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Di s j u n c t i o n s b e t w e e n c o n t e m p o r a r y C a t h o l i c architecture and the liturgical

and representational needs of the Church often relect conlict between the client’s sacred concerns and architecture’s secular culture, or divergence between the architectural needs of other denominations and those speciic to Catholicism. But historically this was not always the case. A look at the early modern era—the period of Renaissance and Baroque architecture, and of the Counter Reformation—reveals a substantial tradition of the Church producing its own architecture, with architects drawn from the ranks of priests and other religious. Although such arrangements did not guarantee a lack of conlict between architect, clients, and donors, the practice generally met the needs of the Church in a period of rapid expansion. These priest-architects represent a unique architectural culture set somewhat apart from the rest of the early modern era, during which the architectural profession changed profoundly and secular architects sought to distance themselves from their origins in the crafts and trades through a process of professionalization. This involved, among other things, establishing a body of architectural literature, bringing architecture into the learned discourse of scientiic scholarship, and founding architectural academies. Priest-architects contributed to this process in the secular world, but also within the context of religious institutions.

The new religious orders founded in the sixteenth century, both before and after the Council of Trent, were at the heart of the priest-architect phenome-non.1 The orders of regular clergy, such as the Jesuits,2 Barnabites,3 and The-atines,4 as well as the newly reformed branches of medieval orders, such as the Capuchins and Discalced Carmel-ites, frequently drew on the architec-tural talents of their own members when constructing new churches, houses, and other institutional build-ings. To be sure, the orders also em-ployed secular architects during this period, particularly when generous local patrons played a prominent role

in decision making. Yet architects from the orders could always help evaluate plans, fill in as construction superinten-dents, or provide designs themselves, particularly when funding was precari-ous. This essay furnishes an overview of some of these men and their build-ings across Europe from c. 1550 to 1750, and situates their work within the insti-tutional culture of the religious orders.

The first generation of Jesuit, Barn-abite, and Theatine architects, active from the mid-sixteenth century through the early decades of the seven-

Architecture as a Form of Erudition:

Early Modern Priest-Architects

Susan Klaiber

teenth century, generally had obtained their architectural training outside the order. These men with a background as craftsmen, such as the Jesuit Giuseppe Valeriano (1542 – 1596) who originally trained and worked as a painter, gen-erally joined the new orders later in life.5 The Theatine Francesco Grimaldi (1543 – 1613) also entered the order late, at age thirty-one, but had already been ordained a priest prior to joining the Theatines.6 Grimaldi provided the first plans for Sant’Andrea della Valle in Rome, designed several churches in

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Sant’ Irene Church, Lecce, Italy by Francesco Grimaldi, begun 1591P

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Naples, and the Theatines’ Sant’Irene in Lecce (1588). In contrast to Vale-riano and Grimaldi, Lorenzo Binago (1554 – 1629), the first prominent Barn-abite architect, joined the order while young, at age eighteen. Yet Binago also seems to have had previous training in drawing or architecture, since his earli-est known drawing—made a year after entering the order—is already quite ac-complished.7

These priest-architects began to es-tablish architectural identities for their religious communities as the orders moved from the temporary quarters of their earliest years to create perma-nent architectural presences in rapidly expanding networks of churches and houses across Italy and throughout Europe. Such early churches were often simple, since the immediate functional needs during expansion and financial constraints overrode wishes for more elaborate designs.

After this first generation, the Jesuit Orazio Grassi8 (1583 – 1654) marks the transition to the later type of institu-tionalized scholarly priest-architects. By the early seventeenth century, the new orders had established them-selves as centers of learning and educa-tion as well as patrons of architecture, constructing not only churches and convents, but also colleges and semi-naries, hospitals, libraries, and other institutional buildings. The traits mani-fested in Grassi’s career came to char-acterize most priest-architects over the

next century. These men were usually trained in mathematics through the educational programs of the orders—mathematics in its early modern sense of quantifiable crafts and activities such as mathematical astronomy, perspec-tive, and architecture (“mixed mathemat-ics”), in addition to the developing field of what is now known as pure mathemat-ics.9 Thus equipped, the priest-mathema-ticians pursued vo-cations as teachers and scholars within their orders, and they participated as archi-tects or consultants in many of their orders’ building projects.

