PaperpresentedtotheannualGLUconference,Washington,October2015
TRADEUNIONREVITALISATIONANDTHEPROSPECTSOFANECOSOCIALIST
WORKINGCLASSPOLITICSINSOUTHAFRICA
DevanPillay
INTRODUCTION
The2014nationalelectionsonceagainsawtherulingAfricanNationalCongress(ANC)
returnedwithahandsomemajorityof62percentofvotescast.FortheANCandits
alliestheSouthAfricanCommunistParty(SACP)andtheCongressofSouthAfrican
TradeUnions(Cosatu)thisre‐affirmstheoverwhelmingpopularityofthenational
liberationmovement,andendorsesitscurrentleader,JacobZuma.TheANC,theyassert,
cannowmoveaheadwithbolder,more‘radical’socioeconomicpolicies.Thosewho
criticisetherulingalliancefromtheleftare,intheireyes,‘pretenders’and‘charlatans’;
either‘adventuristpopulists’,‘narrowultra‐leftworkerists’or‘syndicalists’.For
ANC/SACPsupporters,thepartyofMandela,despiteitschallengesofincumbency,
remainstheonlytruevoiceoftheleft.
Thisconvictionhasbeenroundlychallenged.Criticspointoutthatinfactmost
peopledidnotvoteANCduringthelastelections.Indeed,ifthetotaleligiblevotesof
31.4millionarecounted,theANConlyreceivedamandatefrom11.4million(or36.4
percent)oftheelectorate.1Mosteitherdidnotregistertovote,orregisteredbutfailed
topitchupatthepollingbooth.Thisindicatesahighdegreeofalienationamongvoters,
inacontextofincreasinglevelsoflocal‘servicedelivery’protestsandindustrialaction.
Akeyfactorthathasspurredonthisalienationisrisingsocialinequality,witha
newblackelitejoiningtheranksoftheestablishedwhiteelite,whereastheworking
poorandunemployedstruggletomakeendsmeet.Itisthisthatprovokedmineworkers
intheplatinumsectortogoonstrikein2012,demandingalivingwage–which
tragicallyendedinthepolicemassacreofthirty‐fourmineworkersatMarikana.Not
since19222hadpoliceinSouthAfricafiredonstrikingworkers,andthebloodbath
2
shookSouthAfricanstothecore.ManylefttheANCasaresult,includingsuchstalwarts
asRonnieKasrils(Pillay2013).
Increasingcorruptioncompoundstheproblemofalienationfromtheruling
party,withapresidentovertlyengagingindubiouspractices,suchasspendingaround
R240monsecurityupgradesathisruralNkandlaresidence.Reportsofsevere
corruptioninallspheresofgovernmentandthepublicservicesinceZumabecame
presidentarenowdailynews.Thesefactors,aswellasthegovernment’sinability,
despiteradicalrhetoric,tomoveoutofaconservativemacroeconomicpathbeholdento
theminerals‐energy‐financialcomplex,hasgivenrisetotwopotentiallyseismicevents.
FirstisthecreationoftheEconomicFreedomFighters(EFF),whichwon1.17
million(or6.35percent)ofthevotesinthe2014nationalelections.Ostensiblya
leftwingparty(somecritics,suchasBaccus(2013),havelabelledthemrightwing
populist),theyhave,sinceassumingtheirseatsinParliament,causedastirbyaccusing
theANCgovernmentofmassacringtheMarikanamineworkers,callingforPresident
JacobZumatopaythemoneyusedtorebuildhisInkandlahomestead,anddemanding
thenationalisationofminesandradicallandredistribution(seeNieftagodieninthis
volume).
SecondisthemomentousdecisiontakenbytheNationalUnionofMetalworkers
ofSouthAfrica(Numsa)inDecember2013,toleavetheAllianceandworktowards
settingupaUnitedFrontofprogressiveorganisations,aswellasamovementfor
socialism.The‘Numsamoment’canbeseenasareturntothe‘workerist’(or‘social
movementunion’)rootsofNumsa,whereinthe1980sastheMetalandAlliedWorkers
Union(Mawu)itledtheargumentforanindependentbutpoliticallyengagedlabour
movementuncontaminatedbythenationalistpoliticsoftheliberationmovements
(Forrest2011).
Numsa,however,hasnotonlybeeninnovativeandboldwithregardtoits
politicalstance.Ithasalsoinrecentyearsspearheadedthelabourmovement’sbelated
butpath‐breakingfocusonclimatechange,alternativeenergyandgreenjobs.Thishas
thepotentialofmovingtheunionoutofitstraditionalconcentrationonworkplace
bargainingissues,andtowardsabroaderfocusonarguablythemajorissuefacing
capitalism:thenaturallimitstogrowth.
Itseems,therefore,appropriatetospeakoftwoNumsamoments,itsecological
momentanditspoliticalmoment.However,istheunionleadership’sintentionsto
3
forma‘Marxist‐Leninist’politicalpartyaregressivemove,whichcouldsidetrackthe
radicalthrustpromisedbythesemoments?Oristherearealpossibilitythatthefirst
ecologicalmomentwithinNumsacouldbeasteppingstonetowardsabroader,and
moreradical,‘eco‐socialistpolitics’withintheUnitedFront?
Toassessthecurrentconjuncture,itisnecessarytofirstbrieflydelveinto
history.
THERISEANDDECLINEOFSOCIALMOVEMENTUNIONISM
ThestrategiccompromisebetweentheshopfloorunionsandtheUnitedDemocratic
Front(UDF)‐alignedcommunityorpoliticalunions,forgedduringthecritical1985‐87
period,wasamajorbreakthroughforworkers’unity.However,itarguablyalso
underminedtheinitialradicalvisionofdemocraticworkers’controloftheunionaswell
associety(asexpressedbyactivistacademicRickTurnerinhishighlyinfluentialThe
EyeoftheNeedle(1972).(SeealsoKeniston2010.)This‘popular‐democratic’synthesis
(Saul,1986)connectedproductionpoliticsandbroadercommunity‐statepowerpolitics
(Burawoy1985),andwasmeanttoavoidthedebilitatingeffectsoftwotypesofwhat
waslabelled‘workerism’:namelyanarrow‘economism’(anexclusivefocusonthe
workplacetotheexclusionofthebroaderworkingclassinotherspheresofstruggle)or
anarrow‘syndicalism’(wheretradeunionsactaspoliticalvehicles,buttothenear
exclusionofcommunityorpoliticalorganisations).Atthesametime,thedebilitating
effectsofwhatwascalled‘populism’(anover‐emphasisonbroaderstate‐power,
nationalist,strugglestotheneglectofshop‐floororganisation)werelimitedbythe
unions’insistenceontheirindependencefrompoliticalactors,andtheprioritisationof
workingclassissues–principlesthatbecamethecornerstoneofCosatu.This
combination,intheory,envisagedtheworkingclassleadingthestruggleforstatepower
–aformofanti‐systemicsocialmovementunionism(Pillay2013b).Inrealityitwasnot
sosimple.
