Comprehensive Urban Studies NO.71 2000

Effects of Economic Globalization on Spatial Structure and Property Markets in the Paris Region

Natacha Avelineキ

243

The impressive development of techniques compressing time and (almost) abolishing dis-

tance， which support economic globalisation， at first gave rise to e}中ectationsthat the economy

would become independent of concrete territories， and that large cities would be less important.

In fact， it is the contrary that has happened. Far from being dissolved into the non-spatial world of teleworking， global cities concentrate a growing share of wealth and power. In 1990， the Tokyo metropolitan町 earanked in the frrst world position泊 termsof production， with a GDP of

854.4 billion dollars， amounting to the GDP of the total United Kingdom. Paris ranked in the 5th

position， just after Los Angeles and OSaka， with a GDP of 318.1 billion equivalent to that of China.

Researchers have tried to explain the intensification of the metropolisation process (strength-

ening of the leading activities of 加 gecities) under economic globalisation. The most well-known

theory is that of the“global city" by Saskia Sassen (S掛 sen，1990). We will not discuss here whether

Paris fits皿 withthe model of global city according to Sassen's parameters. It can be assumed that

Paris is not a global city because its financial sector (the key industry of global cities) is far less

impo抗antth加 thatof Tokyo， New York or London. Globalisation h描 neverthelessbrought about significant transformations回 theFrench econo-

my. Numerous French researchers， mainly geographers， have closely analysed industrial transfor-mations in various large French cities， using census data (血particular，the team working on indus-

trial production in the STRATES laboratory). Other specialists in geography or sociology have

focussed on the “dualisation process" of the labour market and its socio叩 atialeffects， according

to Sassen's出eory.Research on office real-estate markets has also been undertaken in relation to

metropolisation and technopolisation processes induced by economic globalisation. However，

approaches connecting industrial transformation， territorial alteration and property markets are

extremely rare.. We will attempt， in this paper， to use this approach in an analysis of the case of the Paris metropolitan area.

1. New Trends in the Industrial Structure of the Paris Region

The Paris Region， called “Ile de Franceヘismade out eight departments (equivalent to

Japanese prefectures)， i. e. Paris (both municipality and prefectrn吋 Seine-Saint-Denis，Hauts-de-

*Researcher at吐leN ational Centre of Scientific Research， University of Toulouse Le Mirail

244 Comprehensive Urban Studies NO.71 2000

Map 1 Changes in Land Values in Paris 20 Wards over 100 Years

Seine， Val-de-Marne， Yvelines， Essonne， Val d'Oise， Seine et Marne (rnap 1). As a region， Ile de

France ranks in the first position in Europe， arnong 196 regions in the European Cornrnunity. Its

GDP arnounts for twice that of Austria， and rnore than 4 tirnes出atof Portugal.官leParis Region

thus concentrates a significant share of the national production (29%)加 dthe national population

(1仰久山atis 10.661 rnillion inhabitants out of a total of 56.614rnillion). It is do抗edwith a wide range

of industries， frorn chernical， rnetallurgical and car industries to producer services. However， the cornpression of distances under the developrnent of transport and cornrnnica-

tion technologies has callenged the well-ordered hierarchy between Paris and the other cities， and

transforrned the spatial structure of the Paris region itself.

1.1 Uncoupling of Paris and the Provinces

The first phenornenon that can be observed is a process of uncoupling between Paris and the

provinces. Before the 1980s， the industrial systern fitted rernarkably with the urban hierarchy in France. A close connection could be observed between the size of the cities and the structure of

their industriallabour. The proportion of rnanagernent staff roughly doubled between a town of 100

000 inhabitants and a town of 200 000， and doubled once again between a town of 200 000 inhabi-

tants and Paris (The時間 SaintJulien， Denise P田nain，1989). Yet the 1990 census displays a process

of uncoupling between Paris and the provinces， which can be cornpared to出echange in Japan

frorn a bipolar structure of cities to an unipolar structure centred on Tokyo.百lecapital city has

Aveline: Effects of ECOnOITUC Globalization on Spatial Structure and Property Markets in the Paris Region 245

grabbed the maj'Or part 'Of ec'On'Omic growth and j'Obs 'On the nati'Onal scale. Fr'Om 1982 t'O 1990，

Paris regi'On 1) gained 371 000 j'Obs， acc'Ounting f'Or 53% 'Of the gain in j'Obs nati'Onally (703 000). This

percentage far exceeds the ec'On'Omic and dem'Ographic weight 'Of the Paris regi'On 'On the nati'Onal

scale.

