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During the Viking Age (c. 800–1050) and the Middle Ages (c. 1050–1500), there was a close connection between people from the North Atlantic region and Western Norway. Iceland, Shetland and the Faroe Islands were to a large degree settled by Vikings from Norway; for both the Faroe Islands and Iceland, the colonisation from Norway seems largely to have taken place from the western parts of Norway – even though settlers from Northern Norway also are indicated in both written and archaeological sources (Landnámabók, Arge 1989:106, Mortensen et al. 2012:59–62) (Fig. 1) – and contact with the Norwegians was maintained throughout the following centuries. The somewhat short sea journey between the North Atlantic Islands and Western Norway, also made a close connection possible and, during the Middle Ages, large amounts of commodities were transported between the areas (Øye 2008:243).

Is this development then also to be reflected in the quernstone material? Were quernstones from Norway distributed to the North Atlantic Islands – and if so – was it an organised commercial trade, or was it perhaps an exchange where the products passed from hand to hand through a network of personal contacts? In order to look into Norway’s role as a potential supplier of quernstones to the North Atlantic region, provenance studies of quernstones in Iceland, Shetland and the Faroe Islands have been conducted.

Garnet-mica schist for quern and millstones – a Norwegian speciality? In Norway, the rotary quern was introduced in the first centuries AD. A large collection of quernstones dated

IRENE BAUG & ØYSTEIN J. JANSEN

Baug, I. & Jansen, Ø.J. 2014. Did the North Atlantic region constitute a market for quernstones from Norway during the Viking Age and the Middle Ages? AmS-Skrifter 24, 245–255, Stavanger. ISSN 0800-0816, ISBN 978-82-7760-158-8In the Viking Age and the Middle Ages there was a close connection between people from the North Atlantic region and Norway, which is reflected in both written and archaeological evidence. The aim of this paper is to investigate whether this contact also included trade of quernstones from Norway. Did the North Atlantic region constitute a market for Norwegian quernstones? Geological studies have been conducted on quernstone assemblages in Shetland, Iceland and the Faroe Islands dating to the Viking Age and the Middle Ages. The results indicate that Shetland seems to have been self-sufficient with quernstones, whereas quernstones from the quarries in Hyllestad in the county of Sogn og Fjordane in Norway were distributed to Iceland and the Faroe Islands. However, the finds are few and Hyllestad does not stand out as a dominant supplier. During the Viking Age, quernstones from Hyllestad were only exceptionally distributed westwards, most likely as personal belongings of travelling people. In the Middle Ages, Iceland and the Faroe Islands became more integrated in the quernstone trade, most likely because of their close contact with Bergen. The trade of quernstones from Hyllestad was in all likelihood largely organised via Bergen, along with a variety of other commodities.

Irene Baug, Department of Archaeology, History, Cultural studies and Religion, University of Bergen, PO box 7805, N-5020 Bergen, Norway. Phone: (+47) 55588020. E-mail: [email protected]Øystein James Jansen, The University Museum of Bergen, Natural History Collections, University of Bergen, PO box 7800, N-5020 Bergen, Norway. Phone: (+47) 55583518. E-mail: [email protected]

Keywords: quernstone, millstone, quarry, Hyllestad, Shetland, Iceland, the Faroe Islands, Viking Age, Middle Ages

Did the North Atlantic region constitute a market for quernstones from Norway during the

Viking Age and the Middle Ages?

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Irene Baug & Øystein J. Jansen

to the Iron Age from Rogaland in Southwest Norway are almost exclusively made from erratic boulders of local origin, mainly gneiss (Hauken & Anderson submitted). Quernstones made of slabs or flat blocks of gneiss and schist are also common at different sites from the Iron Age and into the Middle Ages. Some of these slabs may have been quarried by wedging, but no quarry has been found so far, and the majority were probably made from loose blocks found near the farms where they were used.

From the Viking Age onwards a change in the production of quernstones is documented. From this period on, quernstones were mainly extracted from quarries, and several quernstone quarries are located in Norway. Through detailed studies of the mineralogical, textural and structural features of the rocks at the sites, a record of the characteristic features for each quarry has been obtained. Thin sections and chemical analyses of each quarry are also available, and both are useful – and in some cases necessary tools for identification. In most cases, however, a geologist with experience from

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Fig. 1. Map of the North Atlantic region. Drawing: Eva Bjørseth, Department of Earth Science, University of Bergen.

Fig. 2. Rotary quern of staurolite gneiss, Shetland Museum. The staurolite crystals can be seen on the grinding surface of the lower stone. Diameter 34 and 35 cm. Photo: Øystein James Jansen.

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AmS-Skrifter 24 North Atlantic region a market for quernstones from Norway during the Viking Age and the Middle Ages?

Norwegian quernstone quarries is able to recognise the provenance of the majority of Norwegian quernstones based on macroscopic criteria observed using a hand lens or stereo microscope. The rock type in all of the main quarrying areas that emerged throughout the Viking Age and the Middle Ages was based on garnet-mica schist, a metamorphic rock quite common in Norway (www.millstone.no).

The utilisation of this type of stone has formed a belief in Norway that the use of garnet-mica schist was a unique Norwegian specialty. In recent years, however, more focus and research on quern and millstones has brought information about garnet-mica schist quarries outside of Norway. Lisowska et al. (this volume) reports a quarry in garnet-mica schist in Kemieniec Zabkowicki, Poland, situated close to settlements from the ninth and tenth centuries. Roddy Mainland (Mainland 2012), a Scottish amateur historian, reports a garnet-mica schist quarry of unknown age at Glen Roy in western Scotland. Finds of quernstones of garnet-mica schist in Scotland have been reported in archaeological journals (Campbell 1987, MacKie 1972). Campbell (1987) suggested an early age, late sixth to early ninth centuries AD, for two “very well made” querns of “quartz-garnet-mica-chlorite schist”. MacKie (1972) describes a quarter of a garnet-mica schist hand quern found in the remnants of walls of a dun dated to the first or second centuries AD. Thus, the production of quern and millstones of garnet-mica schist is not unique to Norway.

Several of the quernstone quarries in Norway indicate a large-scale production aimed at larger markets. Were the North Atlantic Islands central markets for the Norwegian quernstones?