Since1990,whentheANCandSACPwereunbannedandbecamethedominant
politicalforcesinthecountry,andCosatuofficiallybecamepartoftheTripartite
Alliance,thefederationfounditselfcaughtbetweenarobustsocialmovementunionism
andatamerpoliticalunionism(Pillay2011).Althoughincreasinginequalityand
unemploymentensuredthatworkersagitatedforagreatershareinthespoilsof
democracy,Cosatuatthesametimesubordinateditselftotherulingparty,particularly
4
duringelectionperiods,andbecameenmeshedininstitutionalisedforumsof
corporatistdecisionmakingatindustry,regionalandnationallevels.Inacontextof
comparativelyhighbutstillmodestuniondensityofapproximately30percent(as
opposedtoupto80percentinSweden,themodelofsuccessfulcorporatism)
participationintherulingpartyandforumsbroughtsomebenefits,butturnedattention
awayfrombuildingtheunionmovement.
Cosatuitselfrecognisedthesedangersandoverthepastdecadecontinuously
resolvedtorecruitmoremembers–formalandinformalworkers–aswellastorebuild
itsrelationshipwithotherorganisationsfightingbroaderworking‐classissues.Ithas
thusfarfallenfarshortofitstargetoffourmillionmembersby2015–current
membershipstandsatabouttwomillion,withhardlyanyinroadsintotheorganisation
ofinformalor‘precarious’workers.Whileithasattimesreachedouttoothersections
ofsociety–forexampleitscampaignswiththeTreatmentActionCampaign(TAC)
againstHIV/AIDs,thenow‐moribundbasicincomegrantcampaign,andagainstthee‐
tollingofhighways–thesehavebeenconstrainedbyitsalliancewiththerulingparty,
aswellasotherobjectiveconstraints(seeParetinthisvolume).Itsstrikesoverwage
demandshavebeeninwardlyfocussedandrarelyelicitedsupportfromcommunities.
TheMarikanatragedyrevealedthesocialdistancebetweenunionleadersand
members,asmineworkersrejectedtheNationalUnionofMineworkers(NUM)for
neglectingtheirinterestsandbrokeawaytoformtheAssociationofMineworkersand
ConstructionUnion(Amcu).
UnderZwelinzimaVavi’sleadership,thefederationdidtrytoaddressthese
issuesthroughmoreconcertedattemptstoreachouttoprecariousworkers,broaden
thefederation’sunderstandingofenvironmentalissuesandfoodsecurity,andlaythe
basisforareturntoamorerobustsocialmovementunionism.Atthesametime,Vavi
andaffiliatessuchasNumsahavebeenhighlycriticalofgovernment’scontinued
adherencetoaneoliberaleconomicframework(aswellasthreatstocivillibertiesand
increasedcorruption)evenasittalksabouttheneedforplanning,anefficient
developmentalstateandgreeneconomicdevelopment.Thiscriticalstance,however,is
notthescriptdrawnupbytheSACP,whichwarnedVaviandNumsaaboutdeparting
fromthenationaldemocraticrevolution,andmakingunreasonable‘socialist’demands
ongovernment(Pillay2011;SACP2013a).
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Whatfollowsisadiscussionofdifferent,interrelatedsitesofcontestationwhich
haveproducedthesenewmoments:firstlyaroundthemeaningofeconomic
transformation(asexpressedthroughthedebateontheNationalDevelopmentPlan
(NDP),thegreeneconomyandnationalisation)andsecondlyaroundthepolitical
organisationofworking‐classcounter‐hegemony(asexpressedthroughthedebate
aboutCosatu’ssuspensionofitsgeneralsecretary,Vavi)givingrisetonewpossibilities
ofleftrevitalisationoutsidetheAlliance.
CONTESTINGTHENATIONALDEVELOPMENTPLAN(NDP)
AftertheANC’sadoptionoftheNDPatitsMangaungconferenceinDecember2012,
Numsare‐igniteditscriticismoftheNDP’seconomicpolicyproposals.Itarguedthatthe
planreinforcedtheneoliberal‘fundamentals’ofthepreviousGrowth,Employmentand
Redistribution(Gear)macroeconomicpolicy–thecriticismofwhich,asthe‘1996class
project’,wasironicallythegluethatboundthecoalitionofforcesthatbroughtZumato
powerin2007(Pillay2011).MuchofNumsa’scritiquebecamethebasisofCosatu’s
critique(Numsa2013c;Coleman,2013).
TheSACP,afterinitiallygoingalongwiththeNDPatMangaung,feltobligedto
respondandproducedadetailedassessmentdrawnupbyitsdeputygeneralsecretary,
JeremyCronin.Thepartyhasbeenunderseverepressuresince2009forseemingto
abandonarelativelycriticalworking‐classperspectiveinexchangeforbeingin
government.Thepartydefendsitselfbyarguingthattheyarefollowingaresponsible
courseofactionbygettingintogovernmentandworkingwiththeZumaleadershipto
radicalisethenationaldemocraticrevolution–togivesubstancetoa‘secondphase’of
deepertransformation.Inthissenseworkers’controlderivesfromthecentre,where
thevanguardoftheworkingclass,theSACP,furthersworking‐classinterestswithin
government(where,inevitably,compromisesaremadeintheinterestsoflonger‐term
influence).SincetheascensionofZumatheSACPoccupiesanumberofCabinetposts,
andhasleadersatallotherlevelsofgovernment,andinParliament.Thisdispersalof
partyresourceshas,argueVaviandNumsa,distractedtheSACPtothepointofbeing
governmentpraisesingers,asopposedtobuildingthepartyasatruevanguardof
working‐classinterests(Pillay2011).
Whileacknowledgingthatthegovernment’smuch‐heraldedNDP–supported
interaliabybusiness,themediaandtheoppositionDemocraticAlliance–hasanumber
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offlaws,theSACP(2013a)believesthatitlaysthebasisforashifttogreaterplanning
andbuildingadevelopmentalstate.TheSACP’s(2013b)balancedcritiqueoftheNDP
acknowledgedpositiveaspectsofthe500pagedocument,suchastheproposalsfor
improvingstatecapacity,educationandspatialdevelopment,butagreedwithCosatu
thattheall‐importanteconomicschapterretainstheessentialfeaturesofneoliberalism.