官ledecline 'Of industrialisati'On was particularly drastic in France， s'O these new j'Obs m'Ostly

c'Oncemed the tertiary sect'Or. Over the last 20 years， 3仰6'Of the j'Obs have been l'Ost in the industrial

sect'Or (1.7 milli'On j'Obs)， which is m'Ore than in any 'Other Westem c'Ountry except Great Britain.

Paris e:xperienced a m'Ore severe drop in industrial j'Obs than the pr'Ovinces， but at the same time

eI¥I'Oyed a greater rise in j'Obs in t'Op-ranking services in the tertiary sect'Or. In partic叫ar，pr'Oducer

services such as fmancial， c'Onsultants， insurance， c'Omputer， real-estate and advertising services

grew dramatically in the capital city， n'Ow acc'Ounting f'Or 'One quarter 'Of Paris empl'Oyment (c'Om-

pared with m'Ore than 'One-third in T'Oky'O， L'Ond'On and New-Y'Ork). The Paris regi'On drew half 'Ofthe

t'Op executives 'Of these industry， and specialised in c'Ommercial intermediati'On， market 'Organisa-

ti'Onal services (l'Ogistics)， and research instituti'Ons， all cl'Osely linked t'O functi'Ons 'Of ec'On'Omic

leadership.

In c'Ounterpart t'O its ec'On'Omic hype此.r'Ophy，Paris seems t'O be m'Ore e却'Osedthan血epr'Ovinces

t'O gl'Obal ec'On'Omic cycles，仕leiramplitude being accentuated in the capital. When the ec'On'Omic crisis

'Occurred in the early 1990s， private salaried empl'Oyment in the Paris regi'On decreased by 3% annually

企om1992 t'O 1993， whereas出efall was 'Only 1.5% in由epr'Ovinces (Veltz， 1996).

1.2 Widening of the Gap between East and West in the Paris Region

The deepening 'Of the gap between Paris and the provinces acc'Ompanies dramatic spatial

changes within the Paris regi'On itself. Fr'Om 1982 t'O 1990， this regi'On e}中erienceda dr部 ticurban

sprawl due t'O the netw'Ork structuring 'Of businesses， American-like new living standards and 'Opti-

mistic land-use plans that 'Overestimated populati'On gr'Owth rates. The urban area， which was

rather c'Ompact bef'Ore， experienced urban sprawl. Gr'Owth was nevertheless n'Ot h'Om'Ogene'Ous

'Over the region. It was m'Ore acute in the s'Outh-westem area (the s'O-called “triangle 'Of ec'On'Omic

gr'Owth") t'O the detriment 'Of the n'Orth-east， thus strengthening the traditi'Onal opp'Ositi'On between

n'Orth and east， which sh訂 ess'Ome c'Omm'On features with that 'Of T'Oky'O (the westem area being

m'Ore residential， made up 'Of green hills and plateau c'Orresp'Onding t'O the Yaman'Ote， the eastem

area being m'Ore 'Occupied by manufacturing industries， c'Orresp'Onding t'O Shitamachi).

One can thus 'Observe a shifting 'Of the CBD t'Owards the west. Headquarters 'Of d'Omestic 'Or f'Or-

eign firms， and service industries w'Orking f'Or them (namely c'Omputer， acc'Ounts and financial ser-

vices) have pr'Ogressively m'Oved fr'Om Paris 'Or its cl'Ose westem suburbs t'O m'Ore rem'Ote westem

町 e民国theHaut-de-Seine Prefecture (in particular Nanterre and Rueil cities).

Of 293，000 new j'Obs f'Or t'Op executives and pr'Ofessi'Onal pe'Ople created fr'Om 1982 t'O 1990 in

the Paris regi'On， Paris captured 97，000 ('One-third) and Hauts-de-Seine 16%， the tw'O prefectures

acc'Ounting f'Or half 'Of the regi'Onal gains. The highest c'Oncentrati'On 'Of t'Op-ranking j'Obs can be

'Observed in the new CBD l'Ocated in C'Ourbev'Oie and Puteaux cities and called “La Defense". In this

French c'Ounterpart 'Of West-Shi吋uku，39%加 d3鋭'Ofthe empl'Oyees are executives回Puteauxand

C'Ourbev'Oie respectively， whereas the average rati'O 'On the regi'Onal scale is “'Only" 22%.

