 -0.34 -0.01 2.31 2.87 2.96 1.02
2001-2011 -0.57 -1.57 -0.92 0.38 3.02 2.21 0.59
Total
1961-1971 1.76 4.89 2.15 1.77 2.67 2.97 2.34
1971-1981 0.35 2.52 3.32 1.83 2.01 3.64 1.76
1981-1991 -0.29 0.04 2.04 3.31 2.11 2.96 1.31
1991-2001 -0.41 -0.12 -0.01 1.81 2.82 2.62 0.92
2001-2011 -0.58 -1.34 -0.91 0.10 2.69 2.29 0.48 Source: Calculated from Various Censuses 1961-2011, Registrar General of India.
The age pyramid depicts the population structure of the state and its changing profile during the period
between 1961 and 2011 (Figure 1). The base of the population has narrowed with its share shifting
from 15 per cent to 7 per cent. At the same time, narrowing of the base of the population pyramid
continues till the age of 29 depicting a consistent decline in fertility during last thirty years while
survivors of the births prior to thirty years in the past contribute to broadening of the pyramid towards
the top. Thus the pyramid shaped population is gradually getting shortened in its base and broaden
towards its apex, shaped as a barrel over the period.
8
Figure1: Change in the Age Pyramid, Kerala, 1961 and 2011
5. Verifying Sex composition of the Population: Trends in Age specific sex ratios, the myth of
feminine sex ratios in Kerala
The feminine sex ratio of the state has always been a distinct feature, since long. Historically, too,
Kerala has had a favourable sex ratio for women (Sardamoni, 1994). The feminine sex ratio in the
state is influenced by female survivorships at later ages and out-migration of young males in search
of employment at adult ages. With increasing age, this ratio seems to be more and more favourable
to women in the state. Such an observation can very well be observed based on an age-cumulative
sex ratio of the state’s population (See Figure. 2). It can be assessed that masculine sex ratio is
maintained till the age of 24 years in 2011 which used to be till the age of 19 years in 1961. Besides,
it is also interesting to observe the extent of femininity in sex ratio over the ages during last two
decades i.e. 1991-2011 which is distinctly far from what was observed till 1991. The age at which
shifts in feminine sex ratio takes place becomes important, signifying male mobility beyond that age.
Departures in the extent of feminine sex ratio at later ages could also be to a certain extent owing to
differential longevity between sexes.
Figure 2: Age Specific Sex Ratio, Kerala, 1961-2011
Source: Calculated from Various Censuses 1961-2011, Registrar General of India.
20 15 10 5 0 5 10 15 20
0-4 5-9
10-1415-1920-2425-2930-3435-3940-4445-4950-5455-5960-6465-6970-7475-79
80+
1961-Female 1961-Male
2011 -Female 2011 -Male
940
960
980
1000
1020
1040
1060
1080
0-4
0-9
0-1
4
0-1
9
0-2
4
0-2
9
0-3
4
0-3
9
0-4
4
0-4
9
0-5
4
0-5
9
0-6
4
0-6
9
0-7
4
0-7
9
1961
1971
1981
1991
2001
2011
9
6. Changing structure of marital status composition
The distribution of marital status is another pertinent aspect of demographic assessment in the sense
that demographic changes prompt a slow and silent transformation in the marital structure of the
population. An upward shift in the age at marriage of females is evident from 86.7 per cent single
women in the age of 15-19 years as of 2011 census. About 31 per cent females who are married fall
between the age group of 18 to 19 years, whereas there are a higher proportion of males married
between the age group of 24 to 25 years (Rajan and Aliyar 2004; Rajan and Sunitha, 2018). Men in
Kerala married at the average age of 28.7 years compared to women who married at the age of 21.7
years as per estimates based on 2011 Census. Age at marriage of women seems to stabilise at age 22
years, over the period, which was 22.3 years in 1991, falling slightly to 21.7 years in 2011 (Bhagat,
2016). On the other hand, the mean age at marriage of men increased from 27.7 years in 1991 to 28
years in 2001 and 28.7 years in 2011. Thus the mean age for marriage of women is falling, whereas,
for men it is going upward. The highly educated men and women postponed their marriages to late
twenties (Rajan and Sunitha, 2018). After the age group 30-39 the number of singles is almost near
to zero (Figure 3). More members of male population are remaining single than female population.
Members of the female population get settled by the age of 30-34 while male population get married
and settled by 35 years. Most members of female population stay back in Kerala while males migrate
in search of employment. Marriage of the male members of the population gets postponed and they
remain single longer than women (Figure 4).
Figure 3: Proportion of Single by Age and Sex, 2011
Source: Calculated from Census 2011, Registrar General of India.
Figure 4: Changing Structure of Marital Status by Age and Sex, 2011
Source: Same as Figure 3
0.0
20.0
40.0
60.0
80.0
100.0
Males
0.0
20.0
40.0
60.0
80.0
100.0
Pe
r ce
nt
Married MalesWidowed/Divorced/Separated MalesMarried FemalesWidowed/Divorced/Separated Females
10
7. The Youthness lost in Kerala’s Population and its workers
Any population structure is commonly designated as young or old based on the median age of the
population where an upward shift in the median age of the population makes the population older.
Alternatively, this phenomenon is verified in terms of share of child, youth and old population. In this
regard one can very well observe that the proportion of children to the total population is decreasing
in the state over the period. In terms of the median age of the population computed based on the 2011
census data, the median age of population of Kerala is 31 years with the same being 30 years for
males and 32 years for females. This changing age structure of the state of Kerala poses a challenge
in terms of an older population with a rising dependency ratios. The shift in median age of the
population (i.e. the age that divides the population counts into two equal halves) is found to be about
12 years older, with the same being 19 years in 1961 which has reached 31 years in 2011. Similar
inspection in terms of age-specific share in the total population indicates that the share of population
in the ages (0-4) has declined from 15 percent in 1961 to 7 in2011. In fact, a holistic reading of the
age structure of the population as depicted in Figure 5 brings to light the youthfulness of population
lost during last half a century. The cumulative share of the population at any age has a declining trend
over time. Such a decline seems to be moderate during 1961-91 but is stiff during 1991-2011. A
critical reading of the figure 5 below reflects one unique feature that has less to do with declining
fertility level but more with mobility. Although there is near equivalence in the share of the child
population between 1991 and 2011, the cumulative share at advanced ages shows a wider gap between
1991 and 2011. Such a depiction undoubtedly confirms the youthfulness lost in Kerala’s population
which is more pronounced in recent times than in the past. In fact, it is not the quantum of population
but their distribution over the ages which are indicative of population mobility in working ages.
Figure 5: Degree of Youngness Lost, 1961,1991 and 2011
Source: Same as Fig.1
Apart from the youthfulness lost in State’s population as depicted in Figure 5, it has a bearing on
working age population not merely in its count but in its composition. A clear pattern is that the state’s
working (age 15-59) population is increasing with a diminishing growth rate over the period. This
decline is more among males compared to their female counterparts. This observation again hints
towards male migration (both internal and international) in working ages (Figure 6).
The census figures pointed out that Kerala has the highest literacy rate in India and there is no
significant gap between the male and female literacy. Females are more educated than males in
graduation and above levels. However, their work participation rate is very low compared to their
male counterparts. On the other hand the growth rate of female work participation is increasing over
the period compared to male work participation. About half of the population among the total labour
0.00
0.20
0.40
0.60
0.80
1.00
0.0
20.0
40.0
60.0
80.0
100.0
0-4
5-9
10
-14
15
-19
20
-24
25
-29
30
-34
35
-39
40
-44
45
-49
50
-54
55
-59
60
-64
65
-69
70
-74
75
-79
80
+
Cu
mu
lati
ve F
regu
en
cy
Cu
mu
lati
ve P
erc
en
tage
2011
1991
1961
11
force was unemployed in 2011 (Rajan and Sunitha 2018). As per the 5th Annual Employment-
Unemployment Survey 2015-16 conducted by Ministry of Labour and Employment, Government of
India, Kerala has the highest unemployment rate of 12.5 as against the all India level of 5 per cent.
Figure 6: Exponential Growth Rate of Working Age Population
Source: Same as Fig.1
Migration seems to be playing a positive role in keeping unemployment levels in check in the state.
The Kerala Migration Survey, as early as 1998, noted that the unemployment rate in Kerala fell by
about 3 per cent due to migration (Zachariah, Mathew and Rajan, 2000). In a study, Zachariah and
Rajan (2012) have concluded, “Had there been no migration, the unemployment rate in Kerala would
have been 16 per 100 in the labour force. With the extent of migration that took place, the actual
unemployment rate was only 10.5”.
8. Dependency structure and duration of working years in Kerala’s Population
The dependency of total children in the age group 0-4 years up on the males and females of age
between 20 and 29 years is described in table 3.For 100 male youths, 97 more children were
dependent whereas for 100 female youth 75 more children were dependent in 1961.The number of
children, of the age group 0-4 years, is decreasing after 2001while the youth, 20-29 years, is
decreasing after 1991. As the dependency ratio increases the number of productive youth will
decrease. Here, compared to child dependency on females, the dependency on males shows a higher
ratio. So the number of male youth in this age group is less compared to their female counterparts.
Table 3: Child Dependency (0-4 years) among Youth (20-29 years)
0-4/20-29 Male Female
1961 197.0 175.2
1971 173.9 164.6
1981 120.3 111.2
1991 97.3 87.8
2001 101.0 91.2
2011 98.0 88.7
Source: Same as Table.2
The retirement age in the state services is 56 years in Kerala. Considering this age as the service limit
to the main workers of Kerala, the duration of service will be varying from 8 to 39 years for the
current labour force. Compared to males, the main workers among 35-49 years included more among
females (Table 4).
0.0
0.5
1.0
1.5
2.0
2.5
3.0
1971 1981 1991 2001 2011
Male
Female
12
Table 4: Duration of Working Years of Main Workers in Kerala, 2011
Age Male Female
Duration of
Working Years
15-19 1.5 1.3 39-43
20-24 8.1 6.5 34-38
25-29 13.2 10.7 29-33
30-34 14.0 13.1 24-28
35-39 14.9 17.8 19-23
40-49 28.2 32.5 9-18
50-59 20.0 18.0 0-8
9. Household size and composition in Transition
Demographic assessment of a population need not be limited to individuals but should also account
for household attributes. The women limit their desirable number of children to one or two compared
to that in the past with number of children exceeding four and above (Bhat and Rajan, 1990; Zachariah
et.al, 1994). Given the decline in fertility levels and its composition within the reproductive span,
there is an obvious transformation of household composition of individuals. Table 5 indicates the
skewed composition of fertility below thirty years of age which has risen to four fifth of the total
fertility. Hence it will result in some imbalanced representation of children in households.
The immediate consequence of low fertility levels has been in terms of reduced average household
size. This was reportedly 4.3 in Kerala according to NFHS 2006-06. In addition, according to NFHS
-3, 54.8 per cent households were nuclear families in 2005-06 and 25 per cent had a female headship.
According to KMS 2016, 26.3 per cent households were without females in the reproductive age
group and 85.6 per cent households had no children under five year age.
Table 5: Share of Fertility among Females of age < 30 and >30 years
1971 1981 1991 2001 2011 2013
Total < 30 59.5 69.8 81.2 83.1 80.5 80.0
>=30 40.5 30.2 18.8 16.9 19.5 20.0
Rural < 30 58.7 68.9 81.3 83.6 81.1 79.5
>=30 41.3 31.1 18.7 16.4 18.9 20.5
Urban < 30 65.2 75.7 80.9 81.6 78.8 81.6
>=30 34.8 24.3 19.1 18.4 21.2 18.4
Source: Sample Registration System, Registrar General of India
Besides nucleation of Kerala households along with reduction in average HH size, there are other
emerging features with bearing on economy and society. Owing to mobility and aging of population,
it becomes pertinent to examine these features in detail. For instance, One quarter of the households
are all-male HH and half of them are with single women. Similarly, 85.6 per cent of the households
are without children below four years of age. About 2.7 per cent children of age less than 18 years
were not living with their parents, either died or not known. Among the male children this percentage
was 2.5 and that of females was 2.9 (DLHS – 4). In KMS 2016, 1.3 per cent households included
children less than five year age without mother.
13
Table 6: Household Size in Kerala 2005-06 and 2016
NFHS -3 KMS 2016
1 0.3 3.9
2 3.8 15.0
3 12.7 17.6
4 27.3 23.8
5 20.1 19.9
6 12.7 10.7
7+ 23.2 9.0
Total 100.0 100.0
Source: Calculated from NFHS – 3 data and Kerala Migration Survey 2016 data
Table 7: Household with/without Children under five and Women of Reproductive Age
Group (18-49 years), KMS 2016
No
Children One Two
Three or
More
HH with/
without Women
No Women 30.5 0.7 0.6 0.0 26.2
One 49.6 66.7 44.1 11.1 51.3
Two 16.5 26.8 38.3 44.4 18.3
Three or More 3.3 5.9 17.0 44.4 4.1
HH with/without
Children 85.6 11.6 2.4 0.4 100.0
Source: Calculated from Kerala Migration Survey 2016 data
According to KMS 2016, 26.2 per cent households had no women of reproductive ages between 18
and 49 years and 30.5 per cent households had neither women of reproductive ages nor children under
five. Among the households with one eligible woman, 15.1 per cent households had one child, while
only 2.0 per cent have two children.
10. Implications and future prospects
The demographic imbalance in the state both in terms of the age sex structure change and composition
of households is of definite concern. The closing of the demographic dividend coupled with the large
scale of emigration of the work force needs replacement which has already begun (large scale in-
migration to Kerala) but needs to be sustained. Such migration creates void in households without
adult males which has its own implication towards transformed role of women and children. As regard
dependence, the state has one elderly for every two children which will soon become worse with
lowering of fertility levels. Absence of males and remittance dependence needs attention, given the
need for care-givers for the emerging volume of elderly in future. Every five working Keralites may
have to take care of one elderly person in 2011.As the longevity increases, the major challenge would
be regarding the care of the elderly (Rajan and Balagopal, 2017). Demographic and economic changes
accompanied by enhanced migration of people in search of better and quality employment, results in
the elderly being left behind. The living arrangement pattern of the elderly are expected to undergo
rapid changes during this period.
14
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WORK IN FREEDOM: ILO-DFID Partnership Programme on Fair Recruitment and Decent Work for Women Migrant Workers in South Asia and the Middle East
The Work in Freedom is an integrated programme to support mobility by choice among women and girls
from destination countries (India, Bangladesh and Nepal) to decent jobs with safety and dignity of workers
in destination countries (India, Lebanon and Jordan) through fair recruitment processes.
This thematic paper has been prepared by Centre for Development Studies, Kerala, India from support of the
ILO’s Work in Freedom Programme. The views expressed are that of the authors, and not necessarily reflect
the views of the ILO.