TheNDPisaproductoftheNationalPlanningCommission,whichincludes
expertsfromawiderangeofdisciplines,andwasinitiallychairedbytheformer
ministerofFinanceunderMbeki,TrevorManuel,andco‐chairedbythenowdeputy
presidentoftheANC,CyrilRamaphosa.Forawhileitseemedthatthemore
developmentalistNewGrowthPath(NGP),craftedbyformerunionistEbrahimPatel’s
DepartmentofEconomicDevelopment,alongwiththesecondIndustrialPolicyAction
Plan(IPAP2),drawnupbytheDepartmentofTradeandIndustry,wouldbecomethe
overarchingpolicyperspectiveofgovernment.However,since2012–ironicallyafter
theMarikanatragedyandthewaveofstrikesthatgrippedthecountrythatyear–the
balanceofforceswithingovernmenttippedbackinthefavourofTreasuryandthe
mineral‐energy‐complex(MEC).TheNDP,whichhardlyacknowledgedtheexistenceof
theNGPandIPAP2,wasnowfavoured,thusre‐establishingthehegemonyof
neoliberalismandtheMEC.AsCosatu’sNeilColemanargued,itmadenoattemptto
addresssocialinequalityorthecreationofmeaningfuljobs,otherthanpoorlypaidjobs
intheinformalsector(Coleman2013).
TheNDPisaclassicexampleofthe‘artofparadigmmaintenance’asperfected
bybodiessuchastheWorldBank(Wade1995).Thecommissiondrewinawiderange
ofcrediblepeopletogiveitlegitimacy,andwhilesomeproposalsareindeed
worthwhiletheyareallembeddedinaneoliberalgreeneconomyperspectivethat
maintainstheessentialsofthestatusquo.Forexample,proposalsforclimatechange
andthegreeneconomystartoffimpressivelyintheNDPwithadeepanalysisofthe
probleminkeepingupcurrentlevelsofknowledgewithintheenvironmental
movement,andtheproblemsofinaction.However,thisimpressiveinsightiseffectively
washedawaybytheimperativesofgrowthandbusiness‐as‐usualwithintheconfinesof
theMEC(Rudin2013).3
Paradigmmaintenanceinvolvesideologicalsleightsofhandandprocessesthat
deflectcriticismtocommitteesthateithernevermeetormeetwithlittleconsequence.
Assuch,Cosatu’smisgivingsaroundtheeconomicschapter,expressedataspecial
7
AlliancemeetinginAugust2013toresolvetheimpasse(whichNumsadidnotattend)
weredeftlyconsignedtoaspecialcommitteewhichwasinnohurrytomeet–allowing
theANCtopositiontheNDPasitspolicyplatformintherun‐uptothe2014elections,
withendorsementfromitsAlliancepartners(TheNewAge13January2014).Theyare
stilltomeetatthetimeofwriting(June2015).
WhileneitherCosatunorNumsafocussedontheclimatechangeaspectsofthe
NDP,Numsahasbeenattheforefrontofdevelopingcounter‐proposalsonthegreen
economy.Thisisthebeginningofanewdirectioninthinkingforthelabourmovement,
asitincreasinglyseesthecrisisofcapitalismasasocialaswellasanecologicalcrisis.
NUMSA’SFIRSTMOMENT
Arangeofcivilsocietyorganisations,includingsometradeunions,cametogetherin
2011toformtheClimateJobsCampaign,toaddressthefearthatthetransitionto‘green
jobs’willbemarketdriven.Researchfindingshaveindicatedthatjobsinrenewable
energysectors,includingthebuildingofwind,wavetideandsolarpower,the
renovationandinsulationofhomesandoffices,andtheprovisionofpublictransport,
couldcreate3.7milliondecentjobsbasedontheprinciplesofecologicalsustainability,
socialjusticeandstateintervention.Thecampaignhassincebeenfocusedaroundthe
demandforOneMillionClimateJobs,asanachievablefirststeptowardsajust
transitiontofightunemploymentandclimatechange.Researchconductedforthe
campaignhasshownhowresourcescanbedivertedtowards‘decent,people‐and
publicly‐drivenjobsthatreducethecausesandimpactsofclimatechange’(OneMillion
ClimateJobsCampaign2013:13).
Thereisagrowingmovementshowinghowshiftedprioritiesandpoliticalwill
cangeneratetheideasandresourcesnecessarytocreatemeaningfulalternatives.While
Numsaistosomeextentinvolvedwiththiscampaign,ithasyetfullytotakerootwithin
thelabourmovementitself,whichmayhavetodowithCosatu’scontinued
embeddednessintheTripartiteAlliance.Asnotedabove,organisedlabourhaskeptits
distancefromNGOsandsocialmovementsthathaveatransformativeagendaandare
criticaloftheANC.
Nevertheless,thelabourmovementhasinrecentyearsbeguntotake
environmentalissuesmoreseriously.In2013Cosatupublishedapolicypaperonthe
environment,whichraisescriticalissuesregardingajusttransitionfromthecurrent
8
economicparadigmtothatofalowcarboneconomy.However,asJackyCock(2013)
pointsout,Cosatuiscaughtbetweenareformistposition–asexemplifiedbytheNUM
andenvironmentalNGOssuchastheWorldWildlifeFund–whichseeks
accommodationwithinthelogicofgreencapitalism,marketbasedsolutionssuchas
carbontrading,andtechnologiessuchascarboncaptureandstorage,anda
transformativeposition,exemplifiedbyitsnowexpelledaffiliateNumsaandNGOssuch
asEarthlifeAfricaandGroundworkwhichstresstheneedforaclassanalysisandthe
recognitionthatthecapitalistsystemisattheheartofthecrisisofclimatechange.
DespitethesedifferenceswithinCosatu,however,thefederation’s2011climatechange
policyframeworkidentifiescapitalismastheproblem,andrejectsmarketmechanisms
toreducecarbonemissions.However,todateNumsaistheonlyunionthathastaken
climatechangeandrenewableenergyseriouslyandcomeupwithclearproposals
towardsalowcarbonfuture.
Thegovernment’smarket‐basedproposalsaroundrenewableenergygive
privatecompanies(independentpowerproducers)theleadinprovidingalternatives
suchas‘onshorewind,concentratedsolarthermal,solarphotovoltaic,biomass,
biomass,landfillgasandsmallhydro’(Numsa2012:1).Numsa’s‘sociallyowned’
alternativeinvolves:
public,communityandcollectiveownershipoflandsiteswhichcanproduce
renewableenergy;
socialownershipofutilitiesthatgenerate,transmitanddistributeenergy;
socialownershipandcontrolofthefossilfuelindustrysuchascoaland
syntheticfueltoharnesstheirrevenuesandfundrenewablealternatives;
localcontentrequirementsinthebuildingofarenewableenergymanufacturing
base,inordertocreatelocaljobs;
thecreationofmunicipalsolarandwindparks;
theuseofworkers’pensionfundstofinancesocially‐ownedrenewable
companies;
thepromotionofgenderequityatalllevelsoftheoccupationalladderinsuch
companies;and
thesettingupofanetwork,incollaborationwithlocalandinternationalfriends
ofNumsa,tomonitorthebiddingprocessaroundgovernmenttendersforthe
provisionofrenewableenergy(Numsa2012).