246 Comprehensive Urban Studies NO.71 2000

百leeoncentration of jobs in the westem remote suburbs can be partly explained by the pleas幽

ant environment of these areas (plateau， hi1ls， former royal parks)， very suitable for executive housing. It was further strengthened by the recent trend in France for greater concem about edu-

cational issues. Residential strategies more and more depend on the level of education delivered in

the various private or state schools， this level depending on the educational level of fanulies fre-

quenting these schools.

The above changes observed between the 1982 and the 1990 censuses ran counter to town

pl加 ningpolicies. In 1960， a procedure (called agreement procedure) w部 institutedto restrain

office construction in the west of Paris， with the intention of progressively restoring the balance国

favour of the east. But in 1985， the agreement procedure was suppressed in order not to impede

structural economic changes， and construction of office space was immediately boosted in the west to meet the growing demand.

1.3 Changes in the Property Markets

Meanwhile， the demand for office space was also subject to a dramatic change due to the glob-

alisation of the world economy. Prior to the 1980s， large firms used to have their headquarters built

by developers， a配cq伊u註凶m崎gownership of the p戸ro叩pe町rt匂y(system c叫必all凶e吋d‘“‘加ildin昭1唱gf，伽Oぽrself oc白cu即1申pa副t伯io叩n"ワ')

However， the new globalised environment drastically changed the demand factors in the office market. Exacerbation of the competition between firms， induced by the economic globalisation， directed the demand towards the more prestigious and 田中ensivelocalities， but in the same time

new economic constraints (growing flexibility of production， new network-based organisation of

fmns) made real-estate investment for self occupation too rigid and risky， especially since land val-ues were already high in the Paris region. The demand for new office units consequently tumed

towards the office rental market， thus provoking the disruption of the construction chain of office

building. Developers st制 edto build non allocated office units (system called “bureaux en blanc2J")

to be sold to institutional investors who then rented to business. Nation-wide networks attracting

individual savings (SCPI， Societes Ci吋lesde Placement Immobiliers) developed rapidly and target-

ed the office markets， while banks and insurance companies also invested huge amoun臼 inthese

markets.百leemergence of this new kind of actor，回terposedbetween developers and fmal users，

greatly contributed to worsen myopia in office markets and to perpetuate speculative overheating.

As soon as the agreement procedure was suppressed， investors rushed towards the office mar-

ke臼 inLa Defense CBD and Hauts de Seine Prefecture. Hence far from allowing a stabi1isation of

land values by removing a shortage factor， the suppression of the agreement procedure induced speculative e}中ectationswith regard to future demand for office space， thus leading to a even high-

er increase in rents and land values in the office market.

In the Paris traditional CBD (“Golden Triangle"， a former residential area made up of old

Haussmannb国ldingsin the neighbourhood of the Champs Elysees)加 d回 LaDefense， office rents boomed after 1982， whereas the best locations in Mame la Vallee (a new town to the east of Paris) did not experience significant changes in the office market (chart 1).

This increase in rentallevels led to the rise in land values in the Paris regio

Aveline: Effects of Economic Globalization on Spatial Structure and Property Markets in血eParis Region 247

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Chart 1 Changes in Real Rents in the Paris Region Office Market (best locations)

expensive rnunicipalities of the Paris region， rnainly located in the two prefectures to the west of 出e16出 ward(narnely Neuilly引 u-Seine，Boulogne， Levallois， Saint-Gerrnain-en Laye， Versailles)，

and sorne in the Saclay technopolis in the south， land values increased ne訂 Iyfour tirnes， whereas land values rernained cornparatively stable in 128 other rnunicipalities (classified into three groups，

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Group 1: the 42 richest municipalities Group 2: the next 42 municipalities

Group 3: the next 42 municipalities Group 4: the poorest municipalities

Chart 2 Comparative Change in Land Values by Category of Municipality

248 Comprehensive Urban Studies No.71 2000

Evolution sur un an， au 3e trimestre 98

Denha附

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Source: Bases d'inJ砂mationseconomiques notariales

Chart 3 Resale Values of Apa同mentsin Paris 20 Wards (1998). Prices Are in Francs and in Euros.

see chart 2). The boom in commercialland eJ中andedinto residentialland凶仕lewestem suburbs

(Gaube抗， Tutin， 1995)，加dfinally towards the second司handresidential markets in Paris. Paris then

became the most expensive world capital for residential prope此y.Even after a seven ye訂 decrease

in prices， apartments are still sold at 3000 euros per mヘcomparedwith 2800 euros凶Londonand

2350 in Stockholm (chart 3).