ShetlandVikings seem to have settled in Shetland in the early 800s (Curle 1954), and Shetland remained under Norwegian control until the 1460s, when it was transferred to Scotland (Helle 1982:804). The close connection to Norway is documented through written sources (Smith 2002), but also through archaeological evidence. For instance, soapstone objects from Norway have been found in large quantities from the Viking Age onwards, e.g. at the Norse farmstead Jarlshof (Forster 2009:58–65). In addition, quernstones of garnet-mica schist are documented in several Norse settlements, such as Da Biggins in Papa Stour and Sandwick in Unst (Baug & Jansen in prep. a), and an obvious question

would be if the quernstones from these sites could have a Norwegian origin.

The geological setting of Shetland is quite different from Iceland and the Faroe Islands, both consisting almost entirely of volcanic rocks. A major part of Shetland consists of metamorphic rocks; gneiss and schist – including garnet-mica schist, and the geology is in general similar to Norway.

The collections of quernstones at the Shetland MuseumFifteen specimens were examined in Shetland. Eight were complete quernstones and the rest were fragments between ½ and ¼ of a complete stone. The composition of the stones was examined macroscopically by hand lens, and the conclusion was that none of the stones came from any of the Norwegian quarries (Baug & Jansen in prep. a).

The majority of the quernstones studied were made of metamorphic rocks, i.e. staurolite-bearing schistose gneiss (Fig. 2) and a couple of garnet-mica schist, rock types that are common in Shetland (Trewin 2002). Three quernstones are made of conglomerate, a type that occurs in the Devonian sediments in the southern part of Shetland. All of the quernstones in the collections at Shetland Museum then seem to be of local origin (Fig. 3). We also found quernstones and millstones without context, some located in private gardens (Fig. 4) and a couple at the harbour in Lerwick. These stones were made of schistose gneiss, mica schist and sandstone.

Fig. 3. Geological classification of the quernstone collection at the Shetland Museum. The number of stones of each type is recorded on the vertical axis.- gr-mica sch=garnet-mica schist- gneiss sch=schistose gneiss, often containing staurolite and

occasionally garnet- gneiss mas=massive gneiss

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The knowledge about the quernstones in Shetland is summed up by D. Gordon Tucker in his paper “Millstone making in Scotland” (Tucker 1984). Tucker lists twenty-six quarries but only two of them are located in Shetland, at Yell and West Burrafirth (Fig. 5). However, the only information about these quarries is that “garnetiferous schists were used for millstones in both places”. Tucker is quoting this information from MacGregor (1940), and also quoting Hibbert (1822) who described the Shetland millstones as “commonly formed of micaceous gneiss”. His own conclusions (based on pictures of 50 Shetland millstones offered him by collectors) are that several kinds of rock are used, “from sandstone to a sort of highly micaceous granite with small red pebbles – presumably the garnetiferous schist reported by MacGregor”. The diameter of these stones varies from 0.68 to 0.91 m, with a typical thickness of 0.13 m – and were used in the typical Norse watermill.

After finishing our studies of the museum collections, we spent a few days searching for the quernstone quarries. Proper rocks of the same type as the majority of the quernstones at Shetland Museum were identified, i.e. staurolite gneiss and garnet-mica schist. The quarries were, however, more difficult to find. This was mainly due to a lack of proper information about the location of the quarries we were searching for, but also the short time available. Only two quarries were identified.

One quarry was found in Weisdale, about 10 miles northwest of Lerwick (cf. Fig. 5), situated in a zone of

staurolite-bearing gneiss and mica schist belonging to the Precambrian Dalradian Supergroup (Trewin 2002). After hours of searching the grassy hills, we managed to find a small, unregistered quarry (Fig. 6). In this quarry, millstones had been produced from slabs of schistose gneiss containing porphyroclasts of retrograded staurolite – probably muscovite aggregates. A few discarded millstones and a small amount of waste was all that was left. The diameter of the discarded stones measured between 66 and 80 cm, obviously stones for water mills. In the surrounding area along the ridge, traces of extraction of slabs by wedging were also found on small outcrops.

A possible quern or millstone quarry was found further north, at the island of Yell, situated in a schistose garnet-bearing gneiss of the Moine Supergroup (Trewin 2002). This quarry is bigger than the first one (Fig. 7) and may be the one mentioned by Tucker (1984) citing McGregor (1940). No proper evidence of quern or millstone production was found, but it was most likely a quarry of old age, with a waste pile containing garnet gneiss of good millstone quality.

An important reason for our unsuccessful search for quarries may well be that the quarries were small and quarried far back in time, and later overgrown

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Fig. 4. Quernstones on display at Haroldswick, Unst, Shetland. Photo: Øystein James Jansen.

Fig. 5. Map of Shetland Islands. Drawing: Eva Bjørseth, Department of Earth Science, University of Bergen.

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and covered by vegetation. The local extraction was obviously sufficient and, despite the close contact between Shetland and Norway since Viking times, there are no indications in the archaeological record that an import of quernstones from Norway took place.

IcelandIceland is, in geological sense, a young island, formed by volcanic activity over the last 15–16 million years. Metamorphic rocks, like garnet-mica schist are not present in the bedrock, and any artefact found of this rock type must have been imported.

Quern- and millstones of the garnet mica-schist type have been found at six sites in Iceland, altogether 30 finds.1 Macroscopic investigations by stereo microscope of the mineral composition, texture and structure, show that nearly all the stones studied come from the quarries in Hyllestad, in the county of Sogn og Fjordane. Two hand querns and two water millstones found in Akureyri, in northern Iceland, were produced in Selbu, in the county of Sør-Trøndelag, Norway. These stones are of a more recent date, and all quernstones of garnet-mica schist with a possible date to the late Viking Age and the Middle Ages were produced in Hyllestad (Baug & Jansen in prep. b).

