PaperpresentedtotheannualGLUconference,Washington,October2015

TRADEUNIONREVITALISATIONANDTHEPROSPECTSOFANECOSOCIALIST

WORKINGCLASSPOLITICSINSOUTHAFRICA

DevanPillay

INTRODUCTION

The2014nationalelectionsonceagainsawtherulingAfricanNationalCongress(ANC)

returnedwithahandsomemajorityof62percentofvotescast.FortheANCandits

alliestheSouthAfricanCommunistParty(SACP)andtheCongressofSouthAfrican

TradeUnions(Cosatu)thisre‐affirmstheoverwhelmingpopularityofthenational

liberationmovement,andendorsesitscurrentleader,JacobZuma.TheANC,theyassert,

cannowmoveaheadwithbolder,more‘radical’socioeconomicpolicies.Thosewho

criticisetherulingalliancefromtheleftare,intheireyes,‘pretenders’and‘charlatans’;

either‘adventuristpopulists’,‘narrowultra‐leftworkerists’or‘syndicalists’.For

ANC/SACPsupporters,thepartyofMandela,despiteitschallengesofincumbency,

remainstheonlytruevoiceoftheleft.

Thisconvictionhasbeenroundlychallenged.Criticspointoutthatinfactmost

peopledidnotvoteANCduringthelastelections.Indeed,ifthetotaleligiblevotesof

31.4millionarecounted,theANConlyreceivedamandatefrom11.4million(or36.4

percent)oftheelectorate.1Mosteitherdidnotregistertovote,orregisteredbutfailed

topitchupatthepollingbooth.Thisindicatesahighdegreeofalienationamongvoters,

inacontextofincreasinglevelsoflocal‘servicedelivery’protestsandindustrialaction.

Akeyfactorthathasspurredonthisalienationisrisingsocialinequality,witha

newblackelitejoiningtheranksoftheestablishedwhiteelite,whereastheworking

poorandunemployedstruggletomakeendsmeet.Itisthisthatprovokedmineworkers

intheplatinumsectortogoonstrikein2012,demandingalivingwage–which

tragicallyendedinthepolicemassacreofthirty‐fourmineworkersatMarikana.Not

since19222hadpoliceinSouthAfricafiredonstrikingworkers,andthebloodbath

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shookSouthAfricanstothecore.ManylefttheANCasaresult,includingsuchstalwarts

asRonnieKasrils(Pillay2013).

Increasingcorruptioncompoundstheproblemofalienationfromtheruling

party,withapresidentovertlyengagingindubiouspractices,suchasspendingaround

R240monsecurityupgradesathisruralNkandlaresidence.Reportsofsevere

corruptioninallspheresofgovernmentandthepublicservicesinceZumabecame

presidentarenowdailynews.Thesefactors,aswellasthegovernment’sinability,

despiteradicalrhetoric,tomoveoutofaconservativemacroeconomicpathbeholdento

theminerals‐energy‐financialcomplex,hasgivenrisetotwopotentiallyseismicevents.

FirstisthecreationoftheEconomicFreedomFighters(EFF),whichwon1.17

million(or6.35percent)ofthevotesinthe2014nationalelections.Ostensiblya

leftwingparty(somecritics,suchasBaccus(2013),havelabelledthemrightwing

populist),theyhave,sinceassumingtheirseatsinParliament,causedastirbyaccusing

theANCgovernmentofmassacringtheMarikanamineworkers,callingforPresident

JacobZumatopaythemoneyusedtorebuildhisInkandlahomestead,anddemanding

thenationalisationofminesandradicallandredistribution(seeNieftagodieninthis

volume).

SecondisthemomentousdecisiontakenbytheNationalUnionofMetalworkers

ofSouthAfrica(Numsa)inDecember2013,toleavetheAllianceandworktowards

settingupaUnitedFrontofprogressiveorganisations,aswellasamovementfor

socialism.The‘Numsamoment’canbeseenasareturntothe‘workerist’(or‘social

movementunion’)rootsofNumsa,whereinthe1980sastheMetalandAlliedWorkers

Union(Mawu)itledtheargumentforanindependentbutpoliticallyengagedlabour

movementuncontaminatedbythenationalistpoliticsoftheliberationmovements

(Forrest2011).

Numsa,however,hasnotonlybeeninnovativeandboldwithregardtoits

politicalstance.Ithasalsoinrecentyearsspearheadedthelabourmovement’sbelated

butpath‐breakingfocusonclimatechange,alternativeenergyandgreenjobs.Thishas

thepotentialofmovingtheunionoutofitstraditionalconcentrationonworkplace

bargainingissues,andtowardsabroaderfocusonarguablythemajorissuefacing

capitalism:thenaturallimitstogrowth.

Itseems,therefore,appropriatetospeakoftwoNumsamoments,itsecological

momentanditspoliticalmoment.However,istheunionleadership’sintentionsto

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forma‘Marxist‐Leninist’politicalpartyaregressivemove,whichcouldsidetrackthe

radicalthrustpromisedbythesemoments?Oristherearealpossibilitythatthefirst

ecologicalmomentwithinNumsacouldbeasteppingstonetowardsabroader,and

moreradical,‘eco‐socialistpolitics’withintheUnitedFront?

Toassessthecurrentconjuncture,itisnecessarytofirstbrieflydelveinto

history.

THERISEANDDECLINEOFSOCIALMOVEMENTUNIONISM

ThestrategiccompromisebetweentheshopfloorunionsandtheUnitedDemocratic

Front(UDF)‐alignedcommunityorpoliticalunions,forgedduringthecritical1985‐87

period,wasamajorbreakthroughforworkers’unity.However,itarguablyalso

underminedtheinitialradicalvisionofdemocraticworkers’controloftheunionaswell

associety(asexpressedbyactivistacademicRickTurnerinhishighlyinfluentialThe

EyeoftheNeedle(1972).(SeealsoKeniston2010.)This‘popular‐democratic’synthesis

(Saul,1986)connectedproductionpoliticsandbroadercommunity‐statepowerpolitics

(Burawoy1985),andwasmeanttoavoidthedebilitatingeffectsoftwotypesofwhat

waslabelled‘workerism’:namelyanarrow‘economism’(anexclusivefocusonthe

workplacetotheexclusionofthebroaderworkingclassinotherspheresofstruggle)or

anarrow‘syndicalism’(wheretradeunionsactaspoliticalvehicles,buttothenear

exclusionofcommunityorpoliticalorganisations).Atthesametime,thedebilitating

effectsofwhatwascalled‘populism’(anover‐emphasisonbroaderstate‐power,

nationalist,strugglestotheneglectofshop‐floororganisation)werelimitedbythe

unions’insistenceontheirindependencefrompoliticalactors,andtheprioritisationof

workingclassissues–principlesthatbecamethecornerstoneofCosatu.This

combination,intheory,envisagedtheworkingclassleadingthestruggleforstatepower

–aformofanti‐systemicsocialmovementunionism(Pillay2013b).Inrealityitwasnot

sosimple.

Since1990,whentheANCandSACPwereunbannedandbecamethedominant

politicalforcesinthecountry,andCosatuofficiallybecamepartoftheTripartite

Alliance,thefederationfounditselfcaughtbetweenarobustsocialmovementunionism

andatamerpoliticalunionism(Pillay2011).Althoughincreasinginequalityand

unemploymentensuredthatworkersagitatedforagreatershareinthespoilsof

democracy,Cosatuatthesametimesubordinateditselftotherulingparty,particularly

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duringelectionperiods,andbecameenmeshedininstitutionalisedforumsof

corporatistdecisionmakingatindustry,regionalandnationallevels.Inacontextof

comparativelyhighbutstillmodestuniondensityofapproximately30percent(as

opposedtoupto80percentinSweden,themodelofsuccessfulcorporatism)

participationintherulingpartyandforumsbroughtsomebenefits,butturnedattention

awayfrombuildingtheunionmovement.

Cosatuitselfrecognisedthesedangersandoverthepastdecadecontinuously

resolvedtorecruitmoremembers–formalandinformalworkers–aswellastorebuild

itsrelationshipwithotherorganisationsfightingbroaderworking‐classissues.Ithas

thusfarfallenfarshortofitstargetoffourmillionmembersby2015–current

membershipstandsatabouttwomillion,withhardlyanyinroadsintotheorganisation

ofinformalor‘precarious’workers.Whileithasattimesreachedouttoothersections

ofsociety–forexampleitscampaignswiththeTreatmentActionCampaign(TAC)

againstHIV/AIDs,thenow‐moribundbasicincomegrantcampaign,andagainstthee‐

tollingofhighways–thesehavebeenconstrainedbyitsalliancewiththerulingparty,

aswellasotherobjectiveconstraints(seeParetinthisvolume).Itsstrikesoverwage

demandshavebeeninwardlyfocussedandrarelyelicitedsupportfromcommunities.

TheMarikanatragedyrevealedthesocialdistancebetweenunionleadersand

members,asmineworkersrejectedtheNationalUnionofMineworkers(NUM)for

neglectingtheirinterestsandbrokeawaytoformtheAssociationofMineworkersand

ConstructionUnion(Amcu).

UnderZwelinzimaVavi’sleadership,thefederationdidtrytoaddressthese

issuesthroughmoreconcertedattemptstoreachouttoprecariousworkers,broaden

thefederation’sunderstandingofenvironmentalissuesandfoodsecurity,andlaythe

basisforareturntoamorerobustsocialmovementunionism.Atthesametime,Vavi

andaffiliatessuchasNumsahavebeenhighlycriticalofgovernment’scontinued

adherencetoaneoliberaleconomicframework(aswellasthreatstocivillibertiesand

increasedcorruption)evenasittalksabouttheneedforplanning,anefficient

developmentalstateandgreeneconomicdevelopment.Thiscriticalstance,however,is

notthescriptdrawnupbytheSACP,whichwarnedVaviandNumsaaboutdeparting

fromthenationaldemocraticrevolution,andmakingunreasonable‘socialist’demands

ongovernment(Pillay2011;SACP2013a).

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Whatfollowsisadiscussionofdifferent,interrelatedsitesofcontestationwhich

haveproducedthesenewmoments:firstlyaroundthemeaningofeconomic

transformation(asexpressedthroughthedebateontheNationalDevelopmentPlan

(NDP),thegreeneconomyandnationalisation)andsecondlyaroundthepolitical

organisationofworking‐classcounter‐hegemony(asexpressedthroughthedebate

aboutCosatu’ssuspensionofitsgeneralsecretary,Vavi)givingrisetonewpossibilities

ofleftrevitalisationoutsidetheAlliance.

CONTESTINGTHENATIONALDEVELOPMENTPLAN(NDP)

AftertheANC’sadoptionoftheNDPatitsMangaungconferenceinDecember2012,

Numsare‐igniteditscriticismoftheNDP’seconomicpolicyproposals.Itarguedthatthe

planreinforcedtheneoliberal‘fundamentals’ofthepreviousGrowth,Employmentand

Redistribution(Gear)macroeconomicpolicy–thecriticismofwhich,asthe‘1996class

project’,wasironicallythegluethatboundthecoalitionofforcesthatbroughtZumato

powerin2007(Pillay2011).MuchofNumsa’scritiquebecamethebasisofCosatu’s

critique(Numsa2013c;Coleman,2013).

TheSACP,afterinitiallygoingalongwiththeNDPatMangaung,feltobligedto

respondandproducedadetailedassessmentdrawnupbyitsdeputygeneralsecretary,

JeremyCronin.Thepartyhasbeenunderseverepressuresince2009forseemingto

abandonarelativelycriticalworking‐classperspectiveinexchangeforbeingin

government.Thepartydefendsitselfbyarguingthattheyarefollowingaresponsible

courseofactionbygettingintogovernmentandworkingwiththeZumaleadershipto

radicalisethenationaldemocraticrevolution–togivesubstancetoa‘secondphase’of

deepertransformation.Inthissenseworkers’controlderivesfromthecentre,where

thevanguardoftheworkingclass,theSACP,furthersworking‐classinterestswithin

government(where,inevitably,compromisesaremadeintheinterestsoflonger‐term

influence).SincetheascensionofZumatheSACPoccupiesanumberofCabinetposts,

andhasleadersatallotherlevelsofgovernment,andinParliament.Thisdispersalof

partyresourceshas,argueVaviandNumsa,distractedtheSACPtothepointofbeing

governmentpraisesingers,asopposedtobuildingthepartyasatruevanguardof

working‐classinterests(Pillay2011).

Whileacknowledgingthatthegovernment’smuch‐heraldedNDP–supported

interaliabybusiness,themediaandtheoppositionDemocraticAlliance–hasanumber

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offlaws,theSACP(2013a)believesthatitlaysthebasisforashifttogreaterplanning

andbuildingadevelopmentalstate.TheSACP’s(2013b)balancedcritiqueoftheNDP

acknowledgedpositiveaspectsofthe500pagedocument,suchastheproposalsfor

improvingstatecapacity,educationandspatialdevelopment,butagreedwithCosatu

thattheall‐importanteconomicschapterretainstheessentialfeaturesofneoliberalism.

TheNDPisaproductoftheNationalPlanningCommission,whichincludes

expertsfromawiderangeofdisciplines,andwasinitiallychairedbytheformer

ministerofFinanceunderMbeki,TrevorManuel,andco‐chairedbythenowdeputy

presidentoftheANC,CyrilRamaphosa.Forawhileitseemedthatthemore

developmentalistNewGrowthPath(NGP),craftedbyformerunionistEbrahimPatel’s

DepartmentofEconomicDevelopment,alongwiththesecondIndustrialPolicyAction

Plan(IPAP2),drawnupbytheDepartmentofTradeandIndustry,wouldbecomethe

overarchingpolicyperspectiveofgovernment.However,since2012–ironicallyafter

theMarikanatragedyandthewaveofstrikesthatgrippedthecountrythatyear–the

balanceofforceswithingovernmenttippedbackinthefavourofTreasuryandthe

mineral‐energy‐complex(MEC).TheNDP,whichhardlyacknowledgedtheexistenceof

theNGPandIPAP2,wasnowfavoured,thusre‐establishingthehegemonyof

neoliberalismandtheMEC.AsCosatu’sNeilColemanargued,itmadenoattemptto

addresssocialinequalityorthecreationofmeaningfuljobs,otherthanpoorlypaidjobs

intheinformalsector(Coleman2013).

TheNDPisaclassicexampleofthe‘artofparadigmmaintenance’asperfected

bybodiessuchastheWorldBank(Wade1995).Thecommissiondrewinawiderange

ofcrediblepeopletogiveitlegitimacy,andwhilesomeproposalsareindeed

worthwhiletheyareallembeddedinaneoliberalgreeneconomyperspectivethat

maintainstheessentialsofthestatusquo.Forexample,proposalsforclimatechange

andthegreeneconomystartoffimpressivelyintheNDPwithadeepanalysisofthe

probleminkeepingupcurrentlevelsofknowledgewithintheenvironmental

movement,andtheproblemsofinaction.However,thisimpressiveinsightiseffectively

washedawaybytheimperativesofgrowthandbusiness‐as‐usualwithintheconfinesof

theMEC(Rudin2013).3

Paradigmmaintenanceinvolvesideologicalsleightsofhandandprocessesthat

deflectcriticismtocommitteesthateithernevermeetormeetwithlittleconsequence.

Assuch,Cosatu’smisgivingsaroundtheeconomicschapter,expressedataspecial

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AlliancemeetinginAugust2013toresolvetheimpasse(whichNumsadidnotattend)

weredeftlyconsignedtoaspecialcommitteewhichwasinnohurrytomeet–allowing

theANCtopositiontheNDPasitspolicyplatformintherun‐uptothe2014elections,

withendorsementfromitsAlliancepartners(TheNewAge13January2014).Theyare

stilltomeetatthetimeofwriting(June2015).

WhileneitherCosatunorNumsafocussedontheclimatechangeaspectsofthe

NDP,Numsahasbeenattheforefrontofdevelopingcounter‐proposalsonthegreen

economy.Thisisthebeginningofanewdirectioninthinkingforthelabourmovement,

asitincreasinglyseesthecrisisofcapitalismasasocialaswellasanecologicalcrisis.

NUMSA’SFIRSTMOMENT

Arangeofcivilsocietyorganisations,includingsometradeunions,cametogetherin

2011toformtheClimateJobsCampaign,toaddressthefearthatthetransitionto‘green

jobs’willbemarketdriven.Researchfindingshaveindicatedthatjobsinrenewable

energysectors,includingthebuildingofwind,wavetideandsolarpower,the

renovationandinsulationofhomesandoffices,andtheprovisionofpublictransport,

couldcreate3.7milliondecentjobsbasedontheprinciplesofecologicalsustainability,

socialjusticeandstateintervention.Thecampaignhassincebeenfocusedaroundthe

demandforOneMillionClimateJobs,asanachievablefirststeptowardsajust

transitiontofightunemploymentandclimatechange.Researchconductedforthe

campaignhasshownhowresourcescanbedivertedtowards‘decent,people‐and

publicly‐drivenjobsthatreducethecausesandimpactsofclimatechange’(OneMillion

ClimateJobsCampaign2013:13).

Thereisagrowingmovementshowinghowshiftedprioritiesandpoliticalwill

cangeneratetheideasandresourcesnecessarytocreatemeaningfulalternatives.While

Numsaistosomeextentinvolvedwiththiscampaign,ithasyetfullytotakerootwithin

thelabourmovementitself,whichmayhavetodowithCosatu’scontinued

embeddednessintheTripartiteAlliance.Asnotedabove,organisedlabourhaskeptits

distancefromNGOsandsocialmovementsthathaveatransformativeagendaandare

criticaloftheANC.

Nevertheless,thelabourmovementhasinrecentyearsbeguntotake

environmentalissuesmoreseriously.In2013Cosatupublishedapolicypaperonthe

environment,whichraisescriticalissuesregardingajusttransitionfromthecurrent

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economicparadigmtothatofalowcarboneconomy.However,asJackyCock(2013)

pointsout,Cosatuiscaughtbetweenareformistposition–asexemplifiedbytheNUM

andenvironmentalNGOssuchastheWorldWildlifeFund–whichseeks

accommodationwithinthelogicofgreencapitalism,marketbasedsolutionssuchas

carbontrading,andtechnologiessuchascarboncaptureandstorage,anda

transformativeposition,exemplifiedbyitsnowexpelledaffiliateNumsaandNGOssuch

asEarthlifeAfricaandGroundworkwhichstresstheneedforaclassanalysisandthe

recognitionthatthecapitalistsystemisattheheartofthecrisisofclimatechange.

DespitethesedifferenceswithinCosatu,however,thefederation’s2011climatechange

policyframeworkidentifiescapitalismastheproblem,andrejectsmarketmechanisms

toreducecarbonemissions.However,todateNumsaistheonlyunionthathastaken

climatechangeandrenewableenergyseriouslyandcomeupwithclearproposals

towardsalowcarbonfuture.

Thegovernment’smarket‐basedproposalsaroundrenewableenergygive

privatecompanies(independentpowerproducers)theleadinprovidingalternatives

suchas‘onshorewind,concentratedsolarthermal,solarphotovoltaic,biomass,

biomass,landfillgasandsmallhydro’(Numsa2012:1).Numsa’s‘sociallyowned’

alternativeinvolves:

public,communityandcollectiveownershipoflandsiteswhichcanproduce

renewableenergy;

socialownershipofutilitiesthatgenerate,transmitanddistributeenergy;

socialownershipandcontrolofthefossilfuelindustrysuchascoaland

syntheticfueltoharnesstheirrevenuesandfundrenewablealternatives;

localcontentrequirementsinthebuildingofarenewableenergymanufacturing

base,inordertocreatelocaljobs;

thecreationofmunicipalsolarandwindparks;

theuseofworkers’pensionfundstofinancesocially‐ownedrenewable

companies;

thepromotionofgenderequityatalllevelsoftheoccupationalladderinsuch

companies;and

thesettingupofanetwork,incollaborationwithlocalandinternationalfriends

ofNumsa,tomonitorthebiddingprocessaroundgovernmenttendersforthe

provisionofrenewableenergy(Numsa2012).

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IntheseproposalsNumsamakesanimplicitdistinctionbetweensocial

ownership,whichinvolvesmaximumdemocraticparticipationfrombelow(byworkers

andcitizens),andstateownership,whichisbureaucraticcontroloverpublicresources,

increasinglywithinaframeworkofmarketprincipleswhereworkersareexploitedand

domesticconsumersfleecedintheinterestsoflargecorporations–asisthecaseofthe

state‐ownedpowerutilityEskom,andtheCentralEnergyFund(CEF).Numsa’s

proposalsgivesubstancetoitsmoregeneralviewsonnationalisationwhere,incontrast

tothestate‐controlled‘nationalisation’oftheEFF(2013),itcallsforworker‐controlled

nationalisationofthecommandingheightsoftheeconomy.Initssecretariatreportto

theDecemberspecialcongressitstates:‘Weknowthatnationalisationbyitselfisnot

necessarilyintheinterestsoftheworkingclass…So,whilstNumsa’spositionisaclear

classposition,thepositionoftheEFFisnot…TheEFFisexplicitlyanti‐capitalistbutit

isnotsocialist…itdoesnotclarifywhatkindofsocietyitisstrugglingfor’(Numsa

2013d:23).

WhileNumsahasdeclareditselftobe‘socialist’,itisitselfonlybeginningtoflesh

outwhatthatmaymeaninconcreteterms.A‘sociallyowned’and‘workercontrolled’

orientationseemsmoreinaccordancewithabottom‐upeco‐socialist(oreco‐Marxist)

appproach4whichNumsadoesnotyetexplicitlyembrace,asopposedtotheunion’s

‘Marxist‐Leninist’discoursethatisnormally(butnotnecessarily)associatedwith

bureaucraticstatism.Thelatterremainstheorientationofmanyofitstopleaders,

includingthegeneralsecretaryandhiskeyadvisers.

Neverthelesss,Numsa’semergingalternativevisionmeansthat,asbefore,ithas

takentheleadinadevelopmentofpolicieswithintheunionmovement.Sinceits2013

decisiontoleavetheAlliance,anditsexpulsionfromCosatuinNovember2014,the

unionhasbeenpreoccupiedwithitspoliticalre‐alignment(aswellasexpanindits

membership).Itsinnovativeprogammeonclimatechangeandrenewableenergyhas

consequentlytakenabackseat(butcouldberevivedonceitsfuturetrajctoryis

clarified).

NUMSA’SSECONDMOMENT

ThebreakdownofrelationshipswithintheTripartiteAlliancehasbeensimmeringfor

someyears(seePillay2011)andhasnowspilledoverintoCosatuitself,withNumsa

(2013aandc)accusingtheSACPofbeingattheforefrontofdivisionswithinthe

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workingclass.InonecornerisadominantSACP‐alignedgroupofaffiliatesledby

CosatupresidentS’dumoDlamini,andsupportedinteraliabytheNationalUnionof

Mineworkers(NUM),theNationalEducation,HealthandAlliedWorkersUnion

(Nehawu)andtheSADemocraticTeachersUnion(Sadtu)offeringrelativelyuncritical

supporttotheZuma‐ledANC,whileontheotheristhemoreindependentgroupingled

byoustedCosatugeneralsecretaryZwelinzimaVavi,andsupportedbyNumsaandeight

otheraffiliates.5

VaviwassuspendedbytheCosatucentralcommittee(composedofthetop

officialsofeachaffiliate)inAugust2013,afterheadmittedhavingsexintheCosatu

officeswithasubordinatehehadpreviouslyhired.Thisfollowedapreviousattemptby

hisdetractorstohavehiminvestigatedformalpracticesregardingthepurchasingofthe

newheadofficebuilding.Vavi’swoesbeganduringtherun‐uptotheSeptember2012

Cosatucongress,whentherewasaconcertedattemptbytheSACPfactiontoopposehis

re‐electionasgeneralsecretary.Whenitbecameclear(fromtheapplauseofdelegates)

thatVavihadoverwhelmingsupportamongstordinarymembersofthefederation(but

notamongttheaffiliates’officebearers)adealwasstruckwherebynoneofthetop

positionswascontested.InexchangeitwasdecidedtosupportJacobZuma’sre‐election

asANCpresidentafewmonthslater(Pillay2013a).However,Vavi’scontinued

outspokencriticismofgovernmentpolicyandcorruptionkepthiminthesightsofhis

detractors,leadingtohiseventualsuspension.InJanuary2014hewasfinallycharged

withbringingthefederationintodisrepute,andwasmeanttoappearbeforea

disciplinarycommittee(Marrian2014).However,acourtorderreinstatedhimas

generalsecretaryinApril2014.TheANCalsointervenedbeforetheMaynational

electionstotryandbrokerapeacedealbetweenthecontendinggroups.6Vaviwas

eventuallyexpelledinMarch2015.

Priortohisreinstatement,Numsaandotheraffiliates7demandedaspecial

congressofCosatutodiscussthesuspension.Forthemthiswasaquestionofworkers’

control–suchasuspensionwasclearlyapoliticalvendetta,andoughtnottobedecided

byafewofficialsatacentralcommitteemeeting.Workerdelegatesshouldhavean

opportunitytodebatethematter(Numsa2013a).However,forformerunionistand

ANCgeneralsecretaryGwedeMantashetheVaviaffairprovedtheopposite–thatover‐

relianceonindividuals,inparticularofficialslikegeneralsecretaries,violatedthe

principlesofworkers’control.InanaddresstothePoliceandPrisonsCivilRightsUnion

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(Popcru)atthetimeofthesuspension,Mantasheremindeddelegatesofthelong‐held

Cosatuprinciplethatelectedworkerleaderssuchastheunionpresidentshouldhold

morepowerthangeneralsecretaries,whoarepaidofficials.Instead,theaffiliates

allowedtheoppositetohappen,leadingtotoomuchpowerbeingvestedinindividuals

suchasVavi(BusinessDay21August2013).

AsNumsa(2013a)subsequentlypointedout,Mantashewasbeingdisingenuous.

Whileinthebeginningmanygeneralsecretariesofthere‐emergingshop‐floorunions

were(usuallywhite)intellectualsandfull‐timeofficialswhooftendidnothaveavotein

meetings,theofficebearerswereworkerswhoinprincipalcontrolledtheunions,butin

apart‐timecapacity(Friedman1987).Indeed,itwasMantashe’sownformerunion,the

NUM,whichledthewaywithfull‐timepaidofficebearers,whichisnowthenorm.

Today,allthetoppositionsareelectedatunioncongresses,sothedistinctionnolonger

applies.WhatMantashewasdoing,asANCgeneralsecretaryandaformerSACP

chairperson,waslegitimisingthemarginalisationofVavi,andpromotingtheprofileof

CosatupresidentSdumoDlamini,inlinewiththepoliticalinterestsoftheANCand

SACP.Asthe2014nationalelectionsapproached,however,Mantashebacktracked,and

urgedanamicablesettlementontheVavimatterintheinterestsofworkerunity–the

ANCneededthesupportofaunitedCosatuduringtheelectioncampaign.Buthis

overtureswererebuffedbytheanti‐Vavifaction.Criticsbelievethatthefingerprintsof

SACPgeneralsecretaryBladeNzimande,anavidsupporterofZuma,werealloverthis

affair.

WhiletheintialallegationsagainstVaviconcerningthepurchaseofCosatu

Houseweregreetedwithsuspicionbyhissupporters,thesubsequentchargesofsexual

misconductlosthimmuchsympathy,despitehispublicapology.Genderactivistsin

particularwereincensedthat,onceagain,amanhadabusedhispositionofauthority

overwomen.Althoughthisisacommonocurrenceintheunions,includingamongst

Vavi’saccusers,hewasexpectedtolivebyahigherstandard.Inaddition,hegavehis

detractorsaloadedgunwithwhichtoshoothim,thusundermininghisabilityto

continuetoleadCosatuinaprogressivedirection.Instead,thefederationwasfora

whilecapturedbytheconservativeSACPfactionwhichblockedanymovestoconvenea

specialcongress,leavingVavisuspendeduntilthecourtorderreinstatedhim.

Inthemidstofthisbattle,Numsatooktheboldmovetobreakawayfromthe

ANCandSACPatitsDecember2013specialcongress,andcontinuedtosupportVavi

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withinthefederation.Theunionalsodecidedtobroadenitsscopeofoperation,

bringingitintoincreasedconflictwithotheraffiliatessuchastheNUM(Paton2013a).

WhileNumsaresolvednottoleaveCosatu,butinsteadcampaigntowinoverthe

federationtoitspositionsbythetimeitconvenesitsnextcongressin2015,theCentral

ExecutiveCommittee(CEC)ofCosatueventuallyvotedtoexpelitslargestaffiliatein

November2014(whichNumsaischallengingincourt).ThedominantfactioninCosatu

ignoredtheovewhelmingsupportamongstNumsa’sdelegatesatthe2013congressfor

theirresolutions,afterafewmonthsofextensivedebateanddeliberationsinthe

regions(Paton2013b).PriortothespecialcongresstheSACP(2013a+b;Nicholson

2013)triedtosowseedsofdivisionwithinNumsa,callingondelegatestoreject

proposalstoleavetheAlliance,butcameoutempty‐handed.Numsainturnwashoping

thatthedepartureofkeySACPleadersinaffiliateslikeNehawuandSadtu,tobecome

ANCMPsaftertheApril2014elections,wouldopenupspacewithintheseunionsfora

moreprogressivepolitics.8Thishoweverdidnotmaterialise.

Numsastarted2014determinedtobeginimplementingitsresolutions,andpave

thewayforaunitedfrontofoppositionforcesandamovementforsocialism.Itheldits

week‐longsecondpoliticalschoolforshopstewards,withinvitedguestsfromother

affiliates,andengagementwithavarietyofcivilsocietyorganisations(Ngobese2014).

Thiswasfollowedbyotherpoliticalschools,wherefuturesocialistoptionswere

explored.TheintentionwastodevelopacriticalMarxistperspectivewithintheunion,

andgiveshopstewardstheabilitytoengageindiscussionsaroundtheshapeand

contentofaunitedfrontoforganisations,andanewsocialistformation.Aprepatory

assemblyfortheUnitedFrontwasheldinDecember2014,includingawiderangeof

unionandcommunityactivists,andwhiletheunionremainscentraltoitswork,ithas

alsodevelopedadegreeofautonomy.

InApril2015,afterasocialistconferenceattendedbyarangeofverysmall

socialistgroupings,Numsa’sgeneralsecretaryIrvinJimannouncedtheunion’stoform

a‘Marxist‐Leninist’politicalparty‐theexactformofwhichisyettobespecified(Jim

promisedextensiveconsultationswithintheunion,andwiththeUnitedFront).Thisisa

highlycontestedissuewithinNumsa,andwithintheUnitedFrontwhichhasamore

openandinclusiveprocessoforganisationbuilding–incontrasttothetop‐down

vanguardistpoliticsassociatedwith‘Marxist‐Leninist’parties(seelater).Indeed,for

somewithintheUnitedFronttheprospectsofatrueleftrevitalisation,centredona

13

renewedsocialmovementunionismandaparticipatory‐democraticpolitical

alternative,maybeseverelyjeopardisedamidstfearsthatthoseassociatedwithithave

beensidelinedwithinNumsa.9

THEPROSPECTSFORLEFTREVITALISATION

TheANC’sexpulsionin2012ofYouthLeagueleaderJuliusMalema,whoseradical

rhetoriconnationalisationandlandexpropriationcausedjittersintheinvestor

community,gavebirthtothemilitantEconomicFreedomFighters(EFF)party,which

hasdrawnsupportamongsectionsofthepoor,includingwithintheMarikana

communitywheremineworkerswerekilledbypoliceinAugust2012.TheEFFisnow

thethirdlargestpartyinthenationalparliament,andhasasignificantpresenceinmany

provinces,includingtheindustrialheartlandofGauteng.

TheWorkersandSocialistParty(Wasp),whichalsohasapresenceamong

Marikanaworkers,wasformedin2013bythetheDemocraticSocialistMovement

(DSM),andcontestedthe2014electionsbutlostitsdeposit.Wasp’spublicprofile

increasedduringthelatterhalfof2013whenGwedeMantasheblamed‘foreignagents’

forthetroublesatMarikana–referringinparticulartoLivShange,aSwedishnational

nowmarriedtoaSouthAfrican,whoplaysakeyroleinWasp.Shefeaturedprominently

inthenewswhenthestateseemedpoisedtodenyherre‐entryintothecountrywith

herSouthAfricanchildrenafteraholidayabroad.Afterapubliccampaignshewas

allowedbackin(Wasp,2013a).Inmid‐2014accusationsof‘foreignagent’were

repeatedbyMantashe–thisraisedthepublicprofileoftheparty,whichitcouldnot

capitaliseonduetoitsscantresources,andinabilitytopenetratetheworkers’

movementinMarikanaandelsewhere.Numsa’sfirstgeneralsecretaryMosesMayekiso

wasmadepresidentofWaspbeforethe2014elections10,andWasphopestoplayakey

roleintheformationofNumsa’sMarxist‐Leninistparty.