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IntheseproposalsNumsamakesanimplicitdistinctionbetweensocial
ownership,whichinvolvesmaximumdemocraticparticipationfrombelow(byworkers
andcitizens),andstateownership,whichisbureaucraticcontroloverpublicresources,
increasinglywithinaframeworkofmarketprincipleswhereworkersareexploitedand
domesticconsumersfleecedintheinterestsoflargecorporations–asisthecaseofthe
state‐ownedpowerutilityEskom,andtheCentralEnergyFund(CEF).Numsa’s
proposalsgivesubstancetoitsmoregeneralviewsonnationalisationwhere,incontrast
tothestate‐controlled‘nationalisation’oftheEFF(2013),itcallsforworker‐controlled
nationalisationofthecommandingheightsoftheeconomy.Initssecretariatreportto
theDecemberspecialcongressitstates:‘Weknowthatnationalisationbyitselfisnot
necessarilyintheinterestsoftheworkingclass…So,whilstNumsa’spositionisaclear
classposition,thepositionoftheEFFisnot…TheEFFisexplicitlyanti‐capitalistbutit
isnotsocialist…itdoesnotclarifywhatkindofsocietyitisstrugglingfor’(Numsa
2013d:23).
WhileNumsahasdeclareditselftobe‘socialist’,itisitselfonlybeginningtoflesh
outwhatthatmaymeaninconcreteterms.A‘sociallyowned’and‘workercontrolled’
orientationseemsmoreinaccordancewithabottom‐upeco‐socialist(oreco‐Marxist)
appproach4whichNumsadoesnotyetexplicitlyembrace,asopposedtotheunion’s
‘Marxist‐Leninist’discoursethatisnormally(butnotnecessarily)associatedwith
bureaucraticstatism.Thelatterremainstheorientationofmanyofitstopleaders,
includingthegeneralsecretaryandhiskeyadvisers.
Neverthelesss,Numsa’semergingalternativevisionmeansthat,asbefore,ithas
takentheleadinadevelopmentofpolicieswithintheunionmovement.Sinceits2013
decisiontoleavetheAlliance,anditsexpulsionfromCosatuinNovember2014,the
unionhasbeenpreoccupiedwithitspoliticalre‐alignment(aswellasexpanindits
membership).Itsinnovativeprogammeonclimatechangeandrenewableenergyhas
consequentlytakenabackseat(butcouldberevivedonceitsfuturetrajctoryis
clarified).
NUMSA’SSECONDMOMENT
ThebreakdownofrelationshipswithintheTripartiteAlliancehasbeensimmeringfor
someyears(seePillay2011)andhasnowspilledoverintoCosatuitself,withNumsa
(2013aandc)accusingtheSACPofbeingattheforefrontofdivisionswithinthe
10
workingclass.InonecornerisadominantSACP‐alignedgroupofaffiliatesledby
CosatupresidentS’dumoDlamini,andsupportedinteraliabytheNationalUnionof
Mineworkers(NUM),theNationalEducation,HealthandAlliedWorkersUnion
(Nehawu)andtheSADemocraticTeachersUnion(Sadtu)offeringrelativelyuncritical
supporttotheZuma‐ledANC,whileontheotheristhemoreindependentgroupingled
byoustedCosatugeneralsecretaryZwelinzimaVavi,andsupportedbyNumsaandeight
otheraffiliates.5
VaviwassuspendedbytheCosatucentralcommittee(composedofthetop
officialsofeachaffiliate)inAugust2013,afterheadmittedhavingsexintheCosatu
officeswithasubordinatehehadpreviouslyhired.Thisfollowedapreviousattemptby
hisdetractorstohavehiminvestigatedformalpracticesregardingthepurchasingofthe
newheadofficebuilding.Vavi’swoesbeganduringtherun‐uptotheSeptember2012
Cosatucongress,whentherewasaconcertedattemptbytheSACPfactiontoopposehis
re‐electionasgeneralsecretary.Whenitbecameclear(fromtheapplauseofdelegates)
thatVavihadoverwhelmingsupportamongstordinarymembersofthefederation(but
notamongttheaffiliates’officebearers)adealwasstruckwherebynoneofthetop
positionswascontested.InexchangeitwasdecidedtosupportJacobZuma’sre‐election
asANCpresidentafewmonthslater(Pillay2013a).However,Vavi’scontinued
outspokencriticismofgovernmentpolicyandcorruptionkepthiminthesightsofhis
detractors,leadingtohiseventualsuspension.InJanuary2014hewasfinallycharged
withbringingthefederationintodisrepute,andwasmeanttoappearbeforea
disciplinarycommittee(Marrian2014).However,acourtorderreinstatedhimas
generalsecretaryinApril2014.TheANCalsointervenedbeforetheMaynational
electionstotryandbrokerapeacedealbetweenthecontendinggroups.6Vaviwas
eventuallyexpelledinMarch2015.
Priortohisreinstatement,Numsaandotheraffiliates7demandedaspecial
congressofCosatutodiscussthesuspension.Forthemthiswasaquestionofworkers’
control–suchasuspensionwasclearlyapoliticalvendetta,andoughtnottobedecided
byafewofficialsatacentralcommitteemeeting.Workerdelegatesshouldhavean
opportunitytodebatethematter(Numsa2013a).However,forformerunionistand
ANCgeneralsecretaryGwedeMantashetheVaviaffairprovedtheopposite–thatover‐
relianceonindividuals,inparticularofficialslikegeneralsecretaries,violatedthe
principlesofworkers’control.InanaddresstothePoliceandPrisonsCivilRightsUnion
11
(Popcru)atthetimeofthesuspension,Mantasheremindeddelegatesofthelong‐held
Cosatuprinciplethatelectedworkerleaderssuchastheunionpresidentshouldhold
morepowerthangeneralsecretaries,whoarepaidofficials.Instead,theaffiliates
allowedtheoppositetohappen,leadingtotoomuchpowerbeingvestedinindividuals
suchasVavi(BusinessDay21August2013).
AsNumsa(2013a)subsequentlypointedout,Mantashewasbeingdisingenuous.
Whileinthebeginningmanygeneralsecretariesofthere‐emergingshop‐floorunions
were(usuallywhite)intellectualsandfull‐timeofficialswhooftendidnothaveavotein
meetings,theofficebearerswereworkerswhoinprincipalcontrolledtheunions,butin
apart‐timecapacity(Friedman1987).Indeed,itwasMantashe’sownformerunion,the
NUM,whichledthewaywithfull‐timepaidofficebearers,whichisnowthenorm.
Today,allthetoppositionsareelectedatunioncongresses,sothedistinctionnolonger
applies.WhatMantashewasdoing,asANCgeneralsecretaryandaformerSACP
chairperson,waslegitimisingthemarginalisationofVavi,andpromotingtheprofileof
CosatupresidentSdumoDlamini,inlinewiththepoliticalinterestsoftheANCand
SACP.Asthe2014nationalelectionsapproached,however,Mantashebacktracked,and
urgedanamicablesettlementontheVavimatterintheinterestsofworkerunity–the
ANCneededthesupportofaunitedCosatuduringtheelectioncampaign.Buthis
overtureswererebuffedbytheanti‐Vavifaction.Criticsbelievethatthefingerprintsof
SACPgeneralsecretaryBladeNzimande,anavidsupporterofZuma,werealloverthis
affair.
WhiletheintialallegationsagainstVaviconcerningthepurchaseofCosatu
Houseweregreetedwithsuspicionbyhissupporters,thesubsequentchargesofsexual
misconductlosthimmuchsympathy,despitehispublicapology.Genderactivistsin
particularwereincensedthat,onceagain,amanhadabusedhispositionofauthority
overwomen.Althoughthisisacommonocurrenceintheunions,includingamongst
Vavi’saccusers,hewasexpectedtolivebyahigherstandard.Inaddition,hegavehis
detractorsaloadedgunwithwhichtoshoothim,thusundermininghisabilityto
continuetoleadCosatuinaprogressivedirection.Instead,thefederationwasfora
whilecapturedbytheconservativeSACPfactionwhichblockedanymovestoconvenea
specialcongress,leavingVavisuspendeduntilthecourtorderreinstatedhim.
Inthemidstofthisbattle,Numsatooktheboldmovetobreakawayfromthe
ANCandSACPatitsDecember2013specialcongress,andcontinuedtosupportVavi
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withinthefederation.Theunionalsodecidedtobroadenitsscopeofoperation,
bringingitintoincreasedconflictwithotheraffiliatessuchastheNUM(Paton2013a).
WhileNumsaresolvednottoleaveCosatu,butinsteadcampaigntowinoverthe
federationtoitspositionsbythetimeitconvenesitsnextcongressin2015,theCentral
ExecutiveCommittee(CEC)ofCosatueventuallyvotedtoexpelitslargestaffiliatein
November2014(whichNumsaischallengingincourt).ThedominantfactioninCosatu
ignoredtheovewhelmingsupportamongstNumsa’sdelegatesatthe2013congressfor
theirresolutions,afterafewmonthsofextensivedebateanddeliberationsinthe
regions(Paton2013b).PriortothespecialcongresstheSACP(2013a+b;Nicholson
2013)triedtosowseedsofdivisionwithinNumsa,callingondelegatestoreject
proposalstoleavetheAlliance,butcameoutempty‐handed.Numsainturnwashoping
thatthedepartureofkeySACPleadersinaffiliateslikeNehawuandSadtu,tobecome
ANCMPsaftertheApril2014elections,wouldopenupspacewithintheseunionsfora
moreprogressivepolitics.8Thishoweverdidnotmaterialise.
Numsastarted2014determinedtobeginimplementingitsresolutions,andpave
thewayforaunitedfrontofoppositionforcesandamovementforsocialism.Itheldits
week‐longsecondpoliticalschoolforshopstewards,withinvitedguestsfromother
affiliates,andengagementwithavarietyofcivilsocietyorganisations(Ngobese2014).
Thiswasfollowedbyotherpoliticalschools,wherefuturesocialistoptionswere
explored.TheintentionwastodevelopacriticalMarxistperspectivewithintheunion,
andgiveshopstewardstheabilitytoengageindiscussionsaroundtheshapeand
contentofaunitedfrontoforganisations,andanewsocialistformation.Aprepatory
assemblyfortheUnitedFrontwasheldinDecember2014,includingawiderangeof
unionandcommunityactivists,andwhiletheunionremainscentraltoitswork,ithas
alsodevelopedadegreeofautonomy.
InApril2015,afterasocialistconferenceattendedbyarangeofverysmall
socialistgroupings,Numsa’sgeneralsecretaryIrvinJimannouncedtheunion’stoform
a‘Marxist‐Leninist’politicalparty‐theexactformofwhichisyettobespecified(Jim
promisedextensiveconsultationswithintheunion,andwiththeUnitedFront).Thisisa
highlycontestedissuewithinNumsa,andwithintheUnitedFrontwhichhasamore
openandinclusiveprocessoforganisationbuilding–incontrasttothetop‐down
vanguardistpoliticsassociatedwith‘Marxist‐Leninist’parties(seelater).Indeed,for
somewithintheUnitedFronttheprospectsofatrueleftrevitalisation,centredona
13
renewedsocialmovementunionismandaparticipatory‐democraticpolitical
alternative,maybeseverelyjeopardisedamidstfearsthatthoseassociatedwithithave
beensidelinedwithinNumsa.9
THEPROSPECTSFORLEFTREVITALISATION
TheANC’sexpulsionin2012ofYouthLeagueleaderJuliusMalema,whoseradical
rhetoriconnationalisationandlandexpropriationcausedjittersintheinvestor
community,gavebirthtothemilitantEconomicFreedomFighters(EFF)party,which
hasdrawnsupportamongsectionsofthepoor,includingwithintheMarikana
communitywheremineworkerswerekilledbypoliceinAugust2012.TheEFFisnow
thethirdlargestpartyinthenationalparliament,andhasasignificantpresenceinmany
provinces,includingtheindustrialheartlandofGauteng.
TheWorkersandSocialistParty(Wasp),whichalsohasapresenceamong
Marikanaworkers,wasformedin2013bythetheDemocraticSocialistMovement
(DSM),andcontestedthe2014electionsbutlostitsdeposit.Wasp’spublicprofile
increasedduringthelatterhalfof2013whenGwedeMantasheblamed‘foreignagents’
forthetroublesatMarikana–referringinparticulartoLivShange,aSwedishnational
nowmarriedtoaSouthAfrican,whoplaysakeyroleinWasp.Shefeaturedprominently
inthenewswhenthestateseemedpoisedtodenyherre‐entryintothecountrywith
herSouthAfricanchildrenafteraholidayabroad.Afterapubliccampaignshewas
allowedbackin(Wasp,2013a).Inmid‐2014accusationsof‘foreignagent’were
repeatedbyMantashe–thisraisedthepublicprofileoftheparty,whichitcouldnot
capitaliseonduetoitsscantresources,andinabilitytopenetratetheworkers’
movementinMarikanaandelsewhere.Numsa’sfirstgeneralsecretaryMosesMayekiso
wasmadepresidentofWaspbeforethe2014elections10,andWasphopestoplayakey
roleintheformationofNumsa’sMarxist‐Leninistparty.