The Hyllestad schistThe quarries in Hyllestad are located by the Åfjorden fjord, north of the outlet of the Sognefjord fjord, on the west coast of Norway. The garnet-mica schist from the Hyllestad quarries is rather special compared to the schist from the other Norwegian quarries and, for a trained geologist, it is normally the easiest one to identify macroscopically. A unique feature of the Hyllestad schist is the occurrence of kyanite, a bluish (or sometimes greyish) mineral that appears as elongated crystals up to 2 cm long (Fig. 8). In Norway, kyanite is only found in quernstones from Hyllestad. (Carelli & Kresten 1997, Baug 2002). Unfortunately, some stones from Hyllestad do not carry kyanite, but the following criteria are most often sufficient for a positive identification: 1) The white mica (muscovite) occurs in coarse-grained aggregates, giving a shell-like, silvery appearance. 2) The garnets

1 Quern- and millstones located at the National Museum of Iceland, as well as at the Akureyri Museum were studied in 2010. Quernstones excavated more recently may be located with different excavation companies, but due to the limited time and financing for this project, these finds could not be investi-gated.

are dark red with a brownish tint, ranging in size from 2 to 8 mm. 3) The garnet crystals are most often rounded, sometimes cracked and commonly partly retrograded to chlorite; this is due to a late low-grade metamorphic shearing (Fig. 9) that also produced typical shear bands, which cut obliquely through the main schistosity (Fig. 10). 4) Minor amounts of staurolite and retrograde

Fig.7. Possible quarry for millstones or quernstones at Yell, Shetland. The crag to the right consist of garnet gneiss and is probably a quarry face. The person to the left is standing on a low ridge of waste. Photo: Øystein James Jansen.

Fig 6. Small millstone quarry in staurolite gneiss, Weisdale, Shetland. Photo: Øystein James Jansen.


chloritoid are also common (seen through a hand lens as small, black grains embayed in a light grey mica matrix). 5) Amphibole may occur, but the dark mica biotite that is common in most other Norwegian quarries is not reported in the Hyllestad schist (Grenne et al. 2008). The coarse grain size of the muscovite, the special appearance features of the garnets, the shear bands and the lack of staurolite and biotite is normally enough to identify the Hyllestad stone and sort it out from the other Norwegian garnet-mica schists – even without the appearance of kyanite.

For a few of the stones found in Iceland, no information with regard to context and date could be retrieved. The quernstones of mica schist constitute about one fourth (26 quernstones) of all the quernstones found, whereas the rest are made of basalt, probably locally produced in Iceland. The stones seem to have been used a lot, until they were worn thin, and the quernstone material from Hyllestad is thus very fragmented. The exception is the well-worn, but still intact and beautiful, lower stone on display at the National Museum of Iceland, unfortunately from an unknown context (Fig. 11). Forty

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Fig. 8. Garnet-kyanite mica schist from Hyllestad, Norway. Red-brownish garnets, silvery muscovite-mica and bluish, elongated kyanite crystals. Photo: Øystein James Jansen.

Fig.11. A beautiful, well-used quernstone (lower stone) from Hyllestad, Norway, on display at the National Museum of Iceland, Reykjavik. Diameter 44 cm. Photo: Øystein James Jansen.

Fig.12. Remnants of Hyllestad millstones or quernstones. The National Museum of Iceland. Photo: Øystein James Jansen.

Fig. 9. Thin section, plane polarised light. Hyllestad schist showing garnets (pink) partly retrograded to chlorite (green). A shear band is seen as an oblique plane crossing the main (subhorisontal) cleavage. Photo: Tor Grenne, Norwegian Geological Survey.

Fig. 10. Shear bands in Hyllestad garnet-mica schist (see arrows) oblique to the main, subhorisontal cleavage. Photo: Øystein James Jansen.

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specimens of quernstone fragments from the museum stores were studied. They ranged mostly from 30 to 10 cm, but some pieces were even smaller (Fig. 12). Some of the fragments may belong to the same quernstone, and the representation of Hyllestad stones may thus be substantially lower than the number of fragments would indicate. The mineral kyanite was only found in two of the investigated specimens. The small size of the fragments may partly explain the rare occurrence of kyanite, a diagnostic but not always a particularly abundant mineral in the Hyllestad schist.

Most of the quernstones (17 quernstones) were found at Stóraborg, a farm mound dated from the twelfth to the nineteenth century in the southeastern part of Iceland (Colic &Snæsdóttir 2010:1, 3). Five of the quernstones studied (including a small toy quernstone of soapstone) were found at the landnám farm Bergþórshvoll, the home of Njál þorgeirsson, mentioned in one of the Icelandic sagas, the Njál saga. The farm has, however, been settled up until today (Eldjárn & Gestsson 1951:5–6, 12–13), complicating dating of the quernstones (Baug & Jansen in prep. b).

The Faroe IslandsThe bedrock of the Faroe Islands is, apart from some subordinate sediment layers, composed of volcanic rocks formed by eruptions 60−70 million years ago (Fig. 13). Metamorphic rocks, like schist and gneiss, are not

present in the bedrock, and quernstones made of such rocks must be imported.

The quernstones investigated at the National Museum of Faroe Islands counted 43 specimens; only 8 stones were complete, 20 of the quernstones were large fragments with half the stone or a quarter of the stone left, while 15 fragments consisted of smaller pieces (2–20 cm). The rock types were examined by hand lens to determine the mineral composition, texture and structure. The result is shown in figure 14.

Fig.14. Geological classification of the quernstone collection at the National Museum of the Faroe Islands, Thorshavn. The number of stones of each type is recorded on the vertical axis.- st-gr-bio sch=staurolite-garnet-biotite-muscovite schist- gr-bio sch=garnet-biotite-muscovite schist- gr gneiss=garnet bearing gneiss (varying degree of schistosity)- igneous=“granitic” - mica schist=different types of muscovite-chlorite schist

+-biotite (mostly small fragments)- basalt/m.gbr=rusty coloured, massive basalt/microgabbro- congl/agglo=conglomerate or agglomerate (volcanic), weak

foliation

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HyllestadHyllestad ?st-gr-bio schgr-bio schgr gneissigneousmica schistbasalt/m.gbr congl/aggloamphibolite

Fig.13. Horisontal layers of volcanic rocks at Funningsfjørður, Eysturoy, the Faroe Islands. The nearest peaks are Límstúgva (530 m.a.s.l.) to the left and Tindur (504 m.a.s.l.) to the right. Photo: Øystein James Jansen.