Alltheseformations,fromtheSACPonthecentrelefttoWasponthefarleft,

invokethespiritsofKarlMarxandVladimirLenininsupportoftheircause.Indeed,

leadingmembersofmostofthesegroupswereinthepastwithinthefoldoftheANC

andSACP,andmanystilloweallegiancetotheheroesoftheliberationmovementsuch

astheformerANCpresidentOliverTambo,andSACPleadersChrisHaniandJoeSlovo.

WhiletheEFFcannotmatchthepresenceoftheSACPandNumsawithintheorganised

14

workingclass,itspublicprofilesinceitselectiontoParliamenthasincreased

significantly,winningitmoresympathisers.

Formanyontheindependentleft,thesharpeningofdifferenceswithinthe

Allianceisahopefulsignthatatlastthescalesarefallingfromtheeyesoflargesections

oftheworkingclass,astheyseethattheANC/SACPemperorhasnoclothes.However,

itremainsunclearwhetheranalternativeformationisabroadUnitedFront,oran

independentworking‐classpartythathasitsrootsinthelabourmovement.ManyVavi

supporterswithinCosatu,however,remaincautioustowardsthesenewformations,

feelingastheydotheheatofSACPsupporterswithintheirranks.Anyhintatthisstage

thatthecriticalvoicewithinCosatuislinkedtooutsidegroupingsstrengthenstheview

withintheSACPfactionthatatworstan‘anti‐majoritarian’liberalism,supportedby

imperialism,isatworkhere(undertheguiseofleftpolitics),oratbestmisguided‘ultra‐

leftists’or‘syndicalists’areleadingworkersastraywithadventuristpolitics(seefor

exampleSACP2013c;Nicholson2013;Nehawu2014).

Inotherwords,thereisarevivalofthedebateofthe1980sbetweentheleftin

Fosatu,whofavouredanindependentunion‐ledpoliticalstrategyeitherdirectly

throughunionsorthroughoraworkingclassparty,andtheSACP‐alignedleftwithin

theUDF,whichsoughtworkingclasshegemonythroughtheTripartiteAllianceledby

theANC.TheleadingaffiliateinFosatubackthenwasMawu,whichbecamethecoreof

NumsabythetimeofCosatu’slaunchin1985.Asarguedabove,akeydifference

betweenthenandnowisthattheleftinMawuhadamorediverseintellectuallineage,

drawinginspirationfrom,amongothers,RickTurnerandAntonioGramsci(Forrest

2011).

Today,thedominantleftparadigmacrossCosatuisthatof‘Marxist‐Leninism’–

atleastatthelevelofideologicaldiscourse.ThisisanindicationoftheSACP’ssuccessin

immersingitselfintheunionmovementsinceitsunbanningin1990.Theparty

positioneditselfasthekeyintellectualreferencepoint,suchthattodaynoonein

Cosatu,oneithersideofthedivide,deviatesfromthe‘Marxist‐Leninist’discourse

frameworkderivedfromtheSACP–eveniftheactualpracticeoftheSACPandCosatuis

moresocial‐democraticandtoanextentcorporatist.Marxist‐Leninism,however

understood,hasbecomethehegemonicpoliticaldiscoursewithintheunionmovement

–andtheargumentisoverwhohasthecorrectLeninistanalysisofthecurrentSouth

15

Africanpoliticaleconomy,oftenwithreferencetoSACPstalwartssuchasJoeSlovoand

ChrisHani.

TheSACP’sMarxist‐Leninism,ofcourse,isofthemechanicalStalinistlineage,

giventhatthroughoutitshistorythepartyfollowedallthetwistsandturnsoftheSoviet

Union.WiththefalloftheBerlinWallin1989,andthepublicationofJoeSlovo’sHas

SocialismFailedin1990,theSACPbegantoshedsomeofthisbaggage,althoughthishas

re‐asserteditselfinrecentyears(Williams2008).TheotherMarxist‐Leninistheritage,

Trotskyism,wastoleratedforatimewithintheSACPduringthe1990sandearly2000s,

buthassincebeenmarginalised.ItmaintainsapresencewithintheDemocraticLeft

Front,asmallcoalitionofactivists,andcompletelydominatestheideologicaloutlookof

Wasp(2013b),whichhasitsrootsintheMarxistWorkers’TendencyoftheANC

(historicallyalignedtotheMilitantTendencyintheUK)(seeLeggassick2007).TheEFF

(2013)hascombinedaprofessedallegianceto‘Marxist‐Leninism’(derivedfromthe

SACP)withthetheoriesofFrantzFanonaswellasthepoliticalpracticeofthe

assassinatedsocialistpresidentofBurkinoFaso,ThomasSankara.Itsmilitantblack

nationalist‐socialistorientationisalsoinfluencedbytheblackconsciousnessleader

SteveBiko,givenitsabsorptionoftheblackconsciousnessgrouptheLeftImbizo

(howeverleadingmemberssuchasAndileMngxitamawereexpelledaftertheparty’s

December2014congress,afterclaimingthattheEFF’sleadershiphadengagedin

corruptpractices).Thereare,ofcourse,anumberofotherTrotskyistgroupings,suchas

theWorkers’VanguardLeague,buttheirpresencewithintheworkingclassisvirtually

non‐existent.Allofthesecurrentsfeedintothediscussionwithintheunionmovement,

andwithintheNumsaworkingclasspartyprocess.

Withtheexceptionofthemoreflexible‘eco‐socialist’or‘democratic’Marxismin

somequarters(includingwithinNumsa),thedominantdiscourseandpracticewithin

theleftremainsmiredinanarrowvanguardistinterpretationofLenin’snotionof

democratic‐centralistpolitics.Assuchtheseformationsresembleoldwineinnew

bottles.Astheprecedingdiscussionshows,Numsahasreinvokedtheprinciplesof

workers’controlinvariousways,and,despiteits‘Marxist‐Leninist’discourse,hasthe

potentialtoreviveitsparticipatorydemocraticethosandplayasignificantrolein

reinvigoratingworking‐classpoliticsinSouthAfrica.Indeed,somemayarguethatthere

isno‘ChineseWall’betweenaMarxist‐Leninistvanguard(asopposedtovanguardist)

16

approach,andparticipatorydemocracy,astheexampleoftheCommunistPartyofIndia

(Marxist)inKeralaindicates(Williams2008).11

Thefutureofleftrevitalisationremainsanopenproject,brimmingwithradical

potential.Whatfollowsisabriefdiscussionofwhata21stcenturyeco‐socialist

alternativevisionentails,incontrasttothatof20thcenturyMarxist‐Leninism.

ECOSOCIALISTVISIONS

Globally,thereisincreasingrecognitionthatalternatives,iftheyaretoserveALLthe

world’speople,andpreservethenaturalenvironmentforcurrentandfuture

generationstoenjoy,mustbesubstantiveandgobeyondtheinterestsofonlythestate

andthemarket.Asocietyfocuseddevelopmentpath,suchaswhatisbeing(orhas

been)attemptedintheIndianstateofKerala,orincountrieslikeBolivia,12attemptsto

buildaparticipatorypoliticalandeconomicsystemforpeopleinharmonywithnature.

Indeed,eventhesmallmountaincountryofBhutanhaslessonstooffer,asitnavigates

outofitsfeudalpastintoamulti‐partydemocracyandthechallengeofpursuingGross

NationalHappiness(GNH)basedonbalanceddevelopment.ItsGNHIndexoffersadeep

andextensivemethodologytomeasuredevelopmentinallitsdimensions,andall

developmentplansmustfirstbesubjecttoaGNHaudit.13

Inaddition,therearearangeofotherlocaleconomicalternativesbeing

practicedincommunitiesaroundtheworld,includingco‐operatives,community

gardens,andsocially‐ownedrenewableenergyprojects,whichcanbelearntfrom.The

BolivarianAlternativefortheAmericas(ALBA)alsooffersalternativeconceptionsof

regionaltrade,basedonco‐operation,solidarityandevenbartering(whereforexample

CubatradesdoctorsforVenezuelanoil),ratherthancut‐throatcompetition.Whilethese

regimesmaynotallbefullydemocratic,theyhavemadesignificantprogressin

improvingthewell‐beingofsubordinateclassescomparedtoothercountriesinthe

region.

ArguablythemostadvancedanddemocraticofthisnewwaveofLatinAmerican

governmentsofferingalternativesisBolivia.Whileinrecentyearstheecologicalleft

hasbeendismayedbywhatseemstobetheretreatinto‘neo‐extractivism’(seeBoron,

2012),theideaofbuenvivir,andthegrantingoftheearthconstitutionalrights,remains

inspirational(whateverthecompromisesthathavehadtobemadeinpractice).

Bolivia’sindigenouspresidentEvoMorales(2009),whowasre‐electedin2014with

anotherhealthymajority,offersthisinspiringvisionofbuenvivir:

17

“Forus,whathasfailedisthemodelof“livingbetter”(thanothers),ofunlimiteddevelopment,

industrialisationwithoutfrontiers,ofmodernitythatdeprecateshistory,ofincreasing

accumulationofgoodsattheexpenseofothersandnature.Forthatreasonwepromotetheidea

ofLivingWell,inharmonywithotherhumanbeingsandwithourMotherEarth”.

Thesesentimentshaveinspiredagrowingmovementwithintheover‐developed

countries,aroundtheconceptof‘degrowth’.ThisbuildsontheideasoftheFrench

MarxistAndreGorz,whointhe1970sand1980smadeaforcefulargumentaboutthe

needforreducedworkingtime,ifwearetoaddresstheproblemofunemployment,and

reduceunnnecessaryconsumption.Thedegrowthparadigmthathasemergedinrecent

years,mainlywithintheover‐developedworld,explicitlyembracesthe‘utopian’

thinkingofbuenvivir,ubuntuandBuddhisteconomics,andsomevariantsalsoinclude

ecologicalMarxistthinking.Avastliteraturehasemergedaroundthisnewparadigm,

andinitialcriticismthatitwastoofocussedonover‐developedcountries,withlittle

applicabilitytodevelopingcountrieswithlargeunmetneeds,hasbeenaddressedby

concedingthatthereneedstobegrowthinthesouth–butbalanced,ecologically

sensitivegrowththatdoesnot‘carboncopy’thetragediesofwesterndevelopment

trjectories(seeD’Alisaetal,2015).

Strugglesagainstelitedominanceusuallybringtotheforenewvisionary

leadershipthatcaneitherbreaknewground,orbecomeco‐optedintothedominant

paradigm.Topreventthelatter,asGandhiandlaterthefeministmovementwarned,

activistsmustbethechangetheywanttosee.Drawingonthethinkingoftheancients,

thisinvolvespersonaltransformationandcontinuousintrospection,aswellasadeep

participatorypolitics,whereleadersarealwaysheldaccountabletotheirorganisations,

membersandcommunities.

Giventheenormouschallengesofecologicaldestructionandsocialinequalityin

theworld,aradical,utopianvisionisnecessary.Inordertoconceptualisethatvision,

modernthinkerssuchasRickTurner,aradicalintellectualactivistwhoinspiredthere‐

emergenceoftheunionmovementinSAduringthe1970s,madeconnectionsbetween

thesocialistmovementsoftoday,andancientphilosophiesthathavealsograppledwith

theirworldsincrisis,asclassdivisons,green,violenceanddispossessionengulfedtheir

societies.Thesagesoftheancientpastenvisagedegalitariansocialordersbasedon

compassionandkindnesstowardsfellowshumanbeingsandthenaturalworld,which

isthebasisofdemocraticeco‐socialistthinking.

Themostadvancedthinkingoftheancientworldwasarguablythatofthe

Buddha,whousedadialecticalmethodtoarriveatanatheistHumanistworldview–not

unlikethatofKarlMarx(seeChattopadhyaya,1970). Anon‐dogmatic,eclecticvisioncanformthebasisofanewethicallygroundedsocialjusticemovementsthatcutacross

18

differentparadigmsandmovements,andseekscommonground.Ifthereligiousand

atheist‐humanistmovementsemphasiseinnertransformation,andtheneedtochange

theheartsofpeople,Marxistsemphasiseouterorstructuraltransformation,andthe

needtoalterthebalanceofpowerinsocietythroughmassstruggle.Anover‐emphasis

ontheformercanleadtoparalysis,andaretreatintoindividualsalvation.Anover‐

emphasisonthelatterhasleadtobrutalregimescomingtopower,andreplicatingthe

violenceandalienationoftheorderstheyoverthrew.Acombinationoftwo,however,is

amuchmoreradicalproject,onethatdigsdeepintoourselves,andintoourcollective

powers,forbothinnerandoutertransformation.

AstheBoliviancaseremindsus,autopianvision,whilenecessary,isdifferentto

autopianpoliticsthatunder‐estimatespowerrelations,andtheneedtonavigate

choppywatersthatinvolvebothstruggleandnegotiation,andinevitablycompromises.

Autopianimagination,asBoron(2012)argues,hastobeoneofrealutopias,thatseek

outthepossible,butdonotfallvictimtopossiblism(thereisnoalternative);thathasa

utopianvision,butisnotblindedbyutopianism(livinginadreamworld).Itseeks

shorttermtacticalvictoriesthatareembeddedinlongertermstrategicvisionsthatcan

onlybeguaranteedbyafundamentallydemocraticproject,wherepowertrulyresides

withthepeople.