Alltheseformations,fromtheSACPonthecentrelefttoWasponthefarleft,
invokethespiritsofKarlMarxandVladimirLenininsupportoftheircause.Indeed,
leadingmembersofmostofthesegroupswereinthepastwithinthefoldoftheANC
andSACP,andmanystilloweallegiancetotheheroesoftheliberationmovementsuch
astheformerANCpresidentOliverTambo,andSACPleadersChrisHaniandJoeSlovo.
WhiletheEFFcannotmatchthepresenceoftheSACPandNumsawithintheorganised
14
workingclass,itspublicprofilesinceitselectiontoParliamenthasincreased
significantly,winningitmoresympathisers.
Formanyontheindependentleft,thesharpeningofdifferenceswithinthe
Allianceisahopefulsignthatatlastthescalesarefallingfromtheeyesoflargesections
oftheworkingclass,astheyseethattheANC/SACPemperorhasnoclothes.However,
itremainsunclearwhetheranalternativeformationisabroadUnitedFront,oran
independentworking‐classpartythathasitsrootsinthelabourmovement.ManyVavi
supporterswithinCosatu,however,remaincautioustowardsthesenewformations,
feelingastheydotheheatofSACPsupporterswithintheirranks.Anyhintatthisstage
thatthecriticalvoicewithinCosatuislinkedtooutsidegroupingsstrengthenstheview
withintheSACPfactionthatatworstan‘anti‐majoritarian’liberalism,supportedby
imperialism,isatworkhere(undertheguiseofleftpolitics),oratbestmisguided‘ultra‐
leftists’or‘syndicalists’areleadingworkersastraywithadventuristpolitics(seefor
exampleSACP2013c;Nicholson2013;Nehawu2014).
Inotherwords,thereisarevivalofthedebateofthe1980sbetweentheleftin
Fosatu,whofavouredanindependentunion‐ledpoliticalstrategyeitherdirectly
throughunionsorthroughoraworkingclassparty,andtheSACP‐alignedleftwithin
theUDF,whichsoughtworkingclasshegemonythroughtheTripartiteAllianceledby
theANC.TheleadingaffiliateinFosatubackthenwasMawu,whichbecamethecoreof
NumsabythetimeofCosatu’slaunchin1985.Asarguedabove,akeydifference
betweenthenandnowisthattheleftinMawuhadamorediverseintellectuallineage,
drawinginspirationfrom,amongothers,RickTurnerandAntonioGramsci(Forrest
2011).
Today,thedominantleftparadigmacrossCosatuisthatof‘Marxist‐Leninism’–
atleastatthelevelofideologicaldiscourse.ThisisanindicationoftheSACP’ssuccessin
immersingitselfintheunionmovementsinceitsunbanningin1990.Theparty
positioneditselfasthekeyintellectualreferencepoint,suchthattodaynoonein
Cosatu,oneithersideofthedivide,deviatesfromthe‘Marxist‐Leninist’discourse
frameworkderivedfromtheSACP–eveniftheactualpracticeoftheSACPandCosatuis
moresocial‐democraticandtoanextentcorporatist.Marxist‐Leninism,however
understood,hasbecomethehegemonicpoliticaldiscoursewithintheunionmovement
–andtheargumentisoverwhohasthecorrectLeninistanalysisofthecurrentSouth
15
Africanpoliticaleconomy,oftenwithreferencetoSACPstalwartssuchasJoeSlovoand
ChrisHani.
TheSACP’sMarxist‐Leninism,ofcourse,isofthemechanicalStalinistlineage,
giventhatthroughoutitshistorythepartyfollowedallthetwistsandturnsoftheSoviet
Union.WiththefalloftheBerlinWallin1989,andthepublicationofJoeSlovo’sHas
SocialismFailedin1990,theSACPbegantoshedsomeofthisbaggage,althoughthishas
re‐asserteditselfinrecentyears(Williams2008).TheotherMarxist‐Leninistheritage,
Trotskyism,wastoleratedforatimewithintheSACPduringthe1990sandearly2000s,
buthassincebeenmarginalised.ItmaintainsapresencewithintheDemocraticLeft
Front,asmallcoalitionofactivists,andcompletelydominatestheideologicaloutlookof
Wasp(2013b),whichhasitsrootsintheMarxistWorkers’TendencyoftheANC
(historicallyalignedtotheMilitantTendencyintheUK)(seeLeggassick2007).TheEFF
(2013)hascombinedaprofessedallegianceto‘Marxist‐Leninism’(derivedfromthe
SACP)withthetheoriesofFrantzFanonaswellasthepoliticalpracticeofthe
assassinatedsocialistpresidentofBurkinoFaso,ThomasSankara.Itsmilitantblack
nationalist‐socialistorientationisalsoinfluencedbytheblackconsciousnessleader
SteveBiko,givenitsabsorptionoftheblackconsciousnessgrouptheLeftImbizo
(howeverleadingmemberssuchasAndileMngxitamawereexpelledaftertheparty’s
December2014congress,afterclaimingthattheEFF’sleadershiphadengagedin
corruptpractices).Thereare,ofcourse,anumberofotherTrotskyistgroupings,suchas
theWorkers’VanguardLeague,buttheirpresencewithintheworkingclassisvirtually
non‐existent.Allofthesecurrentsfeedintothediscussionwithintheunionmovement,
andwithintheNumsaworkingclasspartyprocess.
Withtheexceptionofthemoreflexible‘eco‐socialist’or‘democratic’Marxismin
somequarters(includingwithinNumsa),thedominantdiscourseandpracticewithin
theleftremainsmiredinanarrowvanguardistinterpretationofLenin’snotionof
democratic‐centralistpolitics.Assuchtheseformationsresembleoldwineinnew
bottles.Astheprecedingdiscussionshows,Numsahasreinvokedtheprinciplesof
workers’controlinvariousways,and,despiteits‘Marxist‐Leninist’discourse,hasthe
potentialtoreviveitsparticipatorydemocraticethosandplayasignificantrolein
reinvigoratingworking‐classpoliticsinSouthAfrica.Indeed,somemayarguethatthere
isno‘ChineseWall’betweenaMarxist‐Leninistvanguard(asopposedtovanguardist)
16
approach,andparticipatorydemocracy,astheexampleoftheCommunistPartyofIndia
(Marxist)inKeralaindicates(Williams2008).11
Thefutureofleftrevitalisationremainsanopenproject,brimmingwithradical
potential.Whatfollowsisabriefdiscussionofwhata21stcenturyeco‐socialist
alternativevisionentails,incontrasttothatof20thcenturyMarxist‐Leninism.