Quernstones of Hyllestad provenanceFour quernstones were identified to be of Hyllestad origin (Fig. 15), three of them displaying the irrefutable evidence, kyanite. Three more stones of garnet-mica schist were regarded as “probably Hyllestad”. A deviation from the normal size of garnet (2–8 mm) for two of the stones, and a minor content of biotite for the third was the main reason for not including them as proper Hyllestad stones. We must add that if these

stones had been found in Norway, they would have been considered to be within the limits of Hyllestad stones, since all the other Hyllestad criteria were fulfilled. However, as many of the millstones in the Faroe Islands collections are not of Norwegian provenance it is necessary to exercise more care. Especially since the knowledge about the millstone quarries and its rocks in nearby Scotland and Shetland is very limited.

The four quernstones that definitely originated in Hyllestad were found at Durhusi in Eiði and in Skarvanes, both dating to the Middle Ages, and two stray finds that may stem from the early modern period. The three stones that most likely stem from Hyllestad were found near the old churchyard in Sandur at Sandøy and dated to the late Viking Age, at the churchyard in Sumba dated to the late Middle Ages and a stray find possibly from the early modern period (Baug & Jansen in prep. c). Thus, only one possible quernstone from Hyllestad dates to the Viking Age – the rest are from the Middle Ages and the early modern period.

Quernstones of other provenance in the Faroe IslandsAs shown in figure 14 the quernstones found in the Faroe Islands are of a quite varying composition and, apart from two stones of possible local origin (basalt/microgabbro and conglomerate/agglomerate), they are all imported. It is beyond the scope of our task to find the provenance of these quernstones, but we would like to draw attention to the ten stones found in a settlement from the Viking Age at Toftanes, Lorvik. Four of the stones consist of dark, fine-grained biotite schist, containing staurolite and garnet. The composition and structure are similar to the well-known high quality millstones from Selbu in Norway (Fig. 16). The fact that the stones are found in a Viking Age context does, however, exclude Selbu as the source, since the earliest quarrying so far documented is based on written documents from the 1600s (Friis 1632:97).

The other quernstones found in the same settlement are made of garnet gneiss (2 quernstones), garnet-muscovite-biotite schist (2 quernstones) and granitic, igneous rock (2 quernstones). Their geological characteristics do not match with any of the Norwegian quarries and Scotland and Shetland are the most likely candidates, also for the staurolite schist (Baug & Jansen in prep. c).

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Fig 15. Well-used upper stone of garnet-kyanite-mica schist from Hyllestad, Norway. The primary hole for the handle to the left (and also the central feeder hole) has been expanded by use, and a new handle hole has been made. The National Museum of the Faroe Islands, Thorshavn. Diameter about 45 cm. Photo: Øystein James Jansen.

Fig. 16. Quernstone made of staurolite-biotite-garnet schist. The National Museum of the Faroe Islands. The schist has an appearance like the millstones from Selbu, Norway and also has a similar mineral content. Diameter 51 cm. Photo: Øystein James Jansen.

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Was there a quernstone trade from Hyllestad to Iceland and the Faroe Islands?In Hyllestad, a large-scale production of quernstones took place during the Viking Age and the Middle Ages, and the production provided a surplus for exchange and trade. The earliest extraction dates to the early Viking Age, approximately AD 800s (Baug 2002:50–51, 57–58), but a wide-ranging distribution of the stones does not seem to have taken place prior to the latter half of the tenth century (Carelli & Kresten 1997:121, Baug 2013:303–304). From the end of the Viking Age, then, and throughout the Middle Ages, the quernstone quarries in Hyllestad clearly signify links with long-distance trade systems. Hyllestad stones are found in large quantities all over the territory of medieval Denmark, but seem to be concentrated to the eastern parts of the country, i.e. Northern Jutland and on the islands, and towards the Baltic Sea, with large quantities found in Scania and Bornholm (Carelli & Kresten 1997, Sindbæk 2004:148–150, Baug 2013:227–235).

Even though several quernstone quarries are known in Norway from the Viking Age and the Middle Ages, Hyllestad is the only quarry site that exported quernstones to the North Atlantic region during this period. In southern Sweden and north-eastern Denmark, quernstones from Hyllestad clearly dominate the market, even though stones with different origin also have been found, complicating the picture (Carelli & Kresten 1997; Baug 2013:228–231). The presence of quernstones in urban environments and market places in southern Sweden and eastern Denmark indicates an organised and commercial trade. But do the quernstones in Iceland and the Faroe Islands also represent traded commodities?

It is, of course, difficult to identify forms of transaction for the quernstones from the archaeological evidence alone. The objects found in the North Atlantic region reflect some form of contact, but the spread of quernstones cannot always be understood in terms of trade. The scarcity of quernstones from Hyllestad dated to the Viking Age in these societies suggests that these finds represent personal belongings, most likely brought there by travellers or perhaps even settlers. According to written sources (the Landnámabók recorded in the twelfth century), the Norwegian colonisation of Iceland took place in the decades between 870 and 930. The written evidence also indicates that Iceland largely was settled by people from Norway – many from the western part of the country (see e.g. Mortensen

et al. 2012:58–62). Yet, it is striking that, except for BergÞórsvoll, none of the landnám farms in Iceland seem to have quernstones from Hyllestad (see e.g. Gestsson 1959:71–72, Magnússon 1971:68, 72–74).

Recent research indicate that the landnám in the Faroe Islands may have started already in the fifth–sixth centuries, some 300–500 years before the large scale colonisation by the Vikings. However, the finds from this first colonisation are minor compared to the large scale Viking colonisation of the 800s (Church et al. 2013). During the 800–900s, the settlers came from Norway, but most likely also from the Norse settlements in the British Isles. This is documented through written sources, such as the Færeyinga saga, in place names, in the language, as well as through genetic studies (Mortensen et al. 2012:56–58). Only one quernstone possibly from Hyllestad has been dated to the Viking Age (Baug & Jansen in prep. c). Thus, quernstones from Hyllestad were not commonly exported nor brought over to Iceland and the Faroe Islands this early. A study of Norwegian soapstone vessels in the North Atlantic region indicates the same situation as for quernstones. The relatively low number of these goods in this region does not support the idea of an organised export from Norway in the Viking Age (Forster 2004:351, 360, 2009:61). The presence of Norwegian stone products could represent personal possessions brought there by moving populations rather than being commodities within a commercial trade.

The character of the distribution to the North Atlantic islands seems to have changed during the Middle Ages, as the North Atlantic islands became more integrated into medieval trade, perhaps because of their close contact with Bergen. In the Middle Ages, people from the North Atlantic region had a close political-administrative and economic connection to Norway (see e.g. Arge 1989, Crawford 2002, Øye 2008). Medieval Bergen was the most important town in Norway, and from the middle of the twelfth century onwards, it was known as the largest trading centre in the country (Helle 1982:167). From the 1200s, Bergen was also a cultural, economic and legal junction for the North Atlantic islands, which were subjected to the fehird2 in Bergen from the beginning of the 1300s, meaning that taxes were paid to the Norwegian Crown (Helle 1982:173–174, 331). A large variety of products from far and near was brought to the town, also

2 In the Middle Ages the King’s income was paid in commodities and money to a regional fehird. In the 14th century the fehirdsle in Bergen was the largest one in the country – and also included the islands in the North Atlantic (Helle 1982:331).


quern- and millstones, which most likely should be seen as remains from trading activities (Baug 2002:78, 2013:215–220, 317–322). Evidence that Bergen was an important part of the quernstone industry can also be found in the medieval Urban Code of Bergen from 1276, which states that quernstones should be sold from the western side of the Vågen Bay, Stranden, and not from Bryggen (Bl VI:8).

From the 1100s onwards, people from the North Atlantic region travelled to Bergen in order to buy and sell goods. For instance, wool and fish were brought to Bergen and sold here. In Bergen, a variety of objects were acquired and brought back to the North Atlantic islands – most likely also quernstones. Most trade was, however, conducted by Norwegian traders and ecclesiastical institutions in Bergen, sending several ships westwards every year with Norwegian commodities. According to recorded evidence, the Norwegian Crown promised in 1262 to send six ships every year to Iceland with commodities from Norway and in 1271 a promise of two ships annually was made to the Faroe Islands (Helle 1982:165, 360–364). Most likely, also quernstones were brought westwards on these ships. There are, however, no indications that larger cargoes with quernstones from Norway were transported westwards. The medieval trade was largely organised via Bergen, along with a variety of other commodities.

AcknowledgementsWe are grateful to the museum staff at Shetland Museum, especially Jenny Murray, The National Museum of Iceland, especially Lilja Árnadóttir, Akureyri Museum, especially Haraldur Þor and National Museum of the Faroe Islands, especially Símun Arge, who provided us with the quernstone material from their collections. We are also indebted for access to the information about the context of the finds. We would particularly like to thank Eva Bjørseth at the Department of Earth Science, University of Bergen, for graphic and photographic work. This study has been part of a multidisciplinary research project called Norwegian Millstone Landscape, or the Millstone Project, financed by the Norwegian Research Council and under the auspices of the Geological Survey of Norway (NGU) (www.millstone.no).

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Campbell, E. 1972. Some new quernstones from brochs and duns. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 104 (1971–1972), 137–146.

Campbell, E. 1987. A cross-marked quern from Dunadd and other evidence for relations between Dunadd and Iona. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 117, 105–117.

Carelli, P. & Kresten, P. 1997. Give us this day our daily bread. A study of Late Viking Age and Medieval quernstones in South Scandinavia. Acta Archaeologica 68, 109–137.

Church, M.J., Arge, S.V., Edwards, K.J., Ascough, P.L., Bond, J.M., Cook, G.T., Dockrill, S.J., Dugmore, A.J., McGovern, T.H., Nesbitt, C. & Simpson, I.A. 2013: The Vikings were not the first colonizers of the Faroe Islands. Quaternary Science Reviews 77, 228–232.

Colic, E. & Snæsdóttir, M. 2010. Pottery from excavations at Stóraborg. Unpublished report, Nýsköpunarsjóður Námsmanna.

Crawford, B.E. 2002. Papa Stour and 1299. Commemorating the 700th anniversary of Shetland’s first document. The Shetland Times LTD, Lerwick.

Curle, A.O. 1954. Dwellings of the Viking Period. Jarlshof and Freswick. In Shetelig, H. (ed.). Viking antiquities in Great Britain and Ireland. Part 4. Aschoug & Co., Oslo.

Eldjárn, K. & Gestson, G. 1952. Rannóknir á BergÞórsvoli. Árbók hins íslenzka fornleifafélags 1951–1952. Ísafoldarprentsmidja H.F., Reykjavik.

Forster, A.K. 2004. Shetland and the trade of steatite goods in the North Atlantic region during the Viking and Early Medieval period. Unpublished doctoral thesis in archaeology, University of Bradford.

Forster, A.K. 2009. Viking and Norse steatite use in Shetland. In Forster, A.K. & Val, E.T. (eds.). Kleber: Shetland’s oldest industry. Shetland soapstone since Prehistory, pp. 58–69. Shetland Amenity Trust, Lerwick.

Friis, P.C. 1632. Norriges oc omliggende øers sandfærdige bescriffuelse: indholdendis huis vært er at vide, baade om landsens oc indbyggernis leilighed oc vilkor, saa vel i fordum tid, som nu i vore Dage / korteligen tilsammen fattit aff Peder Claussøn. Melchior Martzan paa Jochim Moltken Bogførers Bekostning, Kiøbenhaffn (Copenhagen).

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Grenne, T., Heldal, T., Meyer, G.B. & Bloxam, E.G. 2008. From Hyllestad to Selbu: Norwegian millstone quarrying through 1300 years. In Slagstad, T. (ed.). Geology for society, pp. 47–66. Geological Survey of Norway, Special Publication 11, Trondheim.

Hauken, Å.D. & Anderson, T.J. submitted. Collection report. Rotary querns in the Museum of Archaeology, University of Stavanger. Geological Survey of Norway, Report. Project Millstone - The Norwegian Millstone Landscape.

Helle, K. 1982. Bergen bys historie 1. Kongssete og kjøpstad. Fra opphavet til 1536. Universitetsforlaget, Bergen-Oslo-Tromsø.