CONCLUSION

TheNumsamoments,followingtheMarikanamassacrein2012,potentiallydefinea

neweraforthelabourmovementinSouthAfrica–theassertionofanindependent

workingclasspoliticsthatquestionstheproductivistgrowthparadigmsthathave

traditionallybeenchampionedbythelabourmovement,andraisesthepossibilityof

morefar‐reachingeco‐socialistalternatives.TheUnitedFrontinitiatedbyNumsahas

drawntogetherawiderangeofcounter‐hegemonicforcesinsociety,totakethese

visionsforward–evenasitrecognisesthatitisnoteasyfororganisedlabour,rooted

amongpermanentworkersor‘insiders’,toforgemeaningfulallianceswithcommunity

groupsoftencomposedofinformalorunemployedworkers.

Nevertheless,itisnotimpossible.MuchdependsonhowNumsamanagesits

owninternalcontestationsoverthemeaningof‘socialism’and‘nationalisation’,anda

workingclasspoliticalorganisation.IsitjustavariantoftheMarxist‐Leninistheritage

oftheSACP,steepedinvanguardist(andindeedproductivist)politics?Orwillitbuild

onNumsa’simpressiveworkonbottom‐upgreenalternativesandforgeanimaginative

19

eco‐socialistpaththatquestionsbothmarketpowerandbureaucraticstatepower?

Indeed,doesNumsahavetheinternalcapacitytopursueabroader,morerobustsocial

movementunionism(asanindependentpartofabroaderpoliticalalliance)?These

remainopenquestions.

Inthemeantime,Numsa’sexpulsionfromCosatuinNovember2014,ispaving

thewayforacompletere‐alignmentofforceswithintheunionmovement,withmoves

toestablishanewfederationoutofdissidentCosatuaffiliatesandotherunions14.

TogetherwiththeUnitedFrontand/oraworkingclasspoliticalparty,thiscould

dramaticallyre‐shapetheprospectsofleftrevitalisation.Whetherthisre‐vaitalisation

willberadical,suchthatitredefinestradeunionism,andpavesthewayforabroader

eco‐socialistworkingclasspolitics,remainsanopenquestion.

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1FiguresfromtheIndependentElecoralCommission(IEC)http://www.elections.org.za/resultsNPE2014/2Thelasttimeworkerswereshotatduringanindustrialdisputewasin1922,whentheSmutsgovernmentwenttowarwithwhitemineworkers.3AccordingtheDepartmentofEnvionmentalAffairs,progresshasbeenmadeinshiftinggovernmentprioritiestowardsgreenissuessince2010,butthisisanuphillbattle.

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4ThiswasintiallypromotedbytheDemocraticLeftFront(DLF,2011),atinygroupofactiviststhathasfailedtoexpanditssupportbaseintotheunions.5TheseincludetheFoodandAlliedWorkersUnion(FAWU),SouthAfricanMunicipalWorkersUnion(SAMWU),SouthAfricanCateringCommercialandAlliedWorkersUnion(SACCAWU),Democratic

NursingOrganisationofSouthAfrica(DENOSA),SouthAfricanStateandAlliedWorkersUnion

(SASAWU),CommunicationWorkersUnion(CWU),SouthAfricanFootballPlayersUnion(SAFPU)and

PublicandAlliedWorkersUnionofSouthAfrica(PAWUSA).6ReportfromAlfredMafulekatoaGLUmeeting,24July2014.7On29January2014thenineaffiliatescametogetheranddemandedthatthespecialcongressbeheldbyMarch2014,tochartthewayforward,includingelectingnewofficebearers.Ifthisdemandwasnotmet

theseaffiliateswouldconvenetheirownspecialCOSATUcongress(JointPressstatement,29January

2014).Cosatueventuallyconcededtoaspecialcongress,scheduledformid‐205,howeverwithoutthe

expelledNumsa.Thiswasstillbeingcontestedatthetimeofwriting(May2015).8DiscussionswithNUMSAofficialswhoprefertoremainanonymous.9DiscussionwithseniormembersoftheUnitedFrontpreparatorycommitteeinMay2015,whoexpressedconcernaboutthelackofresourcesavailablefortheUFprocess,partlyduetoNumsa’ssplit

energies.Numsa’stopleadershipseemdeterminedtoformapartytocontestthe2016localelections,

andisimpatientwiththeslowerlonger‐termvisionoftheUF,whichNumsa’sDingaSikwebudescribesas

playingthe‘longgame’.Sikwebuseemstohavebeensidelinedintheunion.10MayekisowasaheroofMawuandNumsaduringthe1980s,andinthe1990sjoinedtheSACPandANC,andwasinvolvedincontroversialbusinessdealings.Hesubsequentlylefttojointhebreakway

CongressofthePeople(Cope)whichhada‘moderate’profiletotherightoftheANC.Hisreputation

withinNumsaasaresultplummeted,buthisinvolvementwithWasp,andNumsa’salienationfromthe

ANC‐SACP,mayresultinhisrehabilitationwithintheunion.11InKeralatheCommunistPartyofIndia(Marxist)playedapivotalroleininstillingbottom‐upparticipatorydemocracy,withimpressivedevelopmentalresults,particularlyinhealthandeducation.

HoweverthisisonecurrentwithintheCPI(M),andcontestedbythemorevanguardistcurrentthathas

beendominantinthepartyelsewhereinIndia,suchasBengalstate,whereitlostpowerrecentlyafter

rulingfor30years,andintheprocessbecomingabureaucraticpartymiredincorruptionandneglectof

hisworkingclassandpeasantbase.TheKeralaexampleshowshowa‘vanguard’canprovideleadership

fromthecentre,andbeacatylistforbottom‐updemocraticprocesses;incontrasttothevanguardist

approachwhichpayslipservicetogenuineparticipatorydemocracy,andleadsexclusivelyfromthe

centre.12FormoreinformationseeHeller,1999,Williams,2008andBoliviaReborn

(http://cojmc.unl.edu/bolivia/rules_toc.html).13DetailsoftheGNHIndexcanbefoundattheCentreforBhutanStudieswebsiteatwww.Bhutanstudies.org.bt.

24

14TheseincludethebreawayfromtheAmalgamatedMiningandConstructionUnion(Amcu),anNUMbreakwaywhichrosetoprominenceafterMarikana,andsubsequentlyjoinedtheNationalCouncilof

TradeUnions(Nactu),historicallyaCosaturivalfromtheblackconsciousness/Africanisttradition.Other

unionsincludethemoreconservativeFederationofUnionsofSA(Fedusa)andthemainlywhite

rightwingSolidarityunion.