Grass i ’s career in the broad field of seventeenth-century mathematics unfold-ed primarily at the Collegio Romano, where he briefly con-sidered establishing a Jesuit architectural school, but became most famous for his clashes with Galileo Gal i le i regarding c o m e t s . 1 0 G r a s s i des igned severa l

buildings for the Jesuits, foremost Sant’Ignazio in Rome (begun 1626), the church of the Collegio Romano, but also at least portions of other buildings for the order, such as San Vigilio, Siena, and Sant’Ignazio (now Saint-Charles-Borromé) in Bastia on Corsica.11 Al-though Sant’Ignazio was not complet-ed entirely to Grassi’s plans, it stands as a monument to the architectural-mathematical scholarship and practical skills promoted in the Jesuit curricu-lum at the Society’s colleges.

Under Grassi, the Jesuit order insti-tutionalized the connection between architecture and mathematics, appoint-ing the professor of mathematics at the Collegio Romano the order’s con-siliarus aedificiorum. The consiliarus re-viewed all plans for new architectural projects within the order, with his ap-proval necessary before projects could proceed. The consiliarus commented on the plans, and when necessary, made suggestions for improvements—these were generally practical and eco-nomic in nature, rather than aesthetic. The plans were submitted in dupli-cate to the consiliarus, with one copy returned to the building site, and the

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Giovanni Francesco Grimaldi, black chalk drawing of Orazio Grassi’s Sant’ Ignazio Church under construction, Rome

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other retained for the order’s archives; these plans are now all preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris.12

In addition to architectural skills cul-tivated for the order’s own immediate needs, the Jesuit colleges throughout Europe often instructed their secular pupils in military architecture, such as the art of building fortifications. This met a future need for young men plan-ning to pursue a military career, and was therefore included within their mathematics curriculum.13

Similar architectural needs, educa-tional programs, and—sometimes—in-stitutional mechanisms led to similar architectural cultures in other early modern religious orders, particularly those associated with the Counter Ref-ormation. For these orders, architec-ture fit into a larger vision of the schol-arship that priests would normally pursue, and indeed could be consid-ered a kind of apostolate for the order. In this sense, when a priest designed churches for his order—or other build-ings for its patrons, thereby also sup-porting the order indirectly—he was doing work that was part of his voca-tion as a priest.14

The Theatine Guarino Guarini (1624 – 1683) is perhaps the best-known of these architects, joining the ranks of major secular architects such as Bernini and Borromini in histories of Baroque architecture. Yet precisely this success has obscured his origins within the architectural culture of early modern religious orders. His early works in Messina and Modena, while accom-plished and innovative in some re-spects, do not yet herald the radically inventive designs—particularly daring open-work domes—that he produced at the Savoy court in Turin, such as the Theatines’ ducal chapel of San Lorenzo (1670 - 1680) or the Chapel of the Holy Shroud (1667 - 1694) between the ducal palace and the cathedral. Guarini even officiated at the inaugural mass in San Lorenzo on May 12, 1680, although considering the dozens of early modern priest-architects, this was perhaps not quite the unique occurrence Rudolf Wittkower imagined.15

Guarini was so successful as a court architect for the Savoy that he seems to have had various assistants supporting him toward the end of his career. Doc-uments mention a Theatine lay brother assigned to help him, although the records do not specify if this help was specifically architectural, or simply

general logistic assis-tance.16 For his two large secular projects for the Prince of Carignano, the Palazzo Carignano and the Castello of Racconi-gi, the surviving draw-ings show at least two or three other draftsmen besides Guarini. These draftsmen seem to have been secular architects hired by the patron to assist the priest busy with numerous publica-tion projects as well as other duties beyond the building site.17