Hibbert, S. 1822. A description of the Shetland Islands comprising an account of their scenery, antiquities and superstitions. Archibald Constable, Edinburgh.

Landnámabók, after Hauksbók. Translated by John Ragnar Hagland in 2002. Erling Skjalgssonselskapet, Hafrsfjord.

Lisowska, E., Gunia, P. & Borowski, M. this volume. Production and distribution of rotary quernstones from quarries in southwestern Poland in the early Middle Ages.

MacGregor, M. 1940. Synopsis of the mineral resources of Scotland. Special reports on the mineral resources of Great Britain 33, Memoirs of the Geological Survey.

MacKie, E.W. 1972. Some new quernstones from brochs and duns. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 104 (1971−1972), 137−146.

Magnússon, Þ. 1971. Sögualdarbyggð í Hvítárholti. In Eldjárn, K. (ed.). Árbók hins íslenzka fornleifafélags, pp. 5–80. Ísafoldarprentsmiðja, Reykjavik.

Mainland, R. 2012. Quernstone quarries on the west coast of Scotland. History Scotland 12, 52−54.

Mortensen, A., Jakobsson, S., Nielssen, A.R. & Andreasen, C. 2012. Opdagelsen af landene i Vestnorden. In Thór, J.Th., Thorleifsen, D., Mortensen, A. & Marquardt, O. (eds.). Naboer i Nordatlanten. Færøerne, Island og Grønland. Hovedlinjer i Vestnordens historie gjennom 1000 år, pp. 47–112. Fródskapur, Faroe University Press, Tórshavn.

Sindbæk, S.M. 2005. Ruter og rutinisering. Vikingetidens fjernhandel i Nordeuropa. Forlaget Multivers, København.

Smith, B. 2002. The 1299 letter about Papa Stour: a note. In Craweford, B.E. & Jørgensen, J.G. (eds.). Papa Stour and 1299. Commemorating the 700s anniversary of Shetland’s first document, pp. 37–43. The Shetland Times LTD, Lerwick.

Trewin, N.H. (ed.) 2002. Geology of Scotland. The Geological Society, London.

Tucker, D.G. 1984. Millstone making in Scotland. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquarians of Scotland 114, 539−556.

Øye, I. 2008. Kontakten mellom Bergen og Færøyene i middelalderen i arkeologisk og historisk lys. In Paulsen, C. & Michelsen, H.D. (eds.). Símunarbók. Heiðursrit til Símun V. Arga á 60 ára degnum. 5. september 2008, pp. 243–252. Fródskapur, Faroe University Press, Tórshavn.

AmS-SkrifterThe Museum of Archaeology, University of Stavanger publishes manuscripts in the world languages, mainly English and German. The museum’s primary objective is the study of human beings and society in their environmental context and the interaction between the two up until historic times. Interdisciplinary papers and/or theoretical approaches, including methodology and experiments of general interest, are welcome. Similar approaches in the fields of museology and heritage management, incorporating new methodology in conservation studies and field work, are also of interest. Geographically, the focus of the museum is on Europe and Scandinavia, but we are open for all papers that explore themes relevant to Norwegian research in general at a high international scientific level. Long and short scientific papers, articles and collections, including conference proceedings, are published in AmS-Skrifter in a world language, with an English abstract. Figures, captions and tables are published in two world languages. Manuscripts should maintain a high scientific standard. The editors and the editorial board will submit papers for peer review. Foreign language papers should contain as few errors as possible, as only a limited correction service is available. The AmS-Skrifter series is registered at Level 1 in Cristin (Current Research Information System in Norway https://www.cristin.no/as/WebObjects/cristin.woa/wo/4.0.29.25.1.11.0.7).

ManuscriptsAll manuscripts must include an English abstract (c. 200 words) and a minimum of three keywords. The abstract should cover the main points of the manuscript. If the manuscript is a monograph, there is no limit on the volume of the text. For collections of articles, manuscripts should not exceed 10,000 words, including references.

The title should be short and descriptive, without abbreviations or parentheses. The main text must not use more than three levels of headings. Indicate in the manuscript where any illustrations/figures should be placed. Submit your manuscript in font size 12. Indicate paragraphs with a blank line. Do not use indentation. The manuscript should be justified left. The manuscript must be reviewed by an English expert before it is sent to the editorial board.

Submitted manuscripts must include the author’s full name, title (if any), office address, e-mail address and telephone number. Send the manuscript, illustrations, tables and photographs to the archaeological Museum by e-mail, or submit a CD along with an identical hardcopy. Mark the CD with the author’s name.

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Submit table and figure texts as a separate file/on a separate sheet of paper.

Be aware of text size when shrinking illustrations. The text must not be less than font size 8 at the desired size.

Digital files may be submitted in the following formats and resolutions:

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Tables must be submitted as MS Excel documents.If you are submitting a paper copy, it must be sharp, with

good contrast. Illustrations must have clean lines, clear text and sharp colours.

Source/literature referencesReferences in the text must include the author’s last name and year of publication.If the name is in the text: Itkonen (1948)If the name is not in the text: (Itkonen 1948)Provide page references as follows: (Itkonen 1948:318) or (Itkonen 1948:311–318) or (Itkonen 1948:311, 318)Figure references: (Nyland 2003:46, Fig. 4)

Further guidelines for references are as follows:• Several works from several authors at the same time.

List authors in chronological order: (Wileman 2005, Rogersdotter 2008)

• Two authors with the same year of publication. List authors in alphabetical order: (Baxter 2005, Wileman 2005)

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of publication. Add letters (a, b, c) to the year: (Itkonen 1948a)

• Works by two authors: (LeVine & New 2008)

Instructions for Authors

• Works by more than two authors: (Jones O’Day et al. 2004)

• Works in progress: (Gjerland & Keller, in prep.)• Works transmitted orally: (Olsen, pers. comm.)• (St. meld. 2009, NfR 2007, NOU 2002, MD 2009, RA

2010)

Other reference formats:• (e.g. Bruck 1999, Insoll 2004, Bradley 2005)• (cf. Bruck)• (cf. Chap. 4)• (cf. 7.3)

Authors are requested not to use ibid. or op. cit.Write direct quotations as follows: “Children

are participants of liminal processes or experience transition…” (Lillehammer 2010:17)

Figures and tablesReferences to figures and tables in the text:Refer to figures in the text as follows: (Fig. 1)Several figures in the text: (Fig. 1 and 2) or (Fig. 4–6) or (Fig. 2a–d)Refer to tables in the text as follows: (Table 1)Several tables in the text: (Table 1 and 2) or (Table 4–6) or (Table 2a–d)

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• Figure and table texts may contain additional information, for example:

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References (bibliography)

BooksDiamond, J. 2005. Collapse. How societies choose to fail or

survive. Allan Lane, London. Eriksen, T.H. 1993. Små steder, store spørsmål. Innføring i

sosialantropologi. Universitetsforlaget AS, Oslo.