ECOSOCIALISTVISIONS
Globally,thereisincreasingrecognitionthatalternatives,iftheyaretoserveALLthe
world’speople,andpreservethenaturalenvironmentforcurrentandfuture
generationstoenjoy,mustbesubstantiveandgobeyondtheinterestsofonlythestate
andthemarket.Asocietyfocuseddevelopmentpath,suchaswhatisbeing(orhas
been)attemptedintheIndianstateofKerala,orincountrieslikeBolivia,12attemptsto
buildaparticipatorypoliticalandeconomicsystemforpeopleinharmonywithnature.
Indeed,eventhesmallmountaincountryofBhutanhaslessonstooffer,asitnavigates
outofitsfeudalpastintoamulti‐partydemocracyandthechallengeofpursuingGross
NationalHappiness(GNH)basedonbalanceddevelopment.ItsGNHIndexoffersadeep
andextensivemethodologytomeasuredevelopmentinallitsdimensions,andall
developmentplansmustfirstbesubjecttoaGNHaudit.13
Inaddition,therearearangeofotherlocaleconomicalternativesbeing
practicedincommunitiesaroundtheworld,includingco‐operatives,community
gardens,andsocially‐ownedrenewableenergyprojects,whichcanbelearntfrom.The
BolivarianAlternativefortheAmericas(ALBA)alsooffersalternativeconceptionsof
regionaltrade,basedonco‐operation,solidarityandevenbartering(whereforexample
CubatradesdoctorsforVenezuelanoil),ratherthancut‐throatcompetition.Whilethese
regimesmaynotallbefullydemocratic,theyhavemadesignificantprogressin
improvingthewell‐beingofsubordinateclassescomparedtoothercountriesinthe
region.
ArguablythemostadvancedanddemocraticofthisnewwaveofLatinAmerican
governmentsofferingalternativesisBolivia.Whileinrecentyearstheecologicalleft
hasbeendismayedbywhatseemstobetheretreatinto‘neo‐extractivism’(seeBoron,
2012),theideaofbuenvivir,andthegrantingoftheearthconstitutionalrights,remains
inspirational(whateverthecompromisesthathavehadtobemadeinpractice).
Bolivia’sindigenouspresidentEvoMorales(2009),whowasre‐electedin2014with
anotherhealthymajority,offersthisinspiringvisionofbuenvivir:
17
“Forus,whathasfailedisthemodelof“livingbetter”(thanothers),ofunlimiteddevelopment,
industrialisationwithoutfrontiers,ofmodernitythatdeprecateshistory,ofincreasing
accumulationofgoodsattheexpenseofothersandnature.Forthatreasonwepromotetheidea
ofLivingWell,inharmonywithotherhumanbeingsandwithourMotherEarth”.
Thesesentimentshaveinspiredagrowingmovementwithintheover‐developed
countries,aroundtheconceptof‘degrowth’.ThisbuildsontheideasoftheFrench
MarxistAndreGorz,whointhe1970sand1980smadeaforcefulargumentaboutthe
needforreducedworkingtime,ifwearetoaddresstheproblemofunemployment,and
reduceunnnecessaryconsumption.Thedegrowthparadigmthathasemergedinrecent
years,mainlywithintheover‐developedworld,explicitlyembracesthe‘utopian’
thinkingofbuenvivir,ubuntuandBuddhisteconomics,andsomevariantsalsoinclude
ecologicalMarxistthinking.Avastliteraturehasemergedaroundthisnewparadigm,
andinitialcriticismthatitwastoofocussedonover‐developedcountries,withlittle
applicabilitytodevelopingcountrieswithlargeunmetneeds,hasbeenaddressedby
concedingthatthereneedstobegrowthinthesouth–butbalanced,ecologically
sensitivegrowththatdoesnot‘carboncopy’thetragediesofwesterndevelopment
trjectories(seeD’Alisaetal,2015).
Strugglesagainstelitedominanceusuallybringtotheforenewvisionary
leadershipthatcaneitherbreaknewground,orbecomeco‐optedintothedominant
paradigm.Topreventthelatter,asGandhiandlaterthefeministmovementwarned,
activistsmustbethechangetheywanttosee.Drawingonthethinkingoftheancients,
thisinvolvespersonaltransformationandcontinuousintrospection,aswellasadeep
participatorypolitics,whereleadersarealwaysheldaccountabletotheirorganisations,
membersandcommunities.
Giventheenormouschallengesofecologicaldestructionandsocialinequalityin
theworld,aradical,utopianvisionisnecessary.Inordertoconceptualisethatvision,
modernthinkerssuchasRickTurner,aradicalintellectualactivistwhoinspiredthere‐
emergenceoftheunionmovementinSAduringthe1970s,madeconnectionsbetween
thesocialistmovementsoftoday,andancientphilosophiesthathavealsograppledwith
theirworldsincrisis,asclassdivisons,green,violenceanddispossessionengulfedtheir
societies.Thesagesoftheancientpastenvisagedegalitariansocialordersbasedon
compassionandkindnesstowardsfellowshumanbeingsandthenaturalworld,which
isthebasisofdemocraticeco‐socialistthinking.
Themostadvancedthinkingoftheancientworldwasarguablythatofthe
Buddha,whousedadialecticalmethodtoarriveatanatheistHumanistworldview–not
unlikethatofKarlMarx(seeChattopadhyaya,1970). Anon‐dogmatic,eclecticvisioncanformthebasisofanewethicallygroundedsocialjusticemovementsthatcutacross
18
differentparadigmsandmovements,andseekscommonground.Ifthereligiousand
atheist‐humanistmovementsemphasiseinnertransformation,andtheneedtochange
theheartsofpeople,Marxistsemphasiseouterorstructuraltransformation,andthe
needtoalterthebalanceofpowerinsocietythroughmassstruggle.Anover‐emphasis
ontheformercanleadtoparalysis,andaretreatintoindividualsalvation.Anover‐
emphasisonthelatterhasleadtobrutalregimescomingtopower,andreplicatingthe
violenceandalienationoftheorderstheyoverthrew.Acombinationoftwo,however,is
amuchmoreradicalproject,onethatdigsdeepintoourselves,andintoourcollective
powers,forbothinnerandoutertransformation.
AstheBoliviancaseremindsus,autopianvision,whilenecessary,isdifferentto
autopianpoliticsthatunder‐estimatespowerrelations,andtheneedtonavigate
choppywatersthatinvolvebothstruggleandnegotiation,andinevitablycompromises.
Autopianimagination,asBoron(2012)argues,hastobeoneofrealutopias,thatseek
outthepossible,butdonotfallvictimtopossiblism(thereisnoalternative);thathasa
utopianvision,butisnotblindedbyutopianism(livinginadreamworld).Itseeks
shorttermtacticalvictoriesthatareembeddedinlongertermstrategicvisionsthatcan
onlybeguaranteedbyafundamentallydemocraticproject,wherepowertrulyresides
withthepeople.