The spreading of the land boom can be compared to that of Tokyo， but in Paris the increase irt commercialland values was much more geographically concentrated than in Tokyo. The re部 onis

that the boom concemed only high ranking service industries (leading industries)， and not typical tertiary industries. Causality tests on various Parisian property sub-markets made by Gaubert and

Tutin have revealed a strong impact of the office real-estate markets upon the commercial land

market， but this impact only concems the sub-market of office units for high-ranking service indus-

tries (Gaubert， Tutin， 1995).百lereis absolutely no causal link between the sub-market in office

units for ordinary services industries and the commercialland markets. In other words， the normal office sub咽markethad no e首ecton commercial land markets. This is why the rise in land values

was mainly concentrated in the 42 richest municipalities of Paris Region， which monopolise the leading functions of the economy.

Aveline: Effects of Economic Globalization on Spatial Structure and Property Markets in the Paris Region 249

2. The Territorial Fragmentation and its Effects on Residential Pattern

百leshifting of the CBD towards the west did not， however， take the cornpact forrn of West-Shinjuku or Ikebukuro. Excepting the La Defense area， dispersal of activities diffused towards the

west (Hauts-de・Seineprefectur吋 andsub-centres ernerged泊 otherareas well served by express-

ways， air and railway transport， generally located close to 1訂 gedeveloprnent areas (new towns， Orly and Roissy airports..ふOtherkinds of sub-centres also ernerged rnore spontaneously， such加

the Saclay technopolis， where industrial and scientific research converge. The cornpact city with

an unique centre thus gave place to a rnore diffuse and chequered pattem with various sub-centres.

Sources : CAF R品gionparisienne et CAF 77 Nombre d'allocataires au 30 juin 1989 non compris砲事“sansdomicile fix告

de 5a 7.アS

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Map 2 Number of People Receiving the Minimum Welfare Allocation Revenue <minimum d'insertion， RMI

(per 1000 inhabitants).

250 Comprehensive Urban Studies No.71 2000

2.1 Residential Mobility in a Cheiquered Territory

Within this chequered te町itory，especially in the north-east of the Paris region， are the old

industrial訂 e加， severely hit by the decline of industrialisation.官leshare of the tertiary industry

has also increased in these areas， but it is mostly due to the decline of industrial employment.

Moreover， this tertiary industry mainly concems “welfare tertiary" (jobs involved in welfare ser-

vices for unemployed people and low-income households) which strongly differs from the leading

service industries of the west (Tabaries， 1992， see map 2). It is thus not surprising that the revenue

gap between rich and poor municipalities h加 deepened(chart 4).

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Chart 4 The Growing Gap in Population Income Between Municipalities in the Paris Region、

Blue collars who lived near these industrial sites， either in social housing estates or in individ-ual houses， are now trapped in these zones because their mobility is impeded by unemployment or employment uncertainty. In the Seine-Saint-Denis Prefecture， the most affected by the decline of

industrialisation， (metallurgical and chemical industries)， unemployment touched 13.4% of the

working population， compared with 10.2% on average for Paris region， and 8.2% in the Essone Prefecture. Those who can afford to purchase housing must move to出eremote eastem suburbs

poorly served by transport， and endure a longer commuting time. Those more skilled who can fmd

a job in the high-ranking service industries of the west move into the centre of Paris (thus con-

tributing to an general increase in prices in the eastem wards)， or to the desirable residential areas

of the west if they can afford it. One can thus observe a kind of vicious circle， which seems specific to the Paris region: the most skilled， who get the best jobs， can live close to their place of work， by moving to (or staying in) Paris， or担 thesought after residential areas of the west， whereas those

left on the scrap heap by economic change concentrate in the less attractive zones， poorly served by transport， and their professional reinsertion is thus impeded.

Comprehensive studies on residential mobility in the four outer prefectures of Paris region

(“宮加decouronneつhaveshowed that the仕equencyof moving and the average moving distance

differ significantly according to the household's social group (map 3). The desirable westem resi-

dential areas prolonging the Paris prestigious wards show both a strong stability of households

(probably owners in most cases) and a high moving tumover within each municipality. It appears

Aveline: Effects of Economic Globalization on Spatial Structure and Proper匂Marketsin the Paris Region 251

仕latwell 0百householdsllave the opportunity to stay close to世間irwork place， their friends and relatives by mo吋ng部 oftenas necessary in the same area.官lerather less well-off households， or households who recentIy moved to the Paris region (originating from the provinces or tempor溜 ily

transferred) are more influenced by the modemist conception of American suburbs. They have

contributed to extending the neighbourhoods of executives towards the south-west， and to develop

luxury sub-centres well connected to the centre in the near suburbs of eastem Paris. Low-income

households thus remain trapped， