document.6 : review of the decentralization process...

Document6 Review Of The Decentralization Process And Its Impact On Environmental And Natural Resources Management In Tanzania

November2001 By Eugene Mniwasa and Vincent Shauri

Introduction

Abbreviations

Legislation

PART I Conceptual Framework and Rationale for Decentralization

11 Conceptual Framework

12 Background to the Environmental Problems Facing in Tanzania

13 Major Environmental Problems in Tanzania PART II Tanzanias Experience with Decentralization a Chronology of Events

21 Introduction

22 Decentralization Process (1972-1982)


24 Local Government Reforms and Environmental Management PART III The Policy Reforms and Environmental Management in Tanzania

31 Introduction

32 National Forestry Policy

33 National Environmental Policy

35 National Land Policy

PART IV Environmental Legislation Management by Local Government Authorities in Tanzania

41 Introduction

42 An Overview of Local Government Authorities

43 District Local Government Authorities

44 Urban Local Government Authorities

PART V Factors Hindering Effective Management of the Environment by Local Governement Authorities

51 Introduction

52 Lack of Property Rights Over Natural Resources

53 Weak Formulation and Implementation of Bylaws

54 Poor Enforcement of Environmental Laws

55 Weak Penalties and Incentives

PART VI Practical Implications to Decentralize Environmental Management Structures

61 Existing Interfaces and Linkages between Local Government Structures

62 Capacity of Local Governments In Environmental Management PART VII Conclusions and Recommendations

71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

INTRODUCTION

Decentralization is commonly viewed as the transfer of legal and political authority from the central government and its agencies to the field organizations and institutions This review analyzes the process institutional and legal framework within which the environmental and natural resources management operates in Tanzania It specifically focuses on the decentralization within central and local governments role in environmental management The focus of the study is to examine how the interface between the centre and local loci of power have affected pieces of legislation relating to management of the environment by central and local governments in Tanzania

LAWYERS ENVIRONMENTAL ACTION TEAM

The Lawyers Environmental Action Team is the first public interest environmental law organization in Tanzania It was established in 1994 and formally registered in 1995 under the Societies Ordinance Its mission is to ensure sound natural resource management and environmental protection in Tanzania It is also involved in issues related to the establishment of an enabling policy environment for civil society including civil liberties and human rights LEAT carries out policy research advocacy and selected public interest litigation Its membership largely includes lawyers concerned with environmental management and democratic governance in Tanzania

ABBREVIATIONS

CCM Chama Cha Mapinduzi

DDC District Development Council

FBD Forestry and Bees Division

GOT Government of Tanzania

GCA Game Controlled Areas

GR Game Reserve

LEAT Lawyers Environmental Action Team

NCCA Ngorongoro Conservation Area

NEP National Environmental Policy

NFP National Forestry Policy

NGO Non-Governmental Organisation

PMO Prime Ministers Office

TANAPA Tanzania National Parks

TANU Tanganyika African National Union

TSHS Tanzanian Shillings

URT United Republic of Tanzania

USD United States Dollar

WDC Ward Development Committee

WDC Ward Development Council

WMA Wildlife Management Area

LEGISLATION

bull African Chiefs Ordinance 1953 bull Decentralization of Government Administration (Interim Provisions) Act 1972 bull Decentralization of Government Administration (Interim Provisions) (Amendment)

Act 1982 bull Extinction of Customary Rights Order 1987 [GN 881987] bull Forests Ordinance Cap 389 bull Land Development (Specified Areas) Regulations 1986 [GN 6591986] bull Local Government (District Authorities) Act 1982 [Act Number 7 of 1982] bull Local Government (Urban Authorities) Act 1982 [Act Number 8 of 1982] bull Local Government Election Act 1965 [Act Number 50 of 1965] bull Local Government Finances Act 1982 [Act Number 9 of 1982]

bull Local Government Ordinance Cap 333 bull Local Government Services Act 1982 [Act Number 10 of 1982] bull Mining Act 1998 bull Native Authority Ordinance 1926 [Cap 76] bull Regional Administration Act 1997 [Act Number 19 of 1997]

PART I CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND RATIONALE FOR DECENTRALIZATION


Scholars have conceptualized decentralization but the leading paradigm in the decentralization discourse looks at the concept within an administrative and political context Although perceptions of decentralization vary it is commonly viewed as the transfer of legal and political authority from the central government and its agencies to the field organizations and institutions Therefore this transfer should include the authority to plan make decisions and manage public affairs by agencies other than the central government [Ngethe (19985)]

This review analyzes the process institutional and legal framework within which the environmental and natural resources management operates in Tanzania It specifically focuses on the decentralization within central and local governments role in environmental management The focus of the study is to examine how the interface between the centre and local loci of power have affected pieces of legislation relating to management of the environment by central and local governments in Tanzania

The rationale for the quest of a decentralized environmental management framework in Tanzania revolves around the view that failure of the state in the management of the environment is attributed to the concentration of decision making powers and ownership of natural resources by the central government The failures of the top-down approach to environmental management can no longer alone fulfill the ideal management of the environment

For the purposes of this study decentralization refers to how the state structure allows sharing of power between the centre and the sub-national units of the state and other organizations within society Broadly defined decentralization constitutes de-concentration delegation devolution and privatization [Makara]

De-concentration is the shifting of the management workload from centrally located officials to offices outside the national capital or headquarters In this case final authority is retained in the centre Delegation on the other hand refers to the transfer of power and responsibility of specifically defined functions to organizations that are outside regular bureaucratic structures and are indirectly controlled by the central government Ultimate responsibility therefore remains with the government authority

Devolution is the process where the central government consciously creates or strengthens the structures of the sub-national units of government thereby lessening the direct control of the central government Local units of government make autonomous and independent decisions that are separate from the central government Privatization is not an independent method of decentralization but implies divestiture while decentralization entails some form of government involvement however thinly [Makara]

It is widely admitted that decentralized structures facilitate genuine democratic participation empower grassroots and channel their input constructively into national development efforts [Mukandala 1995] The World Bank Report (198981) recognized the importance of decentralization in Sub-Saharan Africa and categorized the objectives of a decentralization programme as

bull Maintenance of law and order at the local level bull To foster democratic popular and participating government and bull To promote rapid social and economic development

This report assesses whether the current decentralization processes in Tanzania will ensure better management of the environment and natural resources which the majority of Tanzanians are dependent upon for their livelihood


Tanzania covers an area of 945000km2 and is one of Africas most ecologically rich countries The diverse climatic and physical conditions range from arid semi-arid and mountainous areas of afro-alpine vegetation woodland and dry land savanna About 40 of Tanzania is covered by forests and woodlands which host various types of ecosystems Tanzanias eastern coastline extends about 240km north to south along the Indian Ocean Additionally there are several lakes rivers and swamps which contain diverse types of aquatic life

Presently the best agricultural lands in the country are densely populated which in turn results into its degradation making the soil unfit for cultivation Deforestation which is taking place at an alarming rate has augmented the magnitude of desertification and adversely affected soil fertility water catchment areas and water flow Discharge of untreated effluent continues to pollute the ocean lakes and rivers thus making water unfit for human consumption and destroying the aquatic habitats

The National Environmental Policy identifies six (6) major problems which require urgent attention These are 1) loss of wildlife habitats and biodiversity 2) deforestation 3) land degradation 4) deterioration of aquatic systems 5) lack of accessible good quality water and 6) environmental pollution Further the Government of Tanzania (GOT) admits in this policy that the country needs to adopt environmentally sustainable natural resource management practices in order to ensure that long term sustainable economic growth is achieved (NEP 1997) It can therefore be concluded that the countrys long-term economic growth is dependent among other factors upon its coherent natural resource management

Accordingly the GOT has formulated a number of policies enacted pieces of legislation- principal and subsidiary and established various institutions to facilitate and carry out its duty to protect and manage the countrys environment Local government authorities are to protect and manage the environment in their respective areas of jurisdiction Institutions falling under the rubric of local government authorities include village councils district councils township and municipal authorities These were established through the process of decentralization This process of decentralization has taken place in different phases

Based on the reviews of available literature pieces of legislation and interviews of local government officials and other stakeholders this report will assess the status of the decentralized institutions

Objectives of this report can be summarized into the following heads

1 Provide a historical review of the decentralization process in Tanzania 2 Review the main policies formulated by the government to protect and manage

the countrys environment 3 Review legislation relating on the decentralization process and describe the local

government institutions charged with the task of protecting and managing the environment in their areas of jurisdiction

4 Identify gaps and overlaps in the policy legislation administration andor institutional structures and

5 Provide recommendations to curb these gaps and overlaps including a recommendation for a process on how the local government institutions can efficiently manage their environment

13 Major Environmental Problems in Tanzania

131 Land Degradation

Human impacts on deforestation soil erosion overgrazing and degradation of water resources and loss of biodiversity have all resulted into land degradation Poor agricultural practices such as shifting cultivation lack of crop rotation practices lack of agricultural technology and land husbandry techniques exacerbate the problem

Liviga (1999) contends that the effects of overstocking which are localized give rise to serious degradation in places such as Shinyanga and Mbulu where livestock units have exceeded the carrying capacity This situation is seen as a good indicator of each of capacity for the decentralized institutions at the local level to enforce laws and instruments which are meant to ensure sound environmental management

132 Pollution Management and Urbanization

Pollution is a major problem in urban areas of Tanzania Improper treatment and disposal of solid and liquid wastes are the major contributors to urban area pollution The combined results of these problems are that both air and water have been contaminated with pollutants which are detrimental to human health In Dar es Salaam for example less than 5 of the population is connected to a sewage system Where a sewage system exists raw sewage is discharged directly into the Indian Ocean without prior treatment Thus a workable water supply and sewage treatment is needed for the urban areas

133 Agricultural and Range Land Resources Management

Agriculture and rangeland resources are the backbone of Tanzanias economy It is estimated that about 55 of the land could be used for agriculture and over 51 for pastoral lands However only about six percent of the agricultural land is cultivated with the practice of shifting cultivation which causes deforestation and land degradation on the pastoral land Lake Manyara basin Geita Gold Mines Usangu Wetlands and Ngorongoro Conservation areas have been affected the most by inadequate control and land management

The main cause for these problems is due to lack of proper instruments of enforcement of the existing legislation policy and by-laws by local authorities Again where the mandates of central and local institutions on environmental management are weak conflicting and confusing enforcement of laws and implementation plans becomes difficult if not impossible

134 Management of Forest Resources

Forest resources provide both direct products and by -products The forest reserves are also linked with agriculture beekeeping energy water uses and biodiversity It is estimated that fuel wood and agricultural residues account for 92 of the total energy consumption in the country As a result the mismanagement of fuel resources significantly contributes to deforestation and environmental degradation Hence highlighting the central and local governmental institutions inability o solve the problem

135 Management of Wildlife Resources

Tanzania is one of the few countries with vast number of wildlife resources For example Tanzanias protected areas cover about 25 of the total land (Nshala 1999) The protected land is comprised of national parks game reserves game controlled areas and the Ngorongoro Conservation Area

Unfortunately communities living around these protected areas do not benefit from the wildlife industry They live in uncertain conditions visited by persistent attacks by the wild animals and destruction of their crops This has resulted in an antagonistic relationship between the wildlife authorities and the local populace Local communities resort to activities like poaching to gain access to and benefits from the wildlife and other natural resources This is a direct result of the central government excluding local communities from wildlife management

136 Management of Mineral Resources

With respect to mineral resources a Joint Appraisal Mission Report (1999) noted conflicting authorities on matters regarding mineral prospecting and mining Additionally local authorities have a minimal role in the mineral resource management process despite the fact that mineral depletion is occurring in the local communities area Any attempts made by local authorities to make by-laws imposing mineral levy such kind of by-laws have been met with an outcry of double taxation by mineral concessionaires against both the central government and the local authorities

The Tanzanian economy depends upon mineral resources for a major source of its revenues However mineral exploitation is often done without regard to environmental and social impacts Thus the Mining Act of 1998 addressed this problem and required mining companies to conduct environmental impact assessments Mining activities a major cause of environmental degradation by deforestation destruction of habitat loss of biodiversity and general damage to the land

PART II TANZANIAS EXPERIENCE WITH DECENTRALIZATION A CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS

21 Introduction

Local government as an administrative system has had troubled history in Tanzania According to Mukandala (19987) attempts to implement decentralization in Tanzania have been done twice The first was during the colonial period when independent local institutions were brought under colonial rule and at some point administered under the colonial local government system This however ended in 1969 with the postcolonial government

The second trial according to Mukandala was made in 1984 after the failure of structural decentralization It is not the intention of this report to review in depth of all the two trials periods but it is important to mention some critical stages of the attempts to decentralize

During the colonial period the colonial bureaucracy acted politically but pretended to give power to the indigenous people to control their localities This was common during the British administration and popularly known as the indirect rule During the last eight years of the British Administration there was an attempt to democratize the local government system in Tanganyika Max (199124) argues that the enactment of the Local Government Ordinance (Cap 333) of 1953 which replaced the Native Authority Ordinance (Cap 72) of 1926 was meant to introduce an electoral process at the local level and hence give political legitimacy to the local leaders

The post colonial state did not abolish the inherited local government structure instead it integrated the system into the government and its ruling party namely the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) The Local Authority Ordinance that had provided for 38 local authorities was revised in 1962 and repealed the sections that established native authorities Moreover the 1962 amendment repealed the Africans Chiefs Ordinance of 1953 The chiefs roles and functions were abolished completely leaving them powerless

Therefore neither rural nor urban authorities were fully democratic institutions when Tanganyika received independence in 1961 Still the period 1960s experienced the process of power consolidation Oyugi (1988103) holds the view that since the mid of 1960s the centralization of power gathered momentum with the decline of competitive politics in 1965 The establishment of bureaucratic institutions characterized the period after independence with little done to develop the local institutions

The local government system was made part and parcels of TANU repitition in 1965 For example the Local Government Election Act No 50 of 1965 decreed that all councilors had to be TANU members Further reforms were introduced in 1969 after the Arusha Declaration of 1967 First Ward Development Committees (WDCs) were established to replace the village development committees Second division secretaries of TANU replaced the division executive officers These secretaries were then to act as party and government heads in their areas


The prevailing ruling party policy in the early 1970s was to reorganize the government administration so as to conform with the socialist development Reorganization of the government was supposed to provide a system that gave more local freedom for both decision-making and participation in matters which were primarily of the local impact Parliament enacted the Decentralization of Government Administration (Interim Provisions) Act of 1972 to implement the reorganization policies This abolished local government authorities Much larger District Development Councils and Regional Development Councils were formed under the 1972 law The said law also removed local representative councils and increased the ruling partys power by providing overriding power to TANU leadership and government bureaucrats This period of

decentralization lasted for ten years and was described by Oyugi as misleading and confusing to be called decentralization (Oyungi 1998 ) This period was accompanied by strong emphasis on economic planning and party domination The period depicted a number of scenarios as discussed below

First power was consolidated at the grassroots level with centrally appointed regional and district heads Secondly Oyugi points out that there was as shift from center to local levels of well-trained and qualified personnel Max (1991 88) agrees and contends that during this period (Madaraka Mikoani) the decentralized system turned the district councils into rapid bureaucratic organizations dominated by officialshellip

During this period (1972 - 1982) there was no local government system in Tanzania Districturban development councils replaced what we might call local government system

23 Decentralization Process (1983 - 1998)

With the abolition of local government system in early 1970s several analysts attribute the re-introduction of local government in 1980s to bad administration and mismanagement during the 1972-1982 periods Perhaps it is also due to the inability of the decentralized structures introduced in early 1970s to deliver goods Many analysts would attribute the re- introduction of local government in 1980 to the rapid decline in essential services due to the economic crisis of the late seventies and eighties

Again in 1982 the local governments were re-established to enhance and affectively decentralize the government administration This was done by facilitating more effective democratic participation in decision making and implementation at the village district and regional levels (Max 1991143)

During the general elections of 1980 the ruling party namely Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) promised to re-introduce local governments in Tanzania After the election the party directed the government to implement the policy of re-introduction of local government through the Prime Ministers Office (PMO) Soon thereafter the PMO appointed a committee of seven experts which by April 1981 submitted its report to the PMO and then local government bill was prepared and submitted to the parliament in the same year

Accordingly the National Assembly enacted the following Local Government Acts in April 1982

1 Local Government (District Authorities )Act No 7 of 1982 2 Local Government (Urban Authorities) Act No 8 of 1982 3 Local Government Finances Act No 9 of 1982 4 Local Government Services Act No 10 of 1982 5 Local Government Negotiating Machinery Act No 11 of 1982 6 Decentralization of Government Administration (Interim Provisions) (Amendment)

Act No 12 of 1982

According to Max the significant change worth noting is the amendment of the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania (URT) through Act No 15 of 1984 which had the effect of making the existence of local government authorities constitutionally sanctioned

Decentralization in the 1990s must be viewed in light of economic social and political changes that took place in Tanzania by then The introduction of Bill of Rights (in 1985) and multi-party democracy (in 1992) in the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania of 1977 expanded the potential space for the respect for human rights basic freedoms rule of law political transparency and good governance The twin process of reforming the civil service (central government) and the local authorities in Tanzania have had the effect of the former devolving more authorities to the latter Accordingly the institutions under local authorities have been designated as the providers and producers of most social services and goods in the new setting The reform involves decentralization of public service delivery linked to devolution of political powers to lower levels as far as possible and feasible

The decentralization policy is enacted through the Regional Administration Act (1997) which effectively initiated the decentralization process by scaling down the roles functions and staffing at the regional level According to the Act urban and district authorities are allowed to interact directly with the central government ministries on issues of concern and interest in their areas of jurisdiction They can work with other organizations located within their respective areas and with NGOs

Some key structural elements are supposed to appear in each and every local government As far as the environment is concerned the Act No6 of 1999 which amended the Local Government (District Authorities) Act of 1982] establishes three standing committees one of which is the Economic Affairs Works and Environment Committee It also amends the Local Government (Urban Authorities) Act of 1982 to establish three Standing Committees one of which is the Urban Planning and Environment Committee More importantly district authority duties have been explicitly laid out with regard to the environment It states that it shall be the objective of the local authorities in performing their functions to provide for the protection and proper utilization of the environment for sustainable development1 Likewise the objectives and functions of urban authorities have been reformulated as to take necessary measures to protect and enhance the environment in order to promote sustainable development2

In the late 1990s the Government of Tanzania introduced the Local Government Reform Programme According to the Local Government Reform Programme Report (1999) the main objective of the reform is to hellipimprove the quality of and the access of public services provided through or facilitated by local government authorities3 It further states that the goal will be achieved through the reorganization programme and will have two components

1 A shift of responsibility for managing and providing services from central to local authorities (district) and

2 Increase efficiency by reorganizing the district administration and reorganization allowing the council greater freedom in organizing their activities and managing their personnel (ibid)

A major assumption of the reform programme is that by transferring responsibilities of managing funds and personnel from the central government to the district councils delivery of social services will improve It is also assumed that by making the district councils directly responsible for self financed service provision the councils will be more active in mobilizing local resources in order to finance their programmes

Therefore the main goal of the reform programme is to increase the local communities accountability and responsibility for their own development This can be achieved through the devolution of process to the local authorities like

bull Ability to hire and fire their own personnel (in consultation with the Ministry Regional Administration and Local Governments)

bull Increase local autonomy over expenditure of funds within the main sectors with a system of Block grants and

bull Ability to decide how to structure the local government administration and design and organize logistics of social services provision

Box 1

Local Government Reform Programme components

bull Governance bull Local Government Restructuring bull Finance bull Institutional and legal framework and bull Programme management

The above components emphasize decentralization and facilitate the implementation of the local government reform programme in the main phases of the decentralization process though sometimes overlap

23 Local Government Reforms and Environmental Management

Besides the public sector and local government reforms stressing the need to decentralize several other macro -policy documents published in recent years have also reiterated this new thinking in government Several government policies published between 1995 and 1998 and the amendments made on the Local Government Acts have emphasized the need for local communities to participate in the environmental management

To attain sustainable development Tanzania needs to balance its accelerated economic growth with efficient management of the environment coupled with sustainable use of natural resources (Liviga 199911) Currently however the central government lacks the ability to manage the natural resources Therefore the central government needs to devolve power to local authorities to attain sustainable development

Because of the complex interactions between different environmental management institutions the responsibility for managing the environment cannot be a province of a single department or ministry within government Multiple actors at both the central and local levels must act together to form new cooperation and partnerships This will ensure a more systematic approach towards conservation and sustainable utilization of natural resources

The Local Government Reform Programme stresses the need to devolve the framework for environmental management Therefore the local communities level of participation and authority to deal with environmental issues must be increased This can only be achieved by devolving the powers from the central government to the local government This must also be coupled with the creation of an enabling environment for them to exercise those powers

PART III THE POLICY REFORMS AND ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT IN TANZANIA

31 Introduction

Tanzania has experienced a number of policy reforms in recent years As seen earlier most of the policies have stressed the need for community participation and involvement in management of the environment and natural resources The National Forestry National Environmental Wildlife and Land policies will be reviewed below


In 1998 the Tanzanian Government reviewed its 1953 Forest Policy and adopted the National Forestry Policy (NFP) by focusing on sustainable conservation of forest resources the NFP seek to achieve its policy goal of enhancing the contribution of the forest sector to the sustainable development of Tanzania and the conservation and management of natural resources for the benefit of present and future generations4 This new policy requires a legal framework which clearly spells out the mandates and responsibilities of named institutions be enacted to translate the goal into action

NFPs objectives

bull Ensure sustainable supply of forest products and services by maintaining sufficient forest area efficient management

bull Increase employment and foreign exchange earnings through sustainable forest-based industrial development and trade

bull Ensure ecosystem stability through conservation of forest biodiversity water catchments and soil fertility and

bull Enhance the national capacity to manage and develop the forest sector in collaboration with other stakeholders

The NFP sets four priority areas for legislation and implementation 1) forest land management 2) forest-based industries and products 3) ecosystem conservation and management and 4) institutional and human resources

NFP introduces a decentralized system of forest management which includes village forest reserves Not until recently were district councils mandated to manage national forest reserves on behalf of the central government Before 1998 the Regional Forest Officer collected licensing and revenues for the Central Government Forest Reserves with or without the attention of district authorities (Kilahama Massao 1999) Now under the NFP management responsibilities are delegated from the forest authorities to one or several executive agencies To ensure efficiency in forest management and conservation the central government forest reserves will be managed by one or several specialized executive agencies or by the private sectorhellip5

The policy however still recognizes the existence of local government forest reserves which will continue to be managed by local authorities specialized executive agencies or even by the private sector Designation of village forest reserves will be managed by the communities Village forest reserves will be managed by the village governments or other entities designated by village governments for this purpose such as NGOs user groups associations religious institutions etc The reserves will be demarcated on the ground management objectives defined and multi-purpose forest management plans prepared covering all different uses of forests6

This approach allows villages to control the rate of environmental degradation despite various institutional constraints encountered Granted appropriate user rights and security of tenure as incentives for sustainable forest management local communities are likely to participate actively and effectively in the conservation and management of their forest resources

Therefore the FBD must designate forest reserve areas that will be managed as Joint Forest Management Areas The problem at the community level in some areas is that there are no well established community based organizations (eg NGOs or CBOs which are able to influence management of forestry activities) The NFP addresses this problem by stating in order to improve forest conservation and management and to ensure equitable sharing of benefits amongst all stakeholders joint agreements between the central government specialized executive agencies private sector and local governments as appropriate in each case and organized local communities or other organizations of people living adjacent to the forest will be promoted

The NFP provides for mandates of main stakeholders in forest conservation and management Specific mandates given to local governments and communities include to manage local government forest reserves of conservation and biodiversity values to regulate policy implementation to conserve and manage village forest reserves and trees on farms and to participate in joint management of conservation areas


The National Environment Policy (NEP) recognises the indispensable role of local governments in achieving its policy objectives This is because most local authorities are better placed to receive local concerns and implement ways to create sustainable conditions Local governments also construct operate and maintain economic social and environmental infrastructure and establish local environmental policies and regulations The NEP recognizes that local governments are better able to educate mobilize and respond to the local community also enhance and implement environmental objectives

The cabinet constitutes the apex coordination and policy committee at the national level where all ministries present major environmental concerns Environmental management in Tanzania is under the Vice Presidents Office (VP) which implements the policy through relevant Ministries and specialized committees However the policy has concentrated most of the powers and functions into VP office through the Division of Environment Mandates flow from the VP office to the local governments but this is not clearly expressed in the NEP As stated earlier the VPs office is expected to assist Ministries public bodies and private persons engaged in activities which are likely to have a significant impact on the environment But the coordinating role of the VPs is not clearly evident at the local level (LEAT 1998)

The NEP advocates for the formation of environmental committees to coordinate natural resources management at the regional district ward and village levels As indicated in paragraph 104 of the NEP environmental committees shall be responsible for coordination and advising on obstacles to the implementation of environmental policy

and programmes promoting environmental awareness information generation assembly and dissemination (sic) on the environment relating to district ward or village7

These provisions will await the enactment of the framework law on environment so as to give normative effect to the policy statements


The Government in 1995 promulgated the National Land Policy (NLP) The main objective of the NLP is to promote and ensure wise use of land guide allocations prevent degradation and resolve conflicts On the issues related to environmental management this policy is one of the major guiding principles to local authorities which are in dire need of decision making mandates on land use and resources

Admittedly land tenure issues are fundamental to the sustainable utilization of land resources Security of land tenure and resources influences the level of investment on land and conservation of land based natural resources In other words natural resource management depends on land tenure and the allocation of specific user rights In Tanzania the President owns the land in trust for present and future generations The Commissioner for Lands acts on behalf of the President and administers the land The dual system of land tenure introduced by the colonial regime has been maintained by the NLP Right of occupancy which is the main form of tenure can either be acquired through a grant by the Commissioner for Lands or through customs and tradition

The NLP tries to protect the environment and natural resources It reserves village lands and some communal areas for conservation purposes (eg forests on village land) Furthermore the NLP protects highly sensitive areas such as water catchment areas forests areas of biodiversity national parks wetlands and etc The NLP declares mechanisms for protecting sensitive areas will be created These areas or parts of them should not be allocated to individuals8

The NLP directs that permits licenses claims and rights for exploitation of natural resources be issued in line with land use polices and environment conservation policies and programmes9 However it is not clear how licensing mandates will be coordinated at the local and central government levels Another apparent gap in the policy is the unclear devolution of land management responsibilities from the Commissioner for Lands to the local government

PART IV ENVIRONMENTAL LEGISLATION MANAGEMENT BY LOCAL GOVERNMENT AUTHORITIES IN TANZANIA

41 Introduction

This part examines the major legislation pertaining to the local government authorities in Tanzania and provides a brief description of the local government institutions This part also looks into the functions and powers of the institutions involved in managing environment in areas of their jurisdiction Further it attempts to give an analysis of the problems in the legal framework which acts as an obstacle to the local government authorities in providing for efficient and effective protection and proper utilization of environment in areas of their jurisdiction

The main legislation examined in this part are

bull The Local government (District Authorities) Act No 7 of 1982 and bull The Local Government (Urban Authorities) Act No 8 of 1982


The Local Government authorities in Tanzania are under the jurisdiction of the Minister responsible for local government affairs According to the Local Government (District Authorities) Act of 1982 and Local Government (Urban Authorities) Act of 1982 and their amendments the village district and urban authorities are responsible for planning financing and implementing development programmes within their areas of jurisdiction

Each authority has to suppress crimes maintain peace good order and protect the public and private property promote the social welfare and economic well- being of persons within its areas of jurisdiction control and improve agriculture trade and industry further and enhance health education and social life of the people and fight poverty disease and ignorance

In performing their functions the local government authorities must protect and properly utilize the environment for sustainable development In addition local government authorities have the legislative power under Act No 7 of 1982 and Act No 8 of 1982 The two pieces of 1982 local government legislation empower the authorities to make by-laws which are applicable in their areas of jurisdiction

It is important to point out here that the local government authorities are also designated as corporate bodies having perpetual succession capable of suing and being sued and capable of holding and purchasing or acquiring and disposing of any movable or immovable properties


Local Government (District) Authorities Act of 1982 creates district based local government authorities in Tanzania The Act provides for inter alia the establishment composition functions and legislative powers of district township councils and village authorities

At the village level the government structure is comprised of a village assembly consisting of all persons aged 18 and above The corporate entity of a registered village is the village council comprising of a chairman or chairperson elected by the village assembly There are also village committees covering such matters as planning finance economic affairs social services security forest protection water resources etc [Section 35]

The village councils functions and roles include planning and coordinating activities rendering assistance and advice to the villagers engaged in agriculture forestry horticultural industrial or any other activity and to encourage village residents to undertake and participate in communal enterprises Propose by-laws must be adopted by the village assembly before being submitted to the District Council for approval [Section 163] In addition Section 29 of the Act provides for division of districts into wards As an administrative subdivision between the village and the district the ward reviews the proposed village councils projects in its jurisdiction and approves them for passage up the line to the District Development Committee

Local Government (District) Authorities Act of 1982 as amended by Act No 6 of 1999 establishes the Ward Development Council (hereinafter referred to as WDC) The WDC is comprised of a councilor representing the ward in the District Development Council and chairpersons of all village councils within the ward The WDC also includes member(s) of the district council who ordinarily reside in the ward and invitees from for instance NGOs and other civic groups involved in the promotion of development in the ward However the invitees have no right to vote in the meetings The WDC is responsible for developing general development plans for the ward Further the WDC must manage disasters and environmental related activities within its ward

At the district level there is a district council composed of members elected from each ward members of parliament representing constituencies within the area of the district council three members appointed by the minister responsible for the local government and one member representing the constituent village councils on a rotational basis [Section 35 Act Number 7 of 1982]

District Councils through the appropriate District Development Committee (hereinafter referred to as the DDC) supervise the implementation of all plans for economic commercial industrial and social development in their respective areas Also the council approves by-laws made by the village councils and co-ordinates plans projects and programmes for the villages within its area of jurisdiction Apart from the DDC there are other council committees These committees are for finance administration and planning education health and water and economic affairs and environment

Local Government (District) Authorities Act 1982 [Act No 7 of 1982] also provides for the protection and management of the environment on the part of the district council This may be deduced from section 111 of the Act which promotes social welfare and economic well being of all residents within its area of jurisdiction

Protection and management of the environment is further provided for under section 118 of Act number 7 of 1982 District councils are required to take the necessary measures to control soil erosion and desertification to regulate the use of poisonous and noxious plants drugs or poison regulate and control the number of livestock maintain forests manage wildlife ensure public health provide effective solid and liquid waste management protect open spaces and parks etc The Act also has provisions for a scheduled timetable and management of the environment

Under section 148 (1) of the Act the District councils are empowered to pass bylaws applicable for the whole district The council must give public notice to the local inhabitants of the District of its intention and provide a comment period to the inhabitants before passing the bylaws After commenting the bylaws are submitted to the regional officer who will comment and then submit the draft bylaws to the minister of local government affairs for his approval [Sections 148-150] Upon approval the by-laws are gazetted and will be enforceable from the date of publication or from the commencement date specified in the bylaws


Local Government (Urban Authorities) Act of 1982 [Act Number 8 of 1982] provides for the establishment composition functions and legislative powers of the urban based local government authorities (urban councils) in Tanzania The urban council is comprised of the governing bodies for townships municipalities and the City Council (Commission) of Dar es Salaam

Composition of a town council is provided for under section 19 (1) of Act 8 of 1982 Township councils cannot have more than three members appointed by the local minister of government affairs The council is comprised of members elected from the ward within the town and members of parliament representing constituents within the town [Section 20] The elected members then elect a chairman and vice-chairman for each town council

A municipal council is made up of members elected from wards within the municipality member of the parliament representing the constituencies within the municipality not more than three (3) members appointed by the minister responsible for the local government affairs from among the residents of the municipality [Section 20]

Section 19 (3) of Act No 8 of 1982 provides for the establishment of City Councils City councils are composed of one member elected form each wards within the city the members of the Parliament representing constituencies within the area of the city council and not more than three (3) members appointed from the residents of the city [section 20]

Each town council municipal or city council has a chairman vice-chairman mayor and a deputy mayor respectively [Section 20] The chairman and vice-chairman of a town council and the Mayor and the Deputy mayor of a municipal council and a city council are elected by members of the councils from amongst the elected members of the urban authorities

Section 42 of Act number 8 of 1982 provides for the establishment of the urban authorities committees who are in charge of finance and administration economic affairs health and education and urban planning and environment The city council shall establish such committees as may be determined by the minister in the order establishing it

The objectives and functions of the urban authorities are provided for under section 54 of Act number 8 of 1982 These functions include facilitating the maintenance of peace order and good governance and promoting the social welfare and economic well-being of the local community Urban authorities are expected to further the social and economic development of their areas take the necessary measures for the suppression of crimes and protection of public and private property regulate and improve agriculture

trade commerce and industry further and enhance health education and the social cultural and recreational life or of the people and to eradicate poverty and distress

Section 55 (1) provides for the general duties of the urban authorities which include taking and requiring the taking of measures for conservation of natural resources prevention of soil erosion and prohibition and control of cultivation to inspect all meat fish vegetables and other foodstuffs and liquids intended for human consumption and to seize and destroy the foodstuffs or liquids which are unfit for human consumption to keep in good order and repair all public latrines urinals cesspits dustbins and other receptacles for the temporary deposit and collection of rubbish and to provide for the removal of all refuse and filth from any public or private place to take measures aimed at preventing injury to public health etc These functions are also amplified in the schedule to Act number 8 of 1982

Urban authorities may subject to the consent of the proper officers pass applicable bylaws to their areas [Section 80 (1)] Urban authorities are required to give public notice to the local inhabitants of the intention to make the bylaws for comments [Section 81] After the expiration of the notice the draft bylaws must be submitted to the Minister for approval and gazettment

It is important to note that the local governments are not replicated at the regional level However regional commissioners secretaries and officials (who form Part of the regional administration) like the local governments are responsible to the Minister for Local Government and Regional Administration Normally the regional authorities provide technical advice and support and exercise supervision to the District councils Under section 12 of the Regional Administration Act 1997 [Act No 191997] it is provided that it shall be the duty of the Regional secretariat to facilitate the functions of the local government authorities within the region However the experience is that the regional administration can put heavy pressure on the local authorities and veto their development plans and programmes

PART V FACTORS HINDERING EFFECTIVE MANAGEMENT OF THE ENVIRONMENT BY LOCAL GOVERNMENT AUTHORITIES

51 Introduction

The Tanzanian local governments have been unable to effectively and efficiently manage the environment due to the unworkable legal framework currently in place This section attempts to examine and provide solutions to these problems


Most people in rural areas depend upon the natural resources for their livelihood yet they have no legal rights to them Despite legislative recognition of customary land rights state and other investors continue to ignore rural peoples rights to their natural resources We have witnessed over the years the abolition of customary land tenure without payment or compensation to the rural people For instance Land Development (Specified Areas) Regulations of 1986 [Government Notice No 659 of 1986] and the Extinction of Customary Land Rights Order [GN 88 of 1987] abolished all customary land rights in most of the Arusha region (Shauri 1996) These lands vested to the district councils who were then allowed to distribute the land freely

Without customary rights and benefit sharing mechanisms on natural resources use are proved to be effective in practice local populations will continue to become indifferent to the environment because they have no incentive to contain degradation and conserve the environment and natural resources


The formulation and implementation of by-laws have been plagued with a number of problems First the bylaws formulation process is slow and inefficient The long and circuitous route for bylaws to be passed and enacted into law by the minister does not allow for effective rule-making Environmental problems that need immediate remedies and protection typically fail For instance Endagwe village near Lake Babati decided to draft by-laws to protect a certain forest in the village When a non-member of the village burned and cleared part of the area the village sued him in district court However the bylaw had not been approved by the Prime Ministers office Consequently the case was

dismissed and the village was ordered to restore the land to the defendant who continued to degrade the land with impunity[ Green199529]


This problem is mainly attributed to inadequate judicial mechanisms While local government can bring court cases under legislation pertaining to the environment often such cases are delayed for years and no specially trained judiciary exists to hear environmental cases Furthermore no formal mechanism exists to hear such cases

The capability of the law enforcers especially in the rural areas is inadequate and lacks efficient monitoring capacity This is partly due to the lack of modern working equipment and legal materials including legislation on environmental management


Most legislation is outdated and has inadequate penalties to deter repeat offenders from degrading environment For example most of the penalty provisions were enacted in the 1950s and 1960s And under Section 26 (1) of the Forests Ordinance Cap 389 that except where another penalty is provided any person who is convicted of an offence under the Ordinance shall be liable to a fine not exceeding Tshs 3000= (equivalent to USD 372 at the rate of $1= Tshs 805) or to a term of imprisonment not exceeding six months

Another scenario is depicted in the unreported case of Republic vs Ramla Halfan [Alasiri 2000] There the court found the alleged offender guilty for her failure to keep her cesspit in good order and repair The court convicted the offender and ordered her to pay a fine of only Tshs 15000= (equivalent to USD $1863) The latter is so minimal and therefore does not act as deterrent against future violations instead it allows violators to profit from their illegal acts In addition the low fines discourage prosecutors from prosecuting offenders of environmental violations

PART VI PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS TO DECENTRALIZE ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT STRUCTURES


The current local government structure does not provide adequate autonomy to local governments They are unable to make important decisions independently because many legal provisions make the local government dependent on the Central Government Indeed according to Ngware and Haule (19935) in order for local governments to be successful in sustainable grassroots social development they must have the unfettered power to serve the local people rather than act as agents for the central state

Ngware and Haule also argue that limited autonomy and authority of local governments is evidenced by hiring and disciplining mechanisms for local government personnel Apart from the so-called casual labourer local authorities lack the power to discipline or dismiss nor unruly personnel All these powers are vested in the Local Government Service Commission which is the appointing and disciplinary authority This organ as Ngware and Haule argue is not connected to the local authorities because the local authorities employees are subject to the control of the districtmunicipalcity directors who are appointed by the President These directors wield a lot of clout because of their decision making powers and control of financial matters

As a matter of fact the division of responsibilities between the district divisional ward and village in relation to decision making and particularly in environmental management is not well stipulated in the current decentralization process For example the district council is the highest level of analysis and village level as the lowest level within the district we can not see clearly the position of division and ward in the decision making process Villages are directly responsible to the district councils without necessarily passing through the wards

Again in practice most of the district councils rely more on villages than wards andor divisions in day to day functions of the local administration However it is important that these two structures namely wards and divisions are integrated into environmental management due to the following reasons

bull Most district councils cover large areas and some of the villages are difficult to reach

bull Due to poor infrastructure communication between most districts and villages is costly and inefficient and

bull Wards can act as a bridge between district councils and villages due to the fact that each ward has a councilor who can represent the interest of hisher constituency in the district council meeting

In an ideal situation it is assumed that elected members of the local government make decisions while local bureaucrats implement those decisions However this is not the case According to Kessy (199976) the decision making process in local authorities is mainly done by local bureaucrats (Council officers in collaboration with District and Regional Commissioners) and not the elected members (councilors) as one would expect It was found by Kessy in his research of two district councils (Moshi and Lushoto) that most of the decision making process from agenda setting to the implementation stage is mainly controlled by local bureaucrats This phenomenon according to the study is attributed to the central governments reluctance in emphasizing high quality councilor-ship Instead the outdated provision of someone who can read and write is the criteria used to elect a councilor The level of interaction between councilors and council officers in the decision making process is minimal Despite the council officers typically being better educated more experienced and having an expertise in environmental matters as compared to the low educated councilors who are sometimes more vocal in small policy decision issues

62 Capacity of Local Governments In Environmental Management

Decentralization continues to spark continual debate in Tanzanian polemics A quick assessment however indicates that local governments have a limited capacity to manage natural resources Colman (199642) argues that local governments performance in developing countries have not been successful in the management of the environment as they face constant problems in various operations He identifies the local institutions formation and organization particularly in developing countries as the source of problem He reasons that the local institutions in developing countries have never experienced self- governance since their time of creation They have been subjected to central government control in both financial and decision-making capacities

As shown above land tenure is unclear in Tanzania and this affects rural areas where most of the local governments are based If laws do not clearly define tenure and access to natural resources local governments will not be able to manage these resources In addition the central government in the past has shown its ineptness in dealing with environmental management hence decentralized management of natural resources is required

Clarity is also lacking in institutional mandates to manage natural resources In the Forestry sector for example the Director of Forestry is in charge of all forests in Tanzania though there are forests which are under local authorities But there have been instances where districts and regions have collided in the issuance of licenses for exploitation on forest resources on public lands and sometimes districts have ventured to issue licenses on central government forest reserve

Most local governments have no laws or policies to implement thus limiting their capacity to protect natural resources This situation is exacerbated by the policy of retrenchment which also affected local governments In the Kyela District there are only five employees under the District Natural Resources Officer to manage the fisheries forestry and wildlife sectors in a district with a population of more than 300000 people (pers comm with A Libenanga District Natural Resources Officer Kyela)

The capacity of local governments to manage cannot be enhanced under the current system of revenue sharing For example the forest sector districts can only retain revenues accruing from local government forest reserves Despite the presence of central government and public land forests within district lands districts are only required to collect revenues from those forests and remit it to the Director of Forestry Districts may only charge levy above the specified tariffs on forest produce set by the Director of Forestry At the same time districts must ensure the protection of those forests in central government forest reserves and public lands while there are no funds allocated for that assignment

Wildlife utilization faces a similar problem Most districts providing hunting blocks for tourist hunting give at least 25 of their revenues to the district councils And the villages typically never benefit from this money Admittedly it is in villages where wildlife co- exist with people and wildlife related problems are experiences In that way local people rarely get the incentive to conserve wildlife

The central governments control over revenues hinders the local governments ability to manage and protect its resources and villagers This view is shared by Kamata (1993) who gives an example of that the Harare city council which had a conflict with the central government because all the lucrative sources of revenue at the local level are owned by the central government This applies also to the local government system in Tanzania where most resource bases for local government revenues are owned by the central government

In some districts conservation of natural resources is not a priority It only becomes a priority if it is a source of revenue generation Nothing is being ploughed back to develop or conserve the resources In some areas local councilors will not promote allocation of funding to the natural resources sector because it is not viewed as important There is a problem of political decisions being made without consideration of advice from natural resources staff In some instances politicians think that in order to conserve natural resources the only way is to ban local people from using such resources hence causing encroachment

The governing policy for environmental management in the country is well formulated but the mechanisms and plans of actions at the local level are not well implemented There is inadequate expertise in the field of environmental education and public awareness to implement those designed policies at all levels Therefore a concerted effort to formulate a common training package that should contain basic information about environmental issues and problems in all levels of the government should be provided Training of this kind should be seen as one of the strategies and bases for capacity building at the local level

It should also be recalled that many of these laws dealing with environmental issues are based on colonial perceptions and are typically command and control oriented This acts as a disincentive for compliance and leads to conflicts between different government departments institutions and local authorities Hence resulting in ineffective laws for environmental management

Moreover the institutions dealing with overseeing the management of natural resources in some respects overlap in functions and are constantly re-inventing the wheel Traditional natural resource management institutions and regulative systems have not been given support by the government (Liviga op cit 27) As stipulated in the National Conservation Strategy for Sustainable Development

Experience has shown that the existing institutional framework can not effectively face the challenge of integrating environmental concuss into development activities The current institutional framework is an obstacle to effective implementation (Green 199525)

This phenomenon has therefore resulted into the ambivalence between the central and local government over their duties and mandates on environmental management Green (199526) further argues that district council staff are employed by the district councils but are instead required to implement and support national governmental policies

PART VII CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

71 Conclusions

The current process of decentralization in Tanzania has produced mixed results in terms of the degree in which power and responsibility for the management of the environment at the local level is shared Decentralized institutions lack the capacity to manage the environment and conserve natural resources This is furthered by the fact that little or no resources are available to the institutions entrusted with the duty of managing the environment

Under Article 27 of the Constitution the public is called upon to ensure that the natural resources of the country are managed properly as it states

(1) Every person is obliged to safeguard and protect the natural resources of the United Republic state property and all property jointly owned by the peoplehellip

(2) All persons shall by the law be required to safeguard state and communal property to combat all forms of misappropriation and wastage and to run the economy of the nation assiduously with the attitude of people who are masters of the fate of their nation

However the role of local authorities under the current decentralization process for environmental management is not clearly stipulated This is exacerbated by bureaucracy at the centre resulting in the inadequate release of allocated funds This leads to frequent delays in the delivery of services or the completion of environmental projects In addition staff shortages andor inadequately trained staff for dealing with environmental projects at the local level is a continual problem As such local government positions are often not respected not desired and this leads to turnover lack of morale and commitment to innovate or deal with local environmental issues creatively

There is also inadequate policy and legal provisions disintegrated authoritative administrative and institutional mechanisms to handle environmental matters In many cases the authority is delegated to local organizations but they are not given the resources to perform their duties properly As a result local authorities are nothing more than bureaucratic instruments for the central government and do not generate alternative values preferences or aspirations

In conclusion environmental management lacks harmony and continuity from the national to local levels It is at the local level where systems of environmental management become complex and serious attention is needed for sustainable environmental development Therefore environmental management requires the integration of all institutions in the field and empowering local authorities for management and conservation of natural resources and the environment

72 Recommendations

For effective environmental and natural resources management by local authorities decentralization must ensure effective devolution of mandates from the centre to the local levels An ideal decentralized system according to UNDP (1997) has the following main characteristics

1 First local units of government are autonomous and clearly perceived as separate levels of government over which central authorities exercise little or no direct control

2 Second the local authorities have clear and legally recognized geographical boundaries within which they exercise authority and perform public functions

3 Third local authorities have corporate status and the power to secure resources to perform their functions

4 Fourth devolution applies the need to develop local governments as institutions in the sense that they are perceived by local citizens as organizations providing services and

5 Finally devolution is an arrangement in which reciprocal mutually beneficial and coordinated relationships between central and local government exist

Review of the progress of decentralization in Tanzania indicates that UNDP goals the five have not been met It is therefore recommended that the impetus of future local government reforms should be geared towards effective devolution of powers clarification of mandates and giving ownership and access to natural resources as pre-requisites for empowering local governments to manage the environment and natural resources Local governments should be allowed to hire and fire their own staff plan their conservation programmes control natural resources situated in their geographical boundaries and generate revenues from planned and sustainable utilization of natural resources in their areas

Since the success of environmental management depends on the involvement of local people environmental programmes should ensure that local people benefit from such programmes In addition they must be empowered to undertake environmental management tasks through participatory approaches at the local levels Environmental

programmes should be tailored in a way that local people get immediate economic benefits by engaging themselves in conservation efforts

The government should consider the need to involve and strengthen the participation of the private sector NGOs and CBOs in the management of environment The process of registration and regulation of NGOs and CBOs should also be devolved to the local level Currently the registration process of NGOs is too bureaucratic cumbersome and done only at the national level By encouraging the formation of NGOs and CBOs plus the participation of the private sector in conservation efforts the role of local governments in conservation of natural resources and the environment will be achievable and highly successful

REFERENCES

1 Alasiri Newspaper January 16 2000 Issue

2 Colman T( 1996) Urbanization and Environmental Management the Case of Moshi Municipality MA Thesis (UDSM)

3 Craster L amp OToole M (1995) Local Government Decentralization An idea whose time has come Policy Paper No 125 SAUS Publication (UK)

4 Green J (1995) Institutional Structures and Community Based Natural Resources Management in Tanzania Draft Report- World Resources Institute Washington DC

5 Joint Appraisal Mission (1999) Appraisal of the Local Government Reform Programme in Tanzania Draft Report submitted Pretoria and Oslo March 11th 1999

6 Kamata N( 1993) The Politics of Environment in Tanzania the Case Study of the Pastoral Peasants of Shinyanga MA Thesis (UDSM)

7 Kessy AT The Dynamics of Decision making in Local Government in Tanzania The Case of Moshi and Lushoto District- Councils MA Thesis 1999

8 LEAT (1999) Legal and Institutional Mandates For Environmental Management in Tanzania Report Presented to the Vice Presidents Office- ILFEMP Project

9 Liviga AJ Decentralized Authority and Capacity for Environmental Management A Draft Report to the Institutional and Legal Framework for Environmental Management Project (ILFEMP)

10 MAKARA Sabiti Linking Good Governance Decentralisation Policy and Civil Society in Uganda [httpwwwafrstuiuceduMakerereVol_2chapter_fivehtml]

11 Mallya E T Meeting the Donor The Decentralization Strategy in Environmental Management in Tanzania (1999) A paper to be presented soon to the Donors (Finland)

12 dohellipAppraisal of the Local Government Reform Programme in Tanzania Draft Report submitted by the Joint Appraisal Mission Pretoria and Oslo March 11th 1999

13 Max M A O (1991) The Development of Local Government in Tanzania Education Publishers and Distributors Ltd Dar es Salaam

14 Mukandala RS (1998) Decentralization and Democratization in Tanzania Occasional Paper No 46 University of Iowa

15 Ngeethe N (1998) The Politics of Decentralization through Decentralization in Kenya Policy and Practice with Emphasis on District focus for Rural Development Occasional Paper No 45 University of Iowa- International Programmes

16 Ngware SS and Haule M( 1993) The Forgotten Village in Tanzania Institute of African Studies Hamburg

17 Nshala R ( 1999) Granting Hunting Blocks in Tanzania The Need For Reform LEAT Policy Brief No 5 [httpwwwleatortzpublicationshuntingblocks]

18 Oyugi O W (1998) Bureaucracy and Democracy n Africa Heinemann Educational books Inc University of Nairobi

19 Semboja J (1991) Handbook on District Level Administration in Tanzania[ Ministry for Regional Administration and Local Government Educational Publishers and Distributors Ltd]

20 Shauri V (1995) Village Titling and Its Legal Ramifications in the Development of Rural Land Tenure in Tanzania LLM Thesis University of Dar es salaam

21 Shivji G (1999)Village Democracy Initiatives The conceptual Bias Structure and Workplan for a Policy Review of the Place of the Village in the Local Government Reform Programme UNDP Dar es salaam

22 Ueta J (1994) The Role of Local Government in Urban Environment Management Regional Development Dialogue Vol 15 No 2 pp 140 -154

23 UNDP (1997) Decentralization Governance Programme-Strengthening Capacity for People Centered Development Management and Governance Division Bureau of Development Policy New York (mimeo)

24 World Bank and Institute Itailo - Africano (1989) Strengthening Local Government in Sub Sahara Africa An EDI Policy Seminar Report

Document7 La politique de deacutecentralisation en Afrique une analyse comparative httpinfoworldbankorgetoolsdocslibrary34765La20Politique20de20la20DE9centralisation20en20Afrique20-20Ndegwa20Levydoc Document8 La deacutecentralisation en Afrique entre politique et deacuteveloppement httpwwwreseau-impactorgIMGpdfnote_decentralisation_totte_al_fev2004pdf Document9 Lrsquoeacutelaboration de la politique de deacutecentralisation au Mali des logiques plurielles Pour la nouvelle classe politique malienne un outil au service de la deacutemocratie Pour les institutions de Bretton Woods un outil au service du marcheacute Pour les instances de coopeacuteration un outil au service du deacuteveloppement local

Texte inteacutegral

Les champs politique et social maliens ont eacuteteacute bouleverseacutes ces derniegraveres anneacutees renversement du reacutegime de Moussa Traoreacute intervention de la Banque Mondiale et du Fonds Moneacutetaire International seacuteparatisme touareg troubles sociaux permanents dans les villes comme dans les campagnes chute du prix du coton etc A ces ruptures et agrave la deacutesagreacutegation de lEtat quelles ont entraicircneacutee reacutepondent des processus de reconstruction deacuteveloppement des organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) locales multiplication des organisations paysannes introduction du multipartisme renouvellement de la classe politique Lensemble de ces transformations a conduit agrave la modification des modaliteacutes de fonctionnement de lEtat et entre autres a orienteacute les deacutecideurs vers une deacutecentralisation des institutions publiques Cette deacutecentralisation a pour principal objectif la constitution de collectiviteacutes locales aux pouvoirs reacuteels (selon le principe de subsidiariteacute 1) doteacutes dune personnaliteacute juridique dun pouvoir reacuteglementaire et dune autonomie financiegravere La mise en place dune telle politique procegravede dune rupture manifeste avec le systegraveme politico-administratif neacute des indeacutependances et agrave ce titre justifie notre inteacuterecirct

Mais sil y a rupture il ny a pas nouveauteacute En effet force est de constater que lideacutee dune deacutecentralisation des structures politico-administratives maliennes nest pas originale Degraves 1979 une reacuteforme institutionnalise des assembleacutees eacutelues - les conseils locaux - ayant pour rocircle la surveillance de la structure administrative deacuteconcentreacutee responsable de la formulation de programmes de deacuteveloppement reacutegionaux - le comiteacute local de deacuteveloppement Il ne manque agrave ce dispositif pour pouvoir ecirctre consideacutereacute comme un acte de deacutecentralisation des structures politico-administratives que des

moyens financiers propres Cette seconde eacutetape est franchie en 1988 avec la creacuteation du fonds de deacuteveloppement local et reacutegional institution chargeacutee de financer les programmes des cercles et des reacutegions Mais ce fonds malgreacute les dires des responsables politiques ne sera jamais controcircleacute par les collectiviteacutes locales Les textes deacutefinissant ses regravegles de fonctionnement ne seront jamais promulgueacutes et les autoriteacutes centrales lutiliseront en fonction de leurs propres objectifs (par exemple plus de 50 du fonds a eacuteteacute mis en prioriteacute sur instruction preacutesidentielle pour des usages discreacutetionnaires (Hall Magassa Ba Hodson 1991 18)

La politique de deacutecentralisation introduite pendant cette peacuteriode reste donc largement inacheveacutee Cette situation est le reacutesultat dune seacuterie de blocages institutionnels ducirc agrave des conflits internes agrave leacutelite politico-administrative En effet degraves son introduction la politique de deacutecentralisation devient un enjeu central des relations de pouvoir entre le parti unique -la structure politique - et les membres de ladministration Le systegraveme de deacutecision est alors entiegraverement controcircleacute par la haute administration les membres des instances supeacuterieures du parti sont marginaliseacutes Ces derniers veulent donc afin de reconqueacuterir un pouvoir perdu multiplier les instances deacutecisionnelles et renforcer le pouvoir des reacutegions dans lesquelles ils ont une assise reacuteelle La politique de deacutecentralisation est loutil choisi par la classe politique pour reconqueacuterir son pouvoir ses avanceacutees et ses reculades illustrent les rapports de force au sein de lappareil eacutetatique

Aujourdhui la mise en place au Mali dune politique de deacutecentralisation semble faire lunanimiteacute des diffeacuterents acteurs intervenant dans le cadre des politiques globales 2 Chacun de ces acteurs semble ecirctre convaincu par la neacutecessiteacute dune deacutecentralisation et en demande dans la mesure de ses moyens lapplication dans les plus brefs deacutelais Cette ceacuteleacuteriteacute est eacutetonnante car si lon parle beaucoup de deacutecentralisation en Afrique de lOuest il est rare que pareil projet aboutisse De plus luniteacute mecircme des points de vue sur la deacutecentralisation est inattendue En effet une politique publique de pareille ampleur est reacuteveacutelatrice dun projet de socieacuteteacute - caracteacuteristique dune ideacuteologie - donc devrait ecirctre un enjeu sur lequel se cristallisent les positions ambivalentes des diffeacuterents groupes sociaux ou plus largement des acteurs concerneacutes Or dans le cas qui nous inteacuteresse aucun deacutebat aucun affrontement nont jamais eu lieu Tous les acteurs ayant voix au chapitre dans la deacutefinition des politiques globales au Mali partageraient-ils un projet de socieacuteteacute identique

Poseacutee en ces termes la question de deacutepart proposeacutee offre une hypothegravese claire agrave ce travail En effet nous nous proposons de deacutemontrer que si la politique de deacutecentralisation fait lunanimiteacute cette unanimiteacute ne peut que cacher des projets de socieacuteteacute diffeacuterents (pour ne pas dire opposeacutes)

Autrement dit si les textes - consensus minimum agrave toute action - sont les mecircmes pour chacun des acteurs les modaliteacutes dapplication imagineacutees -la politique nest pas encore entreacutee en vigueur-reacutepondent agrave des logiques diverses Avant dentrer dans le vif du sujet et de proposer limage que chaque acteur se fait de la deacutecentralisation et lutiliteacute de cette derniegravere quant agrave la reacutealisation de son projet de socieacuteteacute eacutenumeacuterons rapidement ceux sur lesquels nous nous concentrons Il sagit du gouvernement - ou plus largement de la nouvelle classe politique malienne - de deux des institutions de Bretton Woods - la Banque Mondiale et le Fonds Moneacutetaire International - et des grandes organisations daide au deacuteveloppement 3

Le premier acteur dont nous allons parler est lactuel gouvernement malien ou plus largement une grande partie de la nouvelle classe politique Il organise la deacutecentralisation pour atteindre les objectifs politiques que sont la leacutegitimation de lEtat de droit et la participation populaire aux processus de prise de deacutecision La Banque Mondiale et le Fonds Moneacutetaire International constituent le second des acteurs analyseacute Le Mali eacutetant soumis agrave un plan dajustement structurel ces deux institutions prennent activement part aux deacutecisions concernant la politique eacuteconomique et financiegravere mais aussi agrave lensemble des choix effectueacutes par le gouvernement malien

La deacutecentralisation est agrave leurs yeux un moyen parmi dautres permettant la diminution du deacuteficit budgeacutetaire de lEtat Le troisiegraveme acteur est composeacute des coopeacuterations bilateacuterales (France Suisse etc) multilateacuterales (CILSS Club du Sahel etc) et de certaines grandes ONG (OXFAM etc) Il a un poids financier reacuteel et une influence non neacutegligeable Il est aussi inteacuteresseacute par la politique de deacutecentralisation mais dans le cadre dune politique de deacuteveloppement local

Le fait que ces trois acteurs procircnent une politique de deacutecentralisation explique la rapiditeacute des reacuteformes envisageacutees et labsence de blocage Mais comme proposeacute ci-dessus sa rapide planification nest pas agrave notre avis le reacutesultat dun consensus mais une juxtaposition de lectures diffeacuterentes offrant agrave chacun lillusion dun accord sur lessentiel En fait chacun voit dans la politique de deacutecentralisation une reacuteponse aux problegravemes quil juge fondamentaux et ignore les autres discours les croyant compleacutementaires ou espeacuterant reacuteussir agrave imposer le sien lors de sa mise en place effective de la politique

Cet article est organiseacute en trois chapitres preacutesentant chacun un acteur et sa lecture de la politique de deacutecentralisation Chaque chapitre offre une mise en contexte de lacteur les objectifs auxquels reacutepond la politique de deacutecentralisation quil veut mener et les problegravemes auxquels il se trouve confronteacute La conclusion essaie de deacutefinir agrave laide du reacuteveacutelateur quest la politique de deacutecentralisation les projets de socieacuteteacute de chacun des acteurs 4

Pour la nouvelle classe politique malienne un outil au service de la deacutemocratie

En 1991 des manifestations de grandes ampleurs mettent le reacutegime autocratique de Moussa Traoreacute dans une situation politique preacutecaire Ces manifestations sont durement reacuteprimeacutees par larmeacutee qui devant limpasse de la reacutepression finit par se deacutecider agrave renverser le preacutesident Apregraves une phase de transition pendant laquelle sont creacuteeacutes de multiples partis politiques des eacutelections leacutegislatives puis preacutesidentielles sont organiseacutees Durant cette peacuteriode une socieacuteteacute civile 5 se constitue les coordinations deacutetudiants de lyceacuteens de fonctionnaires douvriers de commerccedilants se multiplient et revendiquent chacune les fruits de la deacutemocratisation Par ailleurs les organisations de deacuteveloppement rural (ONG associations villageoises etc) mettent agrave profit la libeacuteralisation politique pour dune part reacuteclamer une plus large autonomie - elles prennent leurs distances par rapport aux politiques eacutetatiques et construisent leurs propres programmes de deacuteveloppement - et dautre part sinterroger sur le bien fondeacute de la politique de deacuteveloppement rural proposeacutee par le gouvernement etou les socieacuteteacutes dEtat ayant agrave charge lorganisation des opeacuterations de deacuteveloppement

Lexpression sans coheacuterence de ces inteacuterecircts corporatistes etou reacutegionaux pas toujours repreacutesentatifs des groupes sociaux composant la socieacuteteacute malienne met en peacuteril lexistence du nouvel Etat de droit qui eacutemerge apregraves 1991 (ce dautant plus que les manifestations auxquels elle donne lieu sont souvent violentes) Paradoxalement les nouveaux partis politiques organiseacutes sur des bases ideacuteologiques ou clienteacutelistes ne peuvent jouer le rocircle de meacutediateur entre la socieacuteteacute civile et le pouvoir Ils sont degraves leur apparition consideacutereacutes par les Maliens comme illeacutegitimes car reacutepondant agrave leurs seuls inteacuterecircts opportunistes

Gouvernement et nouvelle classe politique se voient donc confronteacutes agrave trois problegravemes eacutetroitement lieacutes le premier est la deacuteliquescence de lEtat le second leacutelaboration dune politique geacuteneacuterale coheacuterente reacutepondant aux nouvelles demandes sociales et le troisiegraveme la mise en place de cette politique

Donner une nouvelle leacutegitimiteacute agrave lEtat et eacutelaborer une politique geacuteneacuterale coheacuterente demande la participation des citoyens aux processus de deacutecisions qui les concernent Cette obligation requiert des institutions dont la fonction est decirctre des intermeacutediaires entre la socieacuteteacute civile et le pouvoir dEtat Cette fonction neacutetant pas remplie par les partis politiques la seule solution qui se propose au gouvernement malien est de constituer de nouveaux espaces de meacutediation Un espace de meacutediation est dans notre cas deacutetude une institution permettant la construction - par un systegraveme politique consensuel ou majoritaire - de politiques globales etou particuliegraveres reconnues par lensemble des acteurs concerneacutes Ces nouveaux espaces de meacutediation doivent afin decirctre occupeacutes par les citoyens ecirctre proches de ces derniers traiter de leurs preacuteoccupations concregravetes et posseacuteder un veacuteritable pouvoir de deacutecision Ils doivent concerner la totaliteacute du territoire et tous les niveaux de son organisation

Dans cette optique la politique de deacutecentralisation en raison de la multiplication des institutions politiques quelle permet et de leur reacutepartition eacutequilibreacutee sur lensemble du territoire est une solution approprieacutee aux problegravemes poseacutes Tout dabord elle permet la participation des citoyens de tous les citoyens au processus deacutecisionnel et par lagrave mecircme leur responsabilisation Elle rend lisible les enjeux du deacuteveloppement et offre une place agrave lEtat dans le processus de la deacutemocratisation donc en reconnaicirct le rocircle et en leacutegitime lexistence Ensuite cette politique permet dorganiser la demande sociale donc leacutelaboration de politiques globales etou sectorielles reconnues par lensemble des

acteurs concerneacutes Enfin la proximiteacute entre lEtat et ses administreacutes permet une application plus rapide et plus efficace des deacutecisions prises

La politique de deacutecentralisation offre donc agrave lEtat une leacutegitimation nouvelle et un outil efficace quant agrave leacutelaboration des politiques publiques et agrave leur exeacutecution Elle permet la constitution dun Etat de droit renforce les processus de deacutemocratisation et agrave ce titre contente lensemble de la classe politique

Par ailleurs la politique de deacutecentralisation offre agrave la nouvelle classe politique deux autres avantages non neacutegligeables Le premier est la mobilisation de lopinion publique autour dun sujet dont elle est un des acteurs privileacutegieacutes Apregraves avoir eacuteteacute consideacutereacutee comme nuisible la classe politique retrouve en partie la valorisation sociale inheacuterente agrave son statut deacutelite La mise en place de la politique de deacutecentralisation ne restaure donc pas uniquement la leacutegitimiteacute de lEtat mais aussi celle de ses promoteurs Ce processus nest pas le fait du hasard au contraire il a beacuteneacuteficieacute dune mise en scegravene particuliegravere dont la piegravece maicirctresse est labsence totale de reacutefeacuterence agrave la politique de deacuteconcentration-deacutecentralisation conduite sous lancien reacutegime Cet oubli montre clairement lintention de la classe politique de se deacutemarquer de tout passeacute ou plus preacuteciseacutement sa volonteacute de sapproprier totalement une innovation porteuse despoir La deacutecentralisation na pas eacuteteacute eacutelaboreacutee pour reacuteameacutenager des institutions mises en place par lancien parti unique mais pour donner vie agrave une nouvelle utopie et creacuteer un projet mobilisateur au service dune nouvelle classe politique 6

Le second avantage pour le gouvernement et la nouvelle classe politique preacutesenteacute par la politique de deacutecentralisation est une plus grande marge de manœuvre en ce qui concerne la neacutegociation sur le statut du Nord du Mali En effet la deacutecentralisation permet au gouvernement de discuter sur une possible autonomie de cette reacutegion sans perdre la face ou ecirctre accuseacute de vendre la Nation Elle deacutepassionne la discussion sur les revendications touaregravegues en limmergeant dans un deacutebat national dont les enjeux sont compris de tous

Toutefois comme nous lavons dit donner une nouvelle leacutegitimiteacute agrave lEtat et eacutelaborer une politique geacuteneacuterale coheacuterente demande la participation des Maliens aux espaces de meacutediation construits par la politique de deacutecentralisation Or cette participation neacutecessite des conditions geacuteneacuterales dont on peut douter quelles soient actuellement toutes reacuteunies La principale de ces conditions est lexistence dune socieacuteteacute civile sur lensemble du territoire En effet pour participer au jeu politique il faut posseacuteder une conscience politique ecirctre libre de ses choix et appartenir agrave des organisations qui permettent la construction dun projet Ce sont ces organisations inteacutegreacutees qui constituent la socieacuteteacute civile

Dans cette optique le problegraveme concret qui se pose au Mali est la dispariteacute de la densiteacute dorganisations agrave participation volontaire (ou communauteacutes dadheacutesion) notamment dans le monde rural Aussi dans certaines reacutegions le risque est grand de voir les institutions construites par la politique de deacutecentralisation necirctre que des coquilles vides ou les chambres denregistrement de deacutecisions prises par les autoriteacutes traditionnelles Ce cas risque decirctre particuliegraverement freacutequent car la commune association de plusieurs villages et espace de meacutediation le plus deacutecentraliseacute possegravede toutes les caracteacuteristiques permettant son appropriation par les lignages dominants ou une reproduction des rapports de pouvoir construit par la tradition 7

Par ailleurs force est de constater que mecircme dans les reacutegions ou les organisations agrave participation volontaire sont nombreuses il nest pas certains que les Maliens investissent les espaces de meacutediation mis agrave leur disposition En effet la participation agrave des structures politiques demande aux villageois labandon de leur strateacutegie dobservation passive ou le deacutepassement de facteurs contraignants (par exemple un systegraveme de production articuleacute au marcheacute 8) Dans tous les cas cette participation sera deacutetermineacutee par la logique de la minimisation des risques propre aux socieacuteteacutes rurales

En reacutesumeacute lobjectif du gouvernement et plus largement de la nouvelle classe politique malienne est leacutetablissement dun Etat de droit leacutegitime permettant lorganisation de la demande sociale ou plus largement la construction dun systegraveme politique deacutemocratique Dans ce cadre la politique de deacutecentralisation permet la constitution despaces de meacutediation au sein duquel les acteurs de la socieacuteteacute civile peuvent deacutefinir des politiques de deacuteveloppent accepteacutee de tous Elle est donc un instrument particuliegraverement approprieacute agrave la probleacutematique actuelle mais peut se trouver fragiliseacutee par la dispariteacute des densiteacutes des communauteacutes dadheacutesion - base de la socieacuteteacute civile - et

la preacutegnance des rapports de pouvoir issus de la tradition etou de la logique de minimisation des risques

Pour les institutions de Bretton Woods un outil au service du marcheacute

Le second acteur ayant un rocircle important dans la deacutefinition des politiques globales au Mali est lensemble formeacute par deux des institutions de Bretton Woods soit la Banque Mondiale et le Fonds Moneacutetaire International Ces deux institutions interviennent au Mali agrave la faveur dun plan dajustement structurel dont les objectifs sont la reacuteduction des deacuteficits budgeacutetaires de lEtat et le reacutetablissement des grands eacutequilibres macro-eacuteconomiques (balance des paiements inflation ) Pour atteindre ces derniers la Banque Mondiale et le Fonds Moneacutetaire International controcirclent eacutetroitement le budget de lEtat et donnent une nouvelle orientation agrave certaines de ses politiques direction qui en regravegle geacuteneacuterale va dans le sens dune libeacuteralisation de la sphegravere eacuteconomique et a pour conseacutequence la redeacutefinition du rocircle de lEtat En effet ce dernier na plus agrave ecirctre le moteur du deacuteveloppement - rocircle qui lui incombait dans le passeacute - mais doit se contenter de mettre en place les modaliteacutes qui permettent daccroicirctre le rocircle du secteur priveacute Cette transformation substantielle a des conseacutequences directes sur son fonctionnement et sur son organisation Dune part il est tenu de diminuer son coucirct de fonctionnement (reacuteduction des deacuteficits budgeacutetaires) et dautre part il doit reacuteduire son champ dintervention (libeacuteralisation de leacuteconomie)

Dans ce cadre une politique de deacutecentralisation est vivement encourageacutee par les institutions de Bretton Woods car elle doit permettre agrave lEtat un alleacutegement de ses structures et une meilleure utilisation des moyens agrave disposition donc la diminution de ses coucircts de fonctionnement Ces objectifs sont indeacuteniablement utiles mais ces institutions semblent oublier les investissements inheacuterents agrave la mise en place de cette politique Or dans le cas du Mali la constitution de lensemble des institutions deacutecentraliseacutees demandera des moyens humains mateacuteriels et financiers importants Des moyens humains et mateacuteriels car la mise sur pied de pouvoirs locaux capables dassumer les tacircches de deacuteveloppement ne peut se faire sans la formation des cadres linformation et la formation des eacutelus et des citoyens et la mise agrave disposition dun ensemble de moyens mateacuteriels aux nouvelles institutions Des moyens financiers car la formation des diffeacuterentes institutions deacutecentraliseacutees demandera la creacuteation de budgets locaux (au niveau des reacutegions cercles et communes) financeacutes partiellement tout au moins par lEtat En effet les recettes apporteacutees par les taxes et impocircts locaux - mecircme si le taux de recouvrement de ces derniegraveres se trouve ecirctre particuliegraverement fort - seront beaucoup trop faibles pour constituer des budgets capables de financer des projets de deacuteveloppement et par lagrave-mecircme de mobiliser les populations La deacutemonstration de lefficaciteacute de la deacutecentralisation neacutecessitera donc une contribution financiegravere de lEtat aux budgets des institutions deacutecentraliseacutees ou agrave deacutefaut de cette derniegravere un recours aux bailleurs de fonds internationaux Ainsi la politique de deacutecentralisation risque non seulement de ne pas permettre la diminution des prestations financiegraveres de lEtat central mais au contraire daccroicirctre ses deacutepenses

En fait la deacutecentralisation dans un pays comme le Mali ou la plupart des besoins de la population en terme de services publics ne sont pas couverts multiplie les aregravenes administratives et politiques sans en eacuteliminer Elle est une politique dautant plus coucircteuse que la deacutemultiplication des instances de deacutecision va geacuteneacuterer des revendications particuliegraveres etou clientegravelistes les politiciens deacutependant de la reacutealisation de leurs objectifs pour assurer leurs reacuteeacutelections vont faire pression sur le gouvernement afin de se voir attribuer effectivement subventions et creacutedits 9

En regard des objectifs de la Banque Mondiale et du Fonds Moneacutetaire International il est difficile de penser quils souscrivent agrave une deacutefinition de la deacutecentralisation autorisant une augmentation des deacutepenses de lEtat malien n est probable que pour les institutions de Bretton Woods lEtat central doit limiter ses prestations au maximum et ne pas fournir de subventions aux gouvernements locaux sinon dans le strict cadre dun eacutequilibre budgeacutetaire Ces derniers devront alors assumer les charges du deacuteveloppement avec leurs propres ressources Or il est eacutevident que ces gouvernements locaux nauront pas les moyens mateacuteriels et financiers permettant le maintien des actuels - et deacuteficients - services publics ni donc agrave plus forte raison ceux den permettre la creacuteation de nouveaux Ils se verront donc rapidement dans lobligation de faire recours au service de priveacutes ou dorganiser les services mis agrave disposition des populations selon les lois du marcheacute (la production et lentretien des services publics seront alors agrave la charge des usagers)

Ainsi il est probable que la politique de deacutecentralisation dans lideacuteal des institutions de Bretton Woods a pour objectif principal lintroduction dune logique de marcheacute dans le fonctionnement des institutions publiques etou une deacuteleacutegation des responsabiliteacutes eacutetatiques aux organisations priveacutees Cette derniegravere remarque est confirmeacutee par le fait que la Banque Mondiale et le Fonds Moneacutetaire International parlent peu dans le cadre de la politique de deacutecentralisation de lEtat et de son rocircle mais mettent laccent sur lorganisation de la socieacuteteacute civile au niveau local En effet ces deux institutions encouragent la constitution dorganisations locales pouvant agrave terme fournir des prestations dinteacuterecirct public La question qui se pose est alors de savoir si le local ne devient pas une fin en soi et si la politique de deacutecentralisation nest pas la mise en forme de lideacutee de marcheacute 10

En reacutesumeacute lobjectif de la Banque Mondiale et le Fonds Moneacutetaire International deacutepasse tregraves largement le reacutetablissement des eacutequilibres macro-eacuteconomiques et budgeacutetaires Linteacuterecirct que ces deux institutions portent agrave la politique de deacutecentralisation et agrave la constitution dorganisations locales en teacutemoigne En fait la reacuteduction des deacuteseacutequilibres est preacutetexte agrave une intervention qui a pour finaliteacute lintroduction dune logique de marcheacute embrassant lensemble de la socieacuteteacute malienne Suivant ce raisonnement les institutions de Bretton Woods ont tout inteacuterecirct agrave un deacutesengagement de lEtat au beacuteneacutefice du secteur priveacute deacutesengagement dont loutil est la politique de deacutecentralisation 11

Pour les instances de coopeacuteration un outil au service du deacuteveloppement local

Le Sahel est une reacutegion particuliegraverement choyeacutee par les diffeacuterentes organisations daide au deacuteveloppement Mais lapport dune aide ne se fait pas sans contrepartie entre autres en terme de partage du pouvoir politique Ceci explique le fait que les donateurs occupent une position de premier ordre dans les prise de deacutecisions concernant les politiques globales au Mali Certains dentre eux ont mis agrave profit cette position pour encourager la politique de deacutecentralisation En effet plusieurs des organisations daide au deacuteveloppement - et non des moindres - font actuellement du deacuteveloppement local leur discours favori Ces termes recouvrent un ensemble de reacutealiteacutes et de fantasmes Dans le cadre dont nous traitons ici ce discours peut ecirctre deacutefini par la volonteacute de rapprocher le citoyen des institutions qui reacutegissent sa vie de tous les jours Son objectif premier est donc une reacuteelle participation des populations aux processus de deacutecision et leur responsabilisation quant agrave la gestion de leurs problegravemes en regravegle geacuteneacuterale cette approche trouve un ancrage au niveau villageois ou intervillageois

Jusquagrave preacutesent faute dun cadre juridique offrant aux villages ou aux regroupements villageois une autonomie reacuteelle les reacutealisations sinspirant de ce discours eacutetaient confineacutees agrave des expeacuteriences pilotes Dans loptique de leur geacuteneacuteralisation les diffeacuterentes organisations daide au deacuteveloppement impliqueacutees ont donc naturellement encourageacute leacutelaboration dune politique de deacutecentralisation offrant un cadre juridique approprieacute agrave leurs projets

Regardons plus preacuteciseacutement quels sont les champs daction du deacuteveloppement local et leurs relations avec la politique de deacutecentralisation Scheacutematiquement il est possible de discerner dans le discours du deacuteveloppement local deux probleacutematiques diffeacuterentes la premiegravere concerne la gestion des ressources naturelles et le seconde la production de services publics

Suite agrave des seacutecheresses successives les intervenants exteacuterieurs ont porteacute une attention toute particuliegravere aux problegravemes touchant agrave la gestion des ressources naturelles La plupart des activiteacutes conduites dans ce domaine - souvent sous forme de recherche-action - ont abouti agrave la conclusion que le problegraveme majeur quant agrave la gestion de ces ressources est le manque dinstitutions leacutegitimes capables de construire et dimposer des regravegles agrave lensemble de leurs utilisateurs (la deacutestructuration du monde rural semble telle quil ny a plus dinstitutions locales traditionnelles aptes agrave geacuterer les ressources naturelles au nom de la collectiviteacute) Ces observations ont donneacute naissance aux politiques de gestion des terroirs politiques dont lobjectif est dappuyer la constitution dinstitutions locales nouvelles qui permettent la gestion efficace des ressources naturelles 12 Dans ce cadre la politique de deacutecentralisation - ou plus particuliegraverement lautonomie quelle laisse aux communauteacutes locales - est un eacuteleacutement indispensable agrave la geacuteneacuteralisation de lexpeacuterience susmentionneacutee En effet comment concilier un Etat centralisateur seul producteur de regravegles et de normes avec des institutions villageoises autonomes ne reconnaissant que les leurs La politique de gestion des terroirs demande pour ecirctre geacuteneacuteraliseacutee une liberteacute daction du local reconnue par lEtat central et laffectation des moyens humains et financiers

correspondants aux coucircts entraicircneacutes par les responsabiliteacutes deacuteleacutegueacutees Autant de requecirctes auxquelles la politique de deacutecentralisation donne forme

Le second champ dactiviteacute investi par la politique du deacuteveloppement local est la production de services publics Face agrave la faible couverture et agrave la mauvaise qualiteacute des services publics offerts par lEtat les donateurs voient dans les collectiviteacutes locales parce quelles rapprochent - sinon confondent - les producteurs et les usagers de ces services le lieu ideacuteal quant agrave leur production et agrave leur gestion Mais en raison de la non-reconnaissance par lEtat dune institution villageoise doteacutee dune personnaliteacute juridique les organisations daide au deacuteveloppement intervenant dans ce domaine ont eacuteteacute jusquagrave preacutesent dans lobligation de sadresser directement agrave certaines communauteacutes dadheacutesion censeacutees repreacutesenter les inteacuterecircts du village 13 Conscients de ce problegraveme elles encouragent aujourdhui la constitution dinstitutions locales de droit public repreacutesentatives des inteacuterecircts de lensemble de la population et beacuteneacuteficiant dune autonomie dans le domaine de la production et de la gestion des services publics Elles ne peuvent donc que soutenir la mise en place de la politique de deacutecentralisation qui par la constitution des communes reacutepond agrave leur demande

Les avantages indiscutables pour le deacuteveloppement local dune politique de deacutecentralisation ayant eacuteteacute poseacutes regardons maintenant quelles peuvent ecirctre les ambiguiumlteacutes ou les contradictions entre ces deux formes dintervention Deux observations peuvent ecirctre faite la premiegravere concerne les meacutethodes dapproche mecircme des deux politiques qui nous inteacuteressent Elles semblent ecirctre contradictoires logique descendante dans le cas de la politique de deacutecentralisation et logique ascendante dans celui de la politique de deacuteveloppement local Quant agrave la seconde observation elle soulegraveve les eacuteternels problegravemes poseacutes par la preacutesence de plusieurs leacutegislateurs coheacutesion des politiques conflits de compeacutetences

Politique de deacuteveloppement local et politique de deacutecentralisation sont eacutetroitement lieacutees mais ne sidentifient pas lune agrave lautre En effet le processus de construction dune institution villageoise leacutegitime repreacutesentative et responsable - objectif principal de la politique du deacuteveloppement local - est un processus lent qui demande un appui adapteacute au cas par cas Il ne peut pas ecirctre imposeacute unilateacuteralement sur lensemble dune reacutegion - agrave plus forte raison dun pays Il peut donc beacuteneacuteficier de la deacutecentralisation mais ne sy identifie pas la deacutecentralisation est une deacuteleacutegation de pouvoir de la pan de lEtat central aux pouvoirs locaux le deacuteveloppement local est une reconstruction du pouvoir local par les acteurs locaux

On peut mecircme se demander si la deacutecentralisation ne met pas partiellement en peacuteril les expeacuteriences meneacutees par la politique de deacuteveloppement local En effet la mise en place dun cadre normatif unique peut dans certains cas deacutestabiliser les processus amorceacutes ou mecircme en retarder vu la possible meacutefiance des populations envers toute intervention eacutetatique leacutemergence Par ailleurs la deacutecentralisation ne reconnaissant pas lidentiteacute villageoise (linstitution la plus deacutecentraliseacutee la commune regroupe plusieurs villages) elle limite largement lefficaciteacute de la politique de deacuteveloppement local pour laquelle le lieu daction pertinent car le plus apte agrave ecirctre reconnu comme uniteacute leacutegitime est le village

Ainsi dans lideacuteal des acteurs procircnant le deacuteveloppement local la deacutecentralisation se doit doffrir un cadre leacutegislatif souple agrave lextrecircme Cette opinion pose de maniegravere non dissimuleacutee le problegraveme de la coheacutesion des politiques Les populations disposant dune importante autonomie au niveau le plus deacutecentraliseacute sont-elles libres de tout reacuteinventer dans les domaines qui les inteacuteressent ou doivent-elles se plier aux scheacutemas directeurs eacutelaboreacutes par des techniciens deacutesireux datteindre une certaine coheacuterence dans loffre de service proposeacute au niveau dune reacutegion (JACOB 1993 4) A cette interrogation les donateurs ne reacutepondent pas explicitement mais le seul fait quils donnent la prioriteacute dans leur discours agrave lautonomie des communauteacutes villageoises (autonomie qui permet agrave ces derniegraveres la construction de regravegles leacutegitimes concernant la gestion des ressources naturelles et la production de services publics approprieacutes et geacutereacutes efficacement) et ne preacutecisent nulle part la place de lEtat central et des niveaux de deacutecision intermeacutediaires permet de preacutesumer de la reacuteponse La situation conduit alors naturellement agrave la multiplication des programmes ce qui peut aboutir agrave la coexistence - dans une mecircme reacutegion - de plusieurs politiques sectorielles - avec les problegravemes de coheacuterence que cela peut poser - etou des conflits de compeacutetence structurels (en cas dincompatibiliteacute entre les politiques des diffeacuterentes communauteacutes villageoises ou entre celles des communauteacutes villageoises et celles des niveaux politico-administratif supeacuterieurs) Ces conflits semblent dans le cas malien dautant plus probables que les attributions des

diffeacuterents eacutechelons politico-administratifs se recoupent tregraves largement notamment en ce qui concerne leacutelaboration des programmes de deacuteveloppement leacutetablissement des plans dameacutenagement de lespace et la protection de lenvironnement (Mission de deacutecentralisation 1993a 7) 14

Ces deux observations concernant les difficulteacutes dune relation harmonieuse entre la politique de deacutecentralisation et le discours du deacuteveloppement local ont le meacuterite de reacuteintroduire lEtat dans la discussion sujet quelque peu oublieacute par les organisations daide au deacuteveloppement LEtat les modaliteacutes touchant agrave son action et les eacuteleacutements preacutecisant son rocircle semble peu les preacuteoccuper il est perccedilu au mieux comme un eacuteleacutement de la socieacuteteacute offrant des opportuniteacutes agrave leurs actions (la politique de deacutecentralisation en est une) au pire comme un obstacle agrave leurs projets

En reacutesumeacute lobjectif des organisations daide au deacuteveloppement est la constitution dinstitutions locales leacutegitimes capables de geacuterer les ressources naturelles efficacement et de

fournir des services publics correspondant aux besoins des populations Dans ce cadre la politique de deacutecentralisation offre agrave ces institutions des bases leacutegales bienvenues mais procegravede dune logique qui peut sembler contraignante aux yeux des donateurs

Conclusion

La deacutecentralisation actuellement eacutelaboreacutee au Mali est encourageacutee par les trois grands types dacteurs qui deacutefinissent les politiques globales de ce pays Si a priori il existe un consensus sur lideacutee de deacutecentraliser le systegraveme politico-administratif et sur les textes qui vont permettre lapplication de cette politique il est eacutevident que chaque acteur linvestit dobjectifs diffeacuterents reacuteveacutelateurs de projets de socieacuteteacute distincts pour ne pas dire inconciliables Notre conclusion se propose naturellement dexaminer leurs projets de socieacuteteacute A cette fin il sera meneacute une analyse succincte du rocircle donneacute par ces trois acteurs aux eacuteleacutements de la socieacuteteacute malienne que sont lEtat les collectiviteacutes territoriales deacutecentraliseacutees (locales) et la socieacuteteacute civile En effet il nous semble que la place reacuteserveacutee agrave ces sujets permet de cerner les projets de socieacuteteacute imagineacutes par la nouvelle classe politique malienne les institutions de Bretton Woods et les organisations daide au deacuteveloppement 15

La repreacutesentation de lEtat est particuliegraverement reacuteveacutelatrice des projets de socieacuteteacute sous-jacents Alors que lEtat est deacutefini positivement - son rocircle est deacutetermineacute - et se trouve au centre du processus de deacutecentralisation proposeacute par la nouvelle classe politique malienne la place quil occupe dans les deux autres approches de la deacutecentralisation est marginale et ses fonctions deacutetermineacutees neacutegativement (ces deux approches preacutecisent ce que lEtat ne doit pas faire et non pas ce quil fait) Plus preacuteciseacutement chaque acteur imagine une forme dEtat particuliegravere La nouvelle classe politique reacuteinvente lEtat de droit il a pour objectif une deacutemocratisation de la socieacuteteacute et leacutegaliteacute des citoyens LEtat est maicirctre de la production de services publics et joue le rocircle dorganisateur du processus de deacuteveloppement eacuteconomique (en cela il ressemble agrave lEtat providence) Les institutions de Bretton Woods recircvent de lEtat libeacuteral il se doit decirctre le plus discret possible et ne trouve sa place que dans la mise agrave la disposition de la socieacuteteacute civile du cadre indispensable agrave son expression La place centrale du processus de deacuteveloppement est alors occupeacutee par le marcheacute et lensemble des besoins deacutefinit en terme doffre et de demande Quant aux organisations daide au deacuteveloppement elles pensent agrave lEtat incitateur (BUETSCHI CATTACIN 1993 152) qui pousse la socieacuteteacute civile agrave sorganiser et lui propose un encadrement Son rocircle est donc celui dun animateur

Deuxiegraveme eacuteleacutement la socieacuteteacute civile Celle-ci est centrale dans les projets proposeacutes par les institutions de Bretton Woods et par les organisations daide au deacuteveloppement Dans les deux socieacuteteacutes ideacuteales imagineacutees par ces acteurs la socieacuteteacute civile est linitiatrice du processus de deacuteveloppement Mais la similitude sarrecircte lagrave car si la Banque Mondiale et le Fonds Moneacutetaire International la considegraverent comme regroupant une pluraliteacute dacteurs aux relations concurrentielles deacutefinies par les lois du marcheacute les donateurs lui attribuent la gestion collective des biens communs et publics Ainsi si sa formation est encourageacutee par les uns et les autres les principes qui laniment ou les modaliteacutes deacuteterminant ses rapports internes divergent profondeacutement Ce deacutesaccord peut encore ecirctre eacutetayeacute par deux autres points tout dabord si les acteurs de la socieacuteteacute civile apparaissant spontaneacutement avec la naissance du marcheacute pour les institutions de Bretton Woods ils sont pour les organisations daide au deacuteveloppement le reacutesultat dun

long processus Ensuite si la socieacuteteacute civile est le moteur du deacuteveloppement pour le premier des acteurs seule son organisation sous forme dinstitutions locales - reacutesultat dun processus ascendant - permet leacutemergence dun reacuteel dynamisme pour le second Pour ce qui est du troisiegraveme acteur la nouvelle classe politique la consideacuteration quil porte agrave la socieacuteteacute civile est importante mais est eacutetroitement lieacutee agrave son inscription dans le cadre institutionnel preacute deacutefini par lEtat Cette derniegravere se voit donc imposer une construction organiseacutee selon une logique descendante 16

Les collectiviteacutes territoriales enfin jouent des rocircles diffeacuterents dans chacun de ces projets de socieacuteteacute La nouvelle classe politique voit en elles des espaces de meacutediation donc des lieux dexpression et de neacutegociation Elles sont dans cette optique partie prenante du systegraveme politico-administratif et prolonge un Etat central garant des droits deacutemocratiques et de leacutegaliteacute entre citoyens Proche de cette premiegravere proposition les organisations daide au deacuteveloppement la nuanceraient toutefois suivant deux axes Le premier est lattribution prioritaire aux institutions locales en sus de celle dorganisation de la demande sociale de la production des services publics et des regravegles de gestion des ressources naturelles Et le second un rapport agrave lEtat non pas deacutefini par des regravegles hieacuterarchiques mais par des relations de confiance reacutesultat dune autonomie totale des institutions locales (rappelons que dans loptique des donateurs ces derniegraveres sont laboutissement dune logique ascendante ou agreacutegative) Quant aux institutions de Bretton Woods troisiegraveme acteur concerneacute force est de constater quelles attribuent une place tregraves marginale aux collectiviteacutes territoriales et quelles semblent les consideacuterer comme le simple relais de lEtat dont rappelons-le le rocircle est la promulgation de regravegles permettant la geacuteneacuteralisation des lois du marcheacute En fait cette absence de rocircle speacutecifique attribueacute aux institutions locales confirme le deacutesengagement de lEtat proposeacute par ce dernier acteur

Notes 1Le principe de la subsidiariteacute veut que les deacutecisions soient prises par les institutions preacutesentes agrave leacutechelon spatial directement concerneacute Il a pour objectifs une prise de deacutecision rapide - car directement traiteacutee par leacutechelon concerneacute - efficace - car consideacutereacutee par des acteurs informeacutes - et responsabilisant les institutions locales ou reacutegionales 2Les politiques globales sont les politiques publiques qui deacutepassent le cadre sectoriel et posent de maniegravere implicite ou explicite un choix de socieacuteteacute 3Les acteurs citeacutes sont agrave mon avis dans lactuelle peacuteriode deacutequilibre institutionnel les plus importants dans les processus deacutelaboration des politiques globales du Mali lis ont eacuteteacute seacutelectionneacutes car ils ont affirmeacutes - pas toujours tregraves clairement - des points de vue diffeacuterents dans le cas particulier des modaliteacutes dapplication de la politique de deacutecentralisation Par ailleurs comme cette politique se trouve ecirctre normalement reacuteveacutelatrice de clivages ideacuteologiques profonds cette seacutelection devrait subsister agrave lanalyse dautres politiques Derniegravere remarque il est inteacuteressant de noter que deux des acteurs citeacutes sont eacutetrangers agrave la socieacuteteacute malienne Cela deacutecoule directement de la deacutependance de lEtat malien vis-agrave-vis des intervenants exteacuterieurs et de la non-structuration des groupes sociaux maliens (il est par exemple clair que la mecircme analyse faite au Burkina devrait tenir compte des syndicats de fonctionnaires et des organisations paysannes) 4Chaque chapitre est syntheacutetiseacute sous forme de tableau dans lannexe 1 et une vue densemble de la situation est offerte par le scheacutema de lannexe 2 Par ailleurs les projets de socieacuteteacute de chacun des acteurs sont preacutesenteacutes par le tableau de lannexe 3 5La socieacuteteacute civile est deacutefinie ici en opposition dune part agrave lEtat et dautre part aux communauteacutes dappartenance (ethnie lignage etc consideacutereacutees comme des structures non-deacutemocratiques) Elle est donc composeacutee de communauteacutes dadheacutesion - les associations organisations entreprises partis politiques syndicat etc - soit de toutes formes daction collective organiseacutee en dehors du champ des institutions eacutetatiques et traditionnelles Cette deacutefinition est dans une large mesure nuanceacutee dans la conclusion de ce travail 6Dans lensemble des documents concernant lactuelle politique de deacutecentralisation il est nulle part fait mention des anciennes institutions deacuteconcentreacutees (comiteacutes et conseils locaux de deacuteveloppement) et du fonds de deacuteveloppement local et reacutegional 7Dans ce cas il ny aura pas deacutemocratisation de la socieacuteteacute malienne (donc constitution dun Etat de droit) mais construction dun Etat fonctionnant selon la logique du pouvoir coutumier (ce qui a toujours eacuteteacute le cas tout au moins en partie mais uniquement de maniegravere implicite) n ny a donc pas creacuteation dun espace public (espace qui se serait substitueacute agrave la socieacuteteacute de type rural ou holiste du passeacute et capable dagir parallegravelement aux organisations corporatistes (RIVIERE DARC 1991 13)) mais envahissement de lespace public existant par les seules communauteacutes dappartenance 8Le Mali possegravede des reacutegions productrices de coton ou dautres biens dexportation Dans ces reacutegions les paysans ont des systegravemes de production articuleacutes au marcheacute donc dont la logique leur eacutechappe partiellement Cette articulation les oblige agrave plus dinterdeacutependances agrave plus de demande du secteur priveacute vis-agrave-vis du secteur public et donc confegravere une utiliteacute aux politiques de deacutecentralisation (JACOB 1993 3) n est donc probable que dans ces reacutegions un inteacuterecirct certain existe pour les espaces de meacutediation mis agrave disposition des populations 9Il est possible quune partie des coucircts induits par ces revendications soit pris en charge par la coopeacuteration internationale En fait la deacutemultiplication des pouvoirs locaux offre aux ONG et aux collectiviteacutes locales des pays occidentaux des partenaires agrave leur taille 10Dans cette optique la notion de service public est remplaceacutee par celle de services payants reacuteserveacutes agrave ceux qui ont accegraves au marcheacute car suivant la logique de la Banque Mondiale et du Fonds Moneacutetaire International ne vaut-il pas mieux des services qui existent pour les consommateurs solvables que des services publics qui nexistent pas Dailleurs le discours de ces deux institutions concernant la socieacuteteacute civile nest pas eacutecrit en terme de demande (la demande de services publics existe) mais en terme doffre (cest loffre de services publics qui manque dans socieacuteteacute saheacutelienne cest elle qui faut encourager au risque de deacutenaturer la forme du service soit den faire un service priveacute) le rocircle du meacutediateur revenant au marcheacute 11Cette analyse demande a ecirctre nuanceacutee Le rocircle donneacute par les institutions de Bretton Woods aux organisations locales et aux ONG relativise le recours unique au marcheacute comme forme de reacutegulation des relations entre acteurs 12Dans la pratique la politique de gestion des terroirs pour ecirctre mobilisatrice a besoin de sappuyer sur des actions visibles et clairement identifiables par les villageois Afin de reacutepondre agrave cette obligation les intervenants financent des micro-reacutealisations ayant pour objectif la production de biens publics Ces actions permettent la mobilisation des populations et leur participation agrave des institutions locales Par la suite ces institutions dont le fonctionnement est dans lideacuteal organiseacute par les villageois saffirment

comme les repreacutesentantes leacutegitimes de la communauteacute villageoise et peuvent produire les regravegles dutilisation des ressources naturelles 13Dans les discours du deacuteveloppement local il y a souvent confusion entre services publics - offert agrave lensemble de la population - services communautaires - offert aux membres dune communauteacute dadheacutesion - et services priveacutes -offert agrave lensemble de la population contre une reacutemuneacuteration dont ne beacuteneacuteficient que les deacutetenteurs du capital dorigine - Jusquagrave preacutesent lurgence des besoins a permis un amalgame de ces trois notions mais la creacuteation dans certaines reacutegions de veacuteritables structures administratives parallegraveles agrave celle de lEtat est en train modifier les donneacutees du deacutebat 14La possibiliteacute de confits de compeacutetence a clairement eacuteteacute eacutevalueacutee par les acteurs agrave lorigine de la politique de deacutecentralisation Preuve en est lessai de redeacutefinition des compeacutetences de chacun des niveaux politico-administratifs (selon le principe de subsidiariteacute) et leacutelaboration dun mode de regraveglement des conflits preacutevisibles (Chauvie 1993 2-3) 15Une vision syntheacutetique du rocircle imagineacute pour chacun des eacuteleacutements de la socieacuteteacute malienne par les acteurs agrave lorigine de leacutelaboration de la politique de deacutecentralisation est produite sous forme de tableau agrave lannexe 3 16La constitution et la structuration de la socieacuteteacute civile ont donneacute lieu agrave de vifs deacutebats lors des discussions sur les modaliteacutes concernant la mise en place de la politique de deacutecentralisation Les organisations daide au deacuteveloppement proposait une propagation de la politique de deacutecentralisation reacutepondant agrave la logique ascendante donc organiseacutee par eacutetapes reacutegions par reacutegions et fonction des capaciteacutes de la socieacuteteacute civile agrave investir les nouvelles institutions alors que la classe politique tenait agrave imposer au mecircme moment un cadre juridique contraignant sur lensemble du territoire national (et ce malgreacute les problegravemes poseacutes par une telle deacutemarche comme on la vu ci-dessus) Les institutions de Bretton Woods optent eacutevidement pour cette seconde solution puisquelles sont sucircres que la socieacuteteacute civile eacutemergera spontaneacutement une fois reacuteunies les conditions permettant lapparition des lois du marcheacute

Bibliographie

Bertrand Monique 1992 Un an de transition politique de la reacutevolte agrave la troisiegraveme Reacutepublique in Politique Africaine deg 47 pp 9-22

Buetschi Danielle Cattacin Daniel 1993 LEtat incitateur nouvelles pratiques de la subsidiariteacute dans le systegraveme du bien-ecirctre suisse in Annuaire suisse de sciences politiques ndeg 33 pp 143-162

Collectif 1993 Deacutecentralisation organisations locales et ONG au Mali Meacutemoire du seacuteminaire de Bamako 29-31 mars 1993 Bamako Centre Djoliba

1989 Les expeacuteriences dune concertation Rapport final de la rencontre reacutegionale de Seacutegou sur la gestion des terroirs Paris - Ouagadougou Club du Sahel - CILSS

Chaumie J 1985 La gestion de lenvironnement dans les pays saheacuteliens in Les cahiers de la recherche deacuteveloppement ndeg 8 pp 17-24

Chauvie Philippe 1993 Commentaires sur le rapport final de latelier national de concertation sur le projet de code des collectiviteacutes territoriales Vissoie SEREC

Chauvie Philippe Jacob Jean-Pierre 1993 Mission dappui agrave la deacutecentralisation au Mali Projet de DoussoudianaYanfolila Vissoie - Genegraveve SEREC - IUED

Clauzel Jean 1991 Leacutevolution des structures de ladministration territoriale dans quelques Etats de lAfrique francophone au sud du Sahara in Mondes et cultures tome LI ndeg 1-4 pp208-225

Conac Geacuterard 1985 Le processus de deacutecision politique dans les Etats dAfrique exemples des politiques de leau in Les politiques de leau en Afrique sous la direction de CONAC Geacuterard et Franccediloise Paris Economica

DJjibo Hadiza Coulibaly Cheibane Marko Paul Thomson James 1991 Deacutecentralisation gouvernance et gestion des ressources naturelles renouvelables options locales dans la Reacutepublique du Mali Club du Sahel - CILSS - Associates in Rural Development

Faure Armelle 1992 Perception de lapproche gestion des terroirs par les populations rurales Ouagadougou Ministegravere de lagriculture et de leacutelevage Programme national de gestion des terroirs

Hall Robert Magassa Hamidou Ba Aliou et Hodson Jeremy 1991 Lorganisation des services publics la participation populaire et la deacutecentralisation options locales pour lorganisation et la production des services publics dans la Reacutepublique du Mali Club du Sahel- CILSS - Associates in Rural Development

Jacob Jean-Pierre 1991 Entre deacutecentralisation et deacutesengagement Principes et problegravemes de lauto-organisation paysanne en Afrique in Jeux et enjeux de lauto-promotion sous la direction de Kwan Kaiuml Hong Genegraveve Cahiers de lIUED pp 41-48

1993 Deacutecentralisation analyse eacutecologique et gestion territoriale en Afrique tropicale segraveche manuscrit Lausanne UNIL

Programme national de gestion des terroirs CILSS 1993 Atelier national sur la probleacutematique fonciegravere et la deacutecentralisation document de synthegravese Bobo-Dioulasso PNGT - CILSS

Riviegravere Darc Heacutelegravene 1991 Du national au particulier Le deacutebat sur la deacutecentralisation dans trois pays dAmeacuterique Latine (Breacutesil Mexique Cuba) in Cahiers des Ameacuteriques Latines ndeg 11 pp -22

Thomson James et Tall Mountaga 1991 Deacutecentralisation en matiegravere de fourniture des services publics gouvernance et gestion des ressources naturelles renouvelables au Mali contemporain Club du Sahel - CILSS - Associates in Rural Development

Thomson J Waldstein A Gellar S Miner J 1989 Options pour promouvoir le controcircle et la gestion par les usagers des ressources naturelles renouvelables au Sahel Associates in Rural Development

Thomson Jamie 1992 Decentralization in Mali action options Bamako USAID

INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie

INTRODUCTION

Decentralization is commonly viewed as the transfer of legal and political authority from the central government and its agencies to the field organizations and institutions This review analyzes the process institutional and legal framework within which the environmental and natural resources management operates in Tanzania It specifically focuses on the decentralization within central and local governments role in environmental management The focus of the study is to examine how the interface between the centre and local loci of power have affected pieces of legislation relating to management of the environment by central and local governments in Tanzania


The Lawyers Environmental Action Team is the first public interest environmental law organization in Tanzania It was established in 1994 and formally registered in 1995 under the Societies Ordinance Its mission is to ensure sound natural resource management and environmental protection in Tanzania It is also involved in issues related to the establishment of an enabling policy environment for civil society including civil liberties and human rights LEAT carries out policy research advocacy and selected public interest litigation Its membership largely includes lawyers concerned with environmental management and democratic governance in Tanzania

ABBREVIATIONS

CCM Chama Cha Mapinduzi

DDC District Development Council

FBD Forestry and Bees Division

GOT Government of Tanzania

GCA Game Controlled Areas

GR Game Reserve

LEAT Lawyers Environmental Action Team

NCCA Ngorongoro Conservation Area

NEP National Environmental Policy

NFP National Forestry Policy

NGO Non-Governmental Organisation

PMO Prime Ministers Office

TANAPA Tanzania National Parks

TANU Tanganyika African National Union

TSHS Tanzanian Shillings

URT United Republic of Tanzania

USD United States Dollar

WDC Ward Development Committee

WDC Ward Development Council

WMA Wildlife Management Area

LEGISLATION

bull African Chiefs Ordinance 1953 bull Decentralization of Government Administration (Interim Provisions) Act 1972 bull Decentralization of Government Administration (Interim Provisions) (Amendment)

Act 1982 bull Extinction of Customary Rights Order 1987 [GN 881987] bull Forests Ordinance Cap 389 bull Land Development (Specified Areas) Regulations 1986 [GN 6591986] bull Local Government (District Authorities) Act 1982 [Act Number 7 of 1982] bull Local Government (Urban Authorities) Act 1982 [Act Number 8 of 1982] bull Local Government Election Act 1965 [Act Number 50 of 1965] bull Local Government Finances Act 1982 [Act Number 9 of 1982]











































21 Introduction


















Act No 12 of 1982













Box 1










31 Introduction




NFPs objectives























41 Introduction
































51 Introduction







































71 Conclusions








72 Recommendations











REFERENCES


























Texte inteacutegral

















































Conclusion








Bibliographie




















INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie











































21 Introduction


















Act No 12 of 1982













Box 1










31 Introduction




NFPs objectives























41 Introduction
































51 Introduction







































71 Conclusions








72 Recommendations











REFERENCES


























Texte inteacutegral

















































Conclusion








Bibliographie




















INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie










Act No 12 of 1982













Box 1










31 Introduction




NFPs objectives























41 Introduction
































51 Introduction







































71 Conclusions








72 Recommendations











REFERENCES


























Texte inteacutegral

















































Conclusion








Bibliographie




















INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie











Box 1










31 Introduction




NFPs objectives























41 Introduction
































51 Introduction







































71 Conclusions








72 Recommendations











REFERENCES


























Texte inteacutegral

















































Conclusion








Bibliographie




















INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie







31 Introduction




NFPs objectives























41 Introduction
































51 Introduction







































71 Conclusions








72 Recommendations











REFERENCES


























Texte inteacutegral

















































Conclusion








Bibliographie




















INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie


















41 Introduction
































51 Introduction







































71 Conclusions








72 Recommendations











REFERENCES


























Texte inteacutegral

















































Conclusion








Bibliographie




















INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie



























51 Introduction







































71 Conclusions








72 Recommendations











REFERENCES


























Texte inteacutegral

















































Conclusion








Bibliographie




















INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie

































71 Conclusions








72 Recommendations











REFERENCES


























Texte inteacutegral

















































Conclusion








Bibliographie




















INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie






72 Recommendations











REFERENCES


























Texte inteacutegral

















































Conclusion








Bibliographie




















INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie



REFERENCES


























Texte inteacutegral

















































Conclusion








Bibliographie




















INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie










Texte inteacutegral

















































Conclusion








Bibliographie




















INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie















































Conclusion








Bibliographie




















INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie





Bibliographie




















INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie










INTRODUCTION


ABBREVIATIONS

LEGISLATION












21 Introduction





31 Introduction





41 Introduction





51 Introduction









71 Conclusions

72 Recommendations

REFERENCES




Conclusion

Bibliographie

document.6 : review of the decentralization process...

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