CONCLUSION
TheNumsamoments,followingtheMarikanamassacrein2012,potentiallydefinea
neweraforthelabourmovementinSouthAfrica–theassertionofanindependent
workingclasspoliticsthatquestionstheproductivistgrowthparadigmsthathave
traditionallybeenchampionedbythelabourmovement,andraisesthepossibilityof
morefar‐reachingeco‐socialistalternatives.TheUnitedFrontinitiatedbyNumsahas
drawntogetherawiderangeofcounter‐hegemonicforcesinsociety,totakethese
visionsforward–evenasitrecognisesthatitisnoteasyfororganisedlabour,rooted
amongpermanentworkersor‘insiders’,toforgemeaningfulallianceswithcommunity
groupsoftencomposedofinformalorunemployedworkers.
Nevertheless,itisnotimpossible.MuchdependsonhowNumsamanagesits
owninternalcontestationsoverthemeaningof‘socialism’and‘nationalisation’,anda
workingclasspoliticalorganisation.IsitjustavariantoftheMarxist‐Leninistheritage
oftheSACP,steepedinvanguardist(andindeedproductivist)politics?Orwillitbuild
onNumsa’simpressiveworkonbottom‐upgreenalternativesandforgeanimaginative
19
eco‐socialistpaththatquestionsbothmarketpowerandbureaucraticstatepower?
Indeed,doesNumsahavetheinternalcapacitytopursueabroader,morerobustsocial
movementunionism(asanindependentpartofabroaderpoliticalalliance)?These
remainopenquestions.
Inthemeantime,Numsa’sexpulsionfromCosatuinNovember2014,ispaving
thewayforacompletere‐alignmentofforceswithintheunionmovement,withmoves
toestablishanewfederationoutofdissidentCosatuaffiliatesandotherunions14.
TogetherwiththeUnitedFrontand/oraworkingclasspoliticalparty,thiscould
dramaticallyre‐shapetheprospectsofleftrevitalisation.Whetherthisre‐vaitalisation
willberadical,suchthatitredefinestradeunionism,andpavesthewayforabroader
eco‐socialistworkingclasspolitics,remainsanopenquestion.
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1FiguresfromtheIndependentElecoralCommission(IEC)http://www.elections.org.za/resultsNPE2014/2Thelasttimeworkerswereshotatduringanindustrialdisputewasin1922,whentheSmutsgovernmentwenttowarwithwhitemineworkers.3AccordingtheDepartmentofEnvionmentalAffairs,progresshasbeenmadeinshiftinggovernmentprioritiestowardsgreenissuessince2010,butthisisanuphillbattle.
23
4ThiswasintiallypromotedbytheDemocraticLeftFront(DLF,2011),atinygroupofactiviststhathasfailedtoexpanditssupportbaseintotheunions.5TheseincludetheFoodandAlliedWorkersUnion(FAWU),SouthAfricanMunicipalWorkersUnion(SAMWU),SouthAfricanCateringCommercialandAlliedWorkersUnion(SACCAWU),Democratic
NursingOrganisationofSouthAfrica(DENOSA),SouthAfricanStateandAlliedWorkersUnion
(SASAWU),CommunicationWorkersUnion(CWU),SouthAfricanFootballPlayersUnion(SAFPU)and
PublicandAlliedWorkersUnionofSouthAfrica(PAWUSA).6ReportfromAlfredMafulekatoaGLUmeeting,24July2014.7On29January2014thenineaffiliatescametogetheranddemandedthatthespecialcongressbeheldbyMarch2014,tochartthewayforward,includingelectingnewofficebearers.Ifthisdemandwasnotmet
theseaffiliateswouldconvenetheirownspecialCOSATUcongress(JointPressstatement,29January
2014).Cosatueventuallyconcededtoaspecialcongress,scheduledformid‐205,howeverwithoutthe
expelledNumsa.Thiswasstillbeingcontestedatthetimeofwriting(May2015).8DiscussionswithNUMSAofficialswhoprefertoremainanonymous.9DiscussionwithseniormembersoftheUnitedFrontpreparatorycommitteeinMay2015,whoexpressedconcernaboutthelackofresourcesavailablefortheUFprocess,partlyduetoNumsa’ssplit
energies.Numsa’stopleadershipseemdeterminedtoformapartytocontestthe2016localelections,
andisimpatientwiththeslowerlonger‐termvisionoftheUF,whichNumsa’sDingaSikwebudescribesas
playingthe‘longgame’.Sikwebuseemstohavebeensidelinedintheunion.10MayekisowasaheroofMawuandNumsaduringthe1980s,andinthe1990sjoinedtheSACPandANC,andwasinvolvedincontroversialbusinessdealings.Hesubsequentlylefttojointhebreakway
CongressofthePeople(Cope)whichhada‘moderate’profiletotherightoftheANC.Hisreputation
withinNumsaasaresultplummeted,buthisinvolvementwithWasp,andNumsa’salienationfromthe
ANC‐SACP,mayresultinhisrehabilitationwithintheunion.11InKeralatheCommunistPartyofIndia(Marxist)playedapivotalroleininstillingbottom‐upparticipatorydemocracy,withimpressivedevelopmentalresults,particularlyinhealthandeducation.
HoweverthisisonecurrentwithintheCPI(M),andcontestedbythemorevanguardistcurrentthathas
beendominantinthepartyelsewhereinIndia,suchasBengalstate,whereitlostpowerrecentlyafter
rulingfor30years,andintheprocessbecomingabureaucraticpartymiredincorruptionandneglectof
hisworkingclassandpeasantbase.TheKeralaexampleshowshowa‘vanguard’canprovideleadership
fromthecentre,andbeacatylistforbottom‐updemocraticprocesses;incontrasttothevanguardist
approachwhichpayslipservicetogenuineparticipatorydemocracy,andleadsexclusivelyfromthe
centre.12FormoreinformationseeHeller,1999,Williams,2008andBoliviaReborn
(http://cojmc.unl.edu/bolivia/rules_toc.html).13DetailsoftheGNHIndexcanbefoundattheCentreforBhutanStudieswebsiteatwww.Bhutanstudies.org.bt.
24
14TheseincludethebreawayfromtheAmalgamatedMiningandConstructionUnion(Amcu),anNUMbreakwaywhichrosetoprominenceafterMarikana,andsubsequentlyjoinedtheNationalCouncilof
TradeUnions(Nactu),historicallyaCosaturivalfromtheblackconsciousness/Africanisttradition.Other
unionsincludethemoreconservativeFederationofUnionsofSA(Fedusa)andthemainlywhite
rightwingSolidarityunion.