After publishing phi-losophy and geometry textbooks, and smaller works on astronomy, fortifications, and con-struction measurement, Guarini finally seems to have turned to writing his architectural trea-tise during the last five or six years of his life. Indeed, right up to the end of his life, Guarini remained a scholar: he died in Milan appar-ently while there supervising the pub-lication of his two-volume astronomy treatise Caelestis Mathematicae (Milan: Ludovico Monti, 1683). Had he lived longer, he may well have written the theology textbook, a Cursum scholas-ticae theologia, which he had intended to write at least since his time in Paris in the 1660s.18 For Guarini and many other early modern priest-architects, architecture and scholarship were not separate activities pursued in addi-tion to the priesthood, but rather inte-gral parts of their vocations. Richard Pommer best expressed this in relation to Guarini when he remarked, “for him, architecture was a form of erudi-tion.”19

Active priest-architects were not confined to Italy, but also based in Spain, France, the German regions, and the Southern Low Countries. Through the international ministries and mis-sions of their orders, they often trav-eled extensively, spreading as well as gathering architectural ideas all along the way.

The Spanish Cistercian Juan Bau-tista Caramuel y Lobkowitz (1606 – 1682) was a polymath who published

works in diverse disciplines and trav-eled extensively throughout Europe; he became bishop of Vigevano in Lombar-dy in 1673.20 Like Grassi and Guarini, Caramuel also approached architecture as a branch of mathematics, and he is best known for his architectural theory, first included in his mathematics trea-tise Mathesis Biceps (2 vols., Campagna, 1670), and then published separately as Architectura civil, recta y obliqua (Vigeva-no, 1678). The latter treatise is remark-able for its system of “oblique architec-ture,” which incorporated adjustments to architectural elements such as stair-case balusters or colonnades on curved plans in order to avoid awkward tran-sitions between rectilinear and oblique elements, or to compensate for other ir-regular optical effects.

Caramuel’s single built work is the façade of the cathedral of Sant’Ambrogio in Vigevano, Italy, completed in 1680, which finished off the fourth side of the city’s Piazza Ducale designed by Bramante in 1492-94. The façade’s idiosyncratic design with four bays rather than three or five masks the church’s skewed orienta-tion to the square and thus breathes the

Juan Bautista Caramuel’s treatise Architectura civil, recta y obliqua, 1678, Part IV, Plate VI

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spirit of the architectura obliqua system. The solution was perhaps inspired by Guarini’s façade for Santissima An-nunziata in Messina of twenty years earlier, but Caramuel also looked to a Roman model: the portal on the far left leads simply to a street as do the lateral portals at Pietro da Cortona’s Santa Maria della Pace in Rome (1656 - 1657), while the three other portals lead to the three aisles of the church.

The Belgian Jesuit François Aguilon (1567 – 1617) was known chiefly for his scientific work in optics, Opticorum libri sex philosophis juxta ac mathematicis utiles (Antwerp, 1613) with its fron-tispiece and six illustrations by Peter Paul Rubens. He directed the Jesuit college in Antwerp with its famous mathematical studies, and he also de-signed the splendid Jesuit church in Antwerp (1615 - 1621), St. Ignatius (now St. Charles Borromeo), together with the lay brother Pieter Huyssens (1577 - 1637) who took over the project after his death. Rubens also collabo-rated with Aguilon on this project, not

only with his high altarpiece of the De-position and thirty-nine ceiling paint-ings installed in the side aisles (now lost), but also contributing the design for various sculptural elements on the

façade. The church suffered a devastating

fire in 1718 which destroyed much of the interior, but one can still appreci-ate Aguilon’s original design in the

Façade of Jesuit Church, Antwerp (completed 1621), print of 1678

Étienne Martellange, Jesuit novitiate church, Paris (begun 1630), print by J. Marot, 1652-61

The title page of François Aguilon’s treatise on optics

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rich façade and the barrel-vaulted nave with superimposed arcades, where the upper gallery was accessible to stu-dents from the adjacent college. The in-terest in optics at the Antwerp college probably also stood behind the inno-vative indirect lighting effects in the church’s Houtappel chapel, designed by Huyssens and perhaps inspired by Bernini’s early work at Santa Bibiana in Rome.21

Many early modern priest-archi-tects remain relatively unknown even today, with their accomplishments often obscured by misattributions to more famous secular architects. The pilgrimage chapel at Telgte (1654 - 1657) in northwest Germany furnish-es an example of such an oversight. The chapel was commissioned by the Prince-Bishop of Münster, Christoph Bernhard von Galen, soon after he es-tablished the Telgte pilgrimage in 1651, with its focus on the sculpted Gnaden-bild (a devotional Pietà) of c. 1370. Long attributed to the Danish architect Peter Pictorius the Elder active in Münster, twenty years ago the historian Helmut Lahrkamp uncovered evidence reat-tributing the original octagonal chapel to the Observant Franciscan Pater Jodokus Lücke (ordained 1642, died 1681).22 Lücke also designed portions of the Franciscan churches in nearby Hamm and Warendorf, and held ad-ministrative positions in the order, serving several times as the provin-cial superior.23 Interestingly, Lücke’s design for Telgte was preferred to that of another religious architect, the Fran-ciscan lay brother Gerhard Mahler.

Although gradually supplanted by academically trained priest-architects, lay brothers in the various religious orders continued to be active as archi-

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tects and construction superintendents into the eighteenth century, although most of these men—lacking the formal education of priests—came from fami-lies already engaged in the building trades or other crafts. A few of these lay brother-architects achieved particu-lar distinction.

The son of a painter in Lyon, the Jesuit lay brother Étienne Martellange24 (1569 - 1641) provided designs for numerous Jesuit churches in France, such as the Jesuit Novitiate church in Paris (begun 1630), closely modeled on Giacomo della Porta’s Santa Maria ai Monti in Rome. Known also for his drawings of French cities and land-scapes, Martellange entered the Jesuit novitiate in Avignon in 1590, and is referred to as an architect beginning

around 1603 when he took his vows as a Jesuit frère coadjuteur temporel.

The Jesuit lay brother Andrea Pozzo (1642 – 1709) worked primarily as a painter, particularly noted for his illu-sionistic quadratura frescoes with ar-chitectural elements, as in Sant’Ignazio, Rome, and for his altars. But he also was a prolific architect, designing churches in Dubrovnik, Ljubljana, Trent, and Montepulciano, among others. Perhaps inspired by the erudite publications of his more learned priest colleagues, Pozzo published his influ-ential treatise Perspectiva pictorum et ar-chitectorum (2 vols., Rome, 1693 - 1700) in a parallel Latin–Italian edition that was widely translated in similar bi-lingual editions, thus addressing both craftsmen and scholars. His younger brother Giuseppe Pozzo worked as a lay brother artist of the Discalced Car-melite order in various churches in Venice.25

Caspar Moosbrugger (1656 - 1723) was a Benedictine lay brother from a family active in the building trades in the Vorarlberg region around Bregenz in western Austria, one of the dynas-ties comprising the so-called Vorarl-berger school of architects and crafts-men. Moosbrugger trained and then worked as a stonemason until entering the order in 1682, around which time he began taking on the responsibilities of an architect. His architectural knowl-edge is preserved in the Auer Lehrgang, a manuscript treatise and pattern book

Preparatory drawing for the Sant’Ignazio vault fresco, by Andrea Pozzo, 1685-90

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Susan Klaiber (Ph.D., FAAR) is an architectural historian based in Winterthur, Switzerland, whose work focuses on Baroque

used by the Vorarlberg builders’ guild. Moosbrugger designed numerous churches and monasteries in Switzer-land, the most famous of which is the Benedictine Abbey Church of Einsie-deln where he spent most of his life.26

Collectively, priest-architects, with their lay brother colleagues, shaped substantial portions of the built envi-ronment in early modern cities across Europe. The priest-architect phenom-enon flourished during a specific his-torical moment lasting perhaps three centuries. With the advent of modern professional training in architecture in academies and then schools like the French École des Beaux-Arts in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the orders’ practical and theoretical training programs for their members became superfluous. The various sup-pressions of the orders at the end of the eighteenth century also contributed to the demise of this architectural culture.

Although the nineteenth and twen-tieth centuries still produced some priest-architects, these were increas-ingly trained in mainstream secular schools of architecture, no longer within the Church’s educational pro-grams. Some exceptions to this trend were priest-architects working in the mission field, where a general scar-city of formally trained architects pre-vailed—much as during the building boom of the Counter Reformation. The British Anglican priest William Grey (1819 – 1872) designed or remod-eled eleven churches in Newfound-land according to the principles of Ecclesiology, and also trained Cana-dian Anglican seminary students in architecture.27 Other contemporary priest-architects, as with the early Jesuits, came from families active in architecture, such as the Dutch Bene-dictine monk Dom Hans van der Laan (1904 – 1991). Van der Laan studied ar-chitecture at the Technische Universit-eit Delft and built austerely meditative churches and Benedictine abbeys in the Netherlands, Belgium, and Sweden.28 For all these men, creating sacred archi-tecture comprised a facet of their reli-gious vocation, helping them to serve the Church and their communities with buildings to further spiritual goals.

architecture in Italy, France, and Germany. Her publications include the book Guarino Guarini (Umberto Allemandi & C.), co-edited with G. Dardanello and H. A. Millon. She serves on the governing committee of the European Architectural History Network, and was founding editor of the Network’s EAHN Newsletter (2007-2010). Website: www.susanklaiber.wordpress.com.

(Endnotes)This essay draws on material presented in my two forthcoming articles: “Architecture and Mathematics in Early Modern Religious Orders,” in A. Gerbino, ed., Geometrical Objects: Architecture and the Mathematical Sciences 1400-1800, (in press); and “Architectural Education and Early Modern Religious Orders,” Cambridge World History of Religious Architecture, Richard Etlin, general editor, 3 vols., New York: Cambridge University Press (publication scheduled for 2013 / 2014).The title of this article draws on a comment by Richard Pommer, cited at note 19 below.1. See Rudolf Wittkower, Art and Architecture in Italy 1600-1750, Pelican History of Art, 6th ed., rev. by Joseph Connors and Jennifer Montagu (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 1: 2-3, 15-16, 80-81, 84-87; Richard Bösel, “L’architettura dei nuovi ordini religiosi,” in Storia dell’architettura italiana: Il Seicento, ed. Aurora Scotti (Milan: Electa, 2003), 1:48-69.2. Jean Vallery-Radot, Le recueil de plans d’édifices de la Campagnie de Jésus conservé à la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris (Rome: Institutum Historicum S. I., 1960); Richard Bösel, Jesuitenarchitektur in Italien (1540 - 1773). Teil 1, Die Baudenkmäler der römischen und der neapolitanischen Ordensprovinz, 2 vols. (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 1986), and Richard Bösel and Herbert Karner, Jesuitenarchitektur in Italien. Teil 2., Die Baudenkmäler der mailändischen Ordensprovinz (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2007).3. Jörg Stabenow, Die Architektur der Barnabiten: Raumkonzept und Identität in den Kirchenbauten eines Ordens der Gegenreformation 1600-1630 (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2011).4. Because the early modern Theatine order lacked a central repository for architectural designs, no comprehensive summary of Theatine architectural practice or production has yet been written. For aspects, see: Silvana Savarese, Francesco Grimaldi e l’architettura della Controriforma a Napoli (Rome: Officina, 1986); Susan Klaiber, “Guarino Guarini’s Theatine Architecture” (PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 1993), 9-38; and Fulvio Lenzo, Architettura e antichità a Napoli dal XV al XVIII secolo: le colonne del Tempio dei Dioscuri e la Chiesa di San Paolo Maggiore (Rome: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, 2011).5. Pietro Pirri, Giuseppe Valeriano S.I., architetto e pittore, 1542-1596, ed. R. Colombo (Rome: Institutum Historicum S.J., 1970); and R. Bösel, “Giuseppe Valeriano,” in The Dictionary of Art, ed. J. Turner (London: Grove, 1996), 31: 819-820.6. Francesco Andreu, Oppidani illustri: Francesco Grimaldi (Matera: Arti Grafiche E. Liantonio, 1984), 23.7. Stabenow, 34.8. On Grassi, see Richard Bösel, Orazio Grassi: architetto e matematico gesuita : un album conservato nell’Archivio della Pontificia Università gregoriana a Roma (Roma: Argos, 2004).9. Antonella Romano, La contre-réforme mathématique. Constitution et diffusion d’une culture mathématique jésuite á la Renaissance (1540-1640) (Rome: École française de Rome, 1999); Gary I. Brown, “The Evolution of the Term ‘Mixed Mathematics,’” Journal of the History of Ideas 52, no. 1 (1991): 81-102; and my two forthcoming articles cited above, Klaiber, “Architecture and Mathematics in Early Modern Religious Orders;” and Klaiber, “Architectural Education and Early Modern Religious Orders.”10. Bösel, Grassi, 29. 11. Bösel, Grassi, 31-33.12. Vallery-Radot, Recueil, 8*-11*. The several volumes of plans in Paris may now be consulted online through the Gallica digitization project: http://gallica.bnf.fr/Search?ArianeWireIndex=index&lang=EN&q=Recueil+...+contenant+tous+les+Plans+originaux+des+Maisons&p=1&f_typedoc=images (consulted May 29, 2013).13. François de Dainville, “L’enseignement scientifique dans les collèges des jésuites,” in Enseignement et diffusion des sciences en France au XVIIIe siècle, ed. René Taton (Paris: Hermann, 1964),

52; Denis De Lucca, Jesuits and Fortifications: The Contribution of the Jesuits to Military Architecture in the Baroque Age (Leiden: Brill, 2012).14. See Klaiber, “Architectural Education and Early Modern Religious Orders” (forthcoming, cited above).15. Rudolf Wittkower, “Guarini the Man,” in Studies in the Italian Baroque (London: Thames and Hudson, 1975), 178-186.16. Archivio di Stato, Turin, Sezione Corte, Lettere di particolari, “V”, mazzo 40, letter of the Theatine Father General Placido Visconti, dated May 22, 1677. 17. On the other hands in these drawings, see Augusta Lange, “Disegni e documenti di Guarino Guarini,” in V. Viale, ed., Guarino Guarini e l’internazionalità del barocco (Turin: Accademia delle scienze, 1970), I: 100-102.18. Giuseppe Silos, Historiarum Clericorum Regularium (Palermo: Petri de Insula, 1666), III: 572.19. Richard Pommer, Eighteenth-Century Architecture in Piedmont (New York: New York University Press, 1967), 7.20. Augusto De Ferrari and Werner Oechslin, “Caramuel Lobkowicz, Juan,” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (Rome: Istituto della enciclopedia italiana, 1976), 19: 621-626, also available online: http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/juan-caramuel-lobkowicz_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/ (consulted May 29, 2013); for an overview of his architectural activity in English, see also Werner Oechslin, “Caramuel de Lobkowitz, Juan,” in Macmillan Encyclopedia of Architects, ed. Adolf K. Placzek (New York: Free Press, 1982), 1: 380-383.21. The exact division of labor and attribution of the various church components in Antwerp remain slightly unclear. On Aguilon, see August Ziggelaar, François de Aguilón S. J. (1567 - 1617): Scientist and Architect (Rome: Institutum Historicum S. I., 1983), and the recent overview in Joris Snaet and Krista de Jonge, “The Architecture of the Jesuits in the Southern Low Countries: A State of the Art,” in La arquitectura jesuìtìca, ed. María Isabel Alvaro Zamora, Javier Ibáñez Fernández, and Jesús Fermín Criado Mainar (Zaragoza: Inst. “Fernando el Catòlico”, 2012), 239-276, esp. 273 on the Houtappel chapel in the Antwerp church; also available online: http://ifc.dpz.es/recursos/publicaciones/31/96/08snaetdejonge.pdf (consulted May 29, 2013).22. Helmut Lahrkamp, “Beiträge zur Hofhaltung des Fürstbischofs Christoph Bernhard von Galen – mit einem Exkurs über Peter Pictorius d. Ä.” Westfalen 71 (1993): 31-71. The ornaments atop the exterior columns and the lantern were apparently added later: for the engraving of Pater Lücke’s original chapel in a 1660 Jesuit devotional book held by the university library in Münster, see http://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/content/pageview/834482 (consulted May 30, 2013). I thank Martin Raspe for drawing my attention to Lahrkamp’s work.23. Lahrkamp, “Beiträge zur Hofhaltung”: 54.24. This follows the recent study on Martellange by Adriana Sénard, “Étienne Martellange: un architecte de la Compagnie de Jésus en France au XVIIe siècle,” in La arquitectura jesuìtìca, ed. María Isabel Alvaro Zamora, Javier Ibáñez Fernández, and Jesús Fermín Criado Mainar (Zaragoza : Inst. “Fernando el Catòlico”, 2012), 213-237; also available online: http://ifc.dpz.es/recursos/publicaciones/31/96/07senard.pdf (consulted May 30, 2013).25. Vittorio De Feo and Valentino Martinelli, eds. Andrea Pozzo (Milan: Electa, 1996); Alberta Battisti, ed., Andrea Pozzo (Milan: Luni, 1996); Richard Bösel and Lydia Salviucci Insolera, eds., Artifizi della Metafora: saggi su Andrea Pozzo (Rome: Artemide, 2011). 26. On Moosbrugger, see Werner Oechslin, “Moosbrugger, Caspar,” in Macmillan Encyclopedia of Architects, ed. Adolf K. Placzek (New York: Free Press, 1982), 3: 231-233; and Hardy Happle and Werner Oechslin, editors, Auer Lehrgang, 3 vols. (Zurich and Bregenz: Vorarlberger Landesmuseum, 2008-2011). Online resource: Moosbrugger in the Einsiedeln Professbuch, with images of his drawings for the abbey church http://www.klosterarchiv.ch/e-archiv_professbuch_liste.php?id=1374 (consulted November 30, 2012).27. On Grey, see: http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/articles/william-grey (consulted May 29, 2013). For Grey’s sole surviving church, St. James Anglican Church in Battle Harbour, Newfoundland, and Labrador, see the entry on the Canada’s Historic Places website: http://www.historicplaces.ca/en/rep-reg/place-lieu.aspx?id=2137 (consulted 29 May 2013). I learned of Grey through a paper given at the European Architectural History Network’s Second International Meeting in Brussels, May 31-June 2, 2012, “Periodicals, Patrons, and Practitioners: The Transmission of Ecclesiological Gothic to the Atlantic Colonies of British North America” (Peter Coffman, Carleton University, Ottawa).28. On van der Laan, see the website of the Van Der Laan Foundation: http://www.vanderlaanstichting.nl/en/index.php (consulted May 30, 2013) with rich photographic and bibliographic resources.

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