In book with editor(s) Imsen, S. & Sandnes, J. 1977. Avfolkning og union. Vol. 4.

In Mykland, K. (ed.). Norges historie. J.W. Cappelens forlag A/S, Oslo.

Articles in edited booksIngram, M.J., Farmer, G. & Wigley, T.M.L. 1981. Past

climates and their impact on Man. In Wigley, T.M.L., Ingram, M.J. & Farmer, G. (eds.). Climate and history: Studies in Past Climates and Their Impact on Man, pp. 1–50. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Reports Armstrong, N.J.O. & Kjeldsen, G. 2008. Jernalderbebyggelse

på Tastarustå. Øvre Tasta, gnr. 28, bnr. 54, 63, 11 og 26, Stavanger kommune. Oppdragsrapport B, 13A. Arkeologisk museum i Stavanger, Stavanger. (Excavation report B, 13A. Museum of Archaeology in Stavanger).

Austbø, A.T. 2000. L97 og museene. Museet- et utvidet klasserom. Norsk museumsutvikling 3, Oslo.

Antologies and article collections Børsheim, R.L. & Soltvedt, E.C. 2002. Gausel-

utgravningene 1997–2000. AmS-Varia 39. Stavanger.Pedersen, E.S. 1982. Tre bygdesamfunn rundt heia.

Befolkningsmessige, økonomiske og sosiale forhold i Valle, Suldal og Hjelmeland 1800–1900. AmS-Skrifter 8, Stavanger.

Arneborg, J. 2003. Norse Greenland: Reflections on Settlement and Depopulation. In Barret, J.H. (ed.). Contact, Continuity, and Collapse: The Norse Colonisation of the North Atlantic, pp. 163–181. Studies in the Early Middle Ages 5, Turnhout.

Elvestad, E., Nitter, M. & Selsing, L. 2009. Tverrfaglig innfallsvinkel til verneprognoser og vernestrategi for maritime kulturminner knyttet til anløpsplasser og leder fra jernalder og middelalder. In Nitter, M. & Pedersen, E.S. (eds.). Tverrfaglige perspektiver, pp. 131–186. AmS-Varia 49, Stavanger.

Journal articles Barlow, L.K., Sadler, J.P., Ogilvie, A.E.J., Buckland, P.C.,

Amorosi, T., Ingimundarson, J.H., Skidmore, P., Dugmore, A.J. & McGovern, T.H. 1997. Interdiciplinary investigations of the end of the Norse Western Settlement in Greenland. The Holocene 7, 489–499.

Nitter, M. 2003. Klima og hverdag. Hva er lokalklima og hvordan virker det inn på vårt daglige liv. Frá haug ok heidni 1–2, 27–34.

Caseldine, C., Fyfe, R. & Hjelle, K. 2007. Pollen modelling, palaeoecology and archaeology: virtualisation and/or visualisation of the past? Vegetation History and Archaeobotany. DOI 10. 1007/s00334-007-0093-y.

Dugmore, A.J., Keller, C. & McGovern, T.H. 2007b. Norse Greenland Settlement: Reflections on Climate Change, Trade, and the Contrasting Fates of Human Settlements in the North Atlantic Islands. Arctic Anthropology 44, 1, 12–36.

Unpublished theses Bukkemoen, G.B. 2006. Alt har sin plass. Stedsidentitet og

sosial diskurs på Jæren i eldre jernalder. Unpublised Master’s thesis in archaeology, Universitety of Oslo.

Official governmental reports, draft bills, bills and acts Draft Detention of Terrorist Suspects 2011. (Temporary

Extension) bills. Presented to Parliament by The Secretary of State for the Home Department by Command of Her Majesty February 2011. Crown copyright 2011. This publication is also available on http://www.official-documents.gov.uk (accessed 14.05.2011).

Draft Defamation Bill. Presented to Parliament by the Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice by Command of Her Majesty March 2011. Crown copyright 2011. This publication is available for download at www.official-documents.gov.uk at www.justice.gov.uk (accessed 14.05.2011).

St.meld. 2009. Framtidas museum. Forvaltning, forskning, formidling, fornying. St.meld. nr 49, 2008-2009. Kulturdepartementet, Oslo.

Internet sources Dahl, B.I. 2009. The mythical landscapes – The ritual

landscapes. An example from Rossland in Sokndal, Southwest Norway. http://jenny-rita.org/barbrodahl.html (accessed august 2006)

eKlima 2009. Gratis tilgang til Meteorologisk institutts vær- og klimadata fra historiske data til sanntidsobservasjoner. met.no, Oslo. http://sharki.oslo.dnmi.no/portal/page?_pageid=73,39035,73_39049&_dad=portal&_schema=PORTAL (accessed 12.12.2010)

Newspapers /feature articlesChancellor, A. 2011. The cost of Kate Middleton’s

confirmation. The belated ceremony proves that the Church of England welcomes all, even if the royal family does not. In The Guardian April 15th. http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/belief/2011/apr/15/kate-middleton-confirmation (accessed 15.04.2011).

Vassnes, B. 2005. Hvorfor samfunn kollapser. In Klassekampen February 16th

Nicolaisen, F. 2008: Realfag – hva nå? In Universitas May 28th http://universitas.no/kronikk/51851/realfag-hva-na-/ (accessed 28.05.2008)

AmS-Skrifter- ISSN 0800-0816

1. Garnes, K. 1976: Stratigrafi og morfogenese av drumliner på Eigerøya, Rogaland, SV-Norge. (Stratigraphy and morphogenesis of drumlins on Eigerøya, Rogaland, SW-Norway.) (English summary.) 53 pp. ISBN 82-90215-00-2. Utsolgt.

2. Skjølsvold, A. 1977: Slettabøboplassen. Et bidrag til diskusjonen om forholdet mellom fangst- og bondesamfunnet i yngre steinalder og bronsealder. (The Slettabø site. A contribution to the problem of inter-relations between the hunters and the farmers during the Neolithic- and the Bronze Age.) (English summary.) 380 pp. ISBN 82-90215-01-0. NOK 100,-

3. Johansen, A.B. 1979: Nordisk dyrestil – bakgrunn og opphav. (English summary.) 181 pp. ISBN 82-90215-16-9. NOK 45,-

4. Myhre, B. 1980: Gårdsanlegget på Ullandhaug I. Gårdshus i jernalder og tidlig middelalder i Sørvest-Norge. (Die eisenzeitliche Siedlung auf dem Ullandhaug I. Die Häuser der eisenzeitlichen und frühmittelalterlichen Höfe in Südwestnorwegen.) (Mit Zusammenfassung.) 540 pp. ISBN 82-90215-26-6. NOK 110,-

5. Høigård Hofseth, E. 1981: Fjellressursenes betydning i yngre jernalders økonomi. Sammenlignende studie av bygdene øst og vest for vannskillet i Nord-Gudbrandsdal. (Importance of mountains resources in Younger Iron Age economy. A comparative analysis of communities east and west of the watershed in Nord-Gudbrandsdal.) (English summary.) 76 pp. ISBN 82-90215-33-9. NOK 40,-

6. Bang-Andersen, S. 1981: En fangstboplass på Eigerøy – boplassbruk og miljøtilpasning i sørvestnorsk yngre steinalder. (A hunting/gathering site at Eigerøy – habitation activities and environ mental adaption during the Neolithic Period in southwest Norway.) (English summary.) 123 pp. ISBN 82-90215-35-5. NOK 55,-

7. Myhre, B., Stoklund, B. & Gjærder, P. (red.) 1982: Vestnordisk byggeskikk gjennom to tusen år. Tradisjon og forandring fra romertid til det 19. århundre. (West Nordic building customs from the Roman Period to the 19th century.) (Summaries in English.) 287 pp. ISBN 82-90215-39-8. Utsolgt.

8. Pedersen, E. Solheim 1982: Tre bygdesamfunn rundt heia. Befolkningsmessige, økonomiske og sosiale forhold i Valle, Suldal og Hjelmeland 1800-1900. (Three farming communities around the moorland. Aspects of population, economy and social conditions in Valle, Suldal and Hjelmeland in the period 1800-1900.) (English summary.) 103 pp. ISBN 82-90215-37-1. NOK 55,-

9. Lillehammer, A. (red.) 1982: Faggrenser brytes. Artikler tileigna Odmund Møllerop 7. desember 1982. (Explode Interdisciplinary Boundaries. Papers presented to Odmund Møllerop 7. December 1982.) (English summary.) 141 pp. ISBN 82-90215-48-7. NOK 100,-

10. Kleppe, E. Johansen & Simonsen, S.E. 1983: Bucket-shaped pots – a West-Norwegian ceramic form. Experiments with production methods. (Sammenfatning på norsk.) 40 pp. ISBN 82-90215-56-8. NOK 25,-

11. Næss, J.-R. (red.) 1985: Artikkelsamling I. (Collected papers I.) (Summaries in English.) 83 pp. ISBN 82-90215-63-0. NOK 80,-

12. Pedersen, E. Solheim (red.) 1988: Artikkelsamling II. (Collected papers II.) (Two articles in English, three articles with summaries in English.) 82 pp. ISBN 82-90215-75-4. NOK 80,-

13. Lillehammer, G. 1996: Død og grav. Gravskikk på Kvassheimfeltet, Hå i Rogaland, SV Norge. Death and Grave. Burial Rituals of the Kvassheim Cemetery, Hå in Rogaland, SW Norway. (Extended English summary.) 224 pp. ISBN 82-7760-001-1. NOK 130,-

14. Juhl, K. 1995. The Relation between Vessel Form and Vessel Function. A methodological Study. 143 pp. ISBN 82-7760-018-6. NOK 110,-

15. Prøsch-Danielsen, L. & Simonsen, A. 2000: The deforestation patterns and the establishment of the coastal heathland of southwestern Norway. 52 pp. ISBN 82-7760-076-3. NOK 75,-

16. Selsing, L. (ed.) 2000: Norwegian Quaternary Botany 2000. 126 pp. ISBN 82-7760-079-8. NOK 110,-

17. Holand, I 2001: Sustaining life. Vessel import to Norway in the first millenium AD. 261 pp. ISBN 82-7760-084-4. NOK 150,-

18. Myhre, L. Nordenborg, 2004: Trialectic archaeology. Monuments and space in Southwest Norway 1700-500 BC. 245 pp. ISBN 82-7760-110-7. NOK 150,-

19. Hauken, Å. Dahlin 2005: The Westland cauldrons in Norway. 172 pp. ISBN 82-7760-112-3. NOK 130,-

20. Prøsch-Danielsen, L. 2006: Sea-level studies along the coast of southwestern Norway. With emphasise on three short-lived Holocene marine events. 94 pp. ISBN 82-7760-126-3. NOK 100,-

21. Prøsch-Danielsen, L. & Selsing, L. 2009: Aeolian activity during the last 9200 calendar years BP along the southwestern coastal rim of Norway. 96 pp. ISBN 978-82-7760-142-7. NOK 100,-

22. Grimm O. 2010: Roman Period Court Sites in South-Western Norway – A Social Organisation in an International Perspective. 190 pp. ISBN 978-82-7760-144-1. NOK 150,-

23. Lillehammer, G. (ed.) 2010: Socialisation. Recent Research on Childhood and Children in the Past. Proceedings from the 2nd International Conference of the Society for the Study of Childhood in the Past in Stavanger, Norway, 158 pp. ISBN 978-82-7760-144-1. NOK 150,-

24. Selsing, L. (ed.) 2014: Seen throug a millstone. 255 pp. ISBN 978-82-7760-158-8. NOK 150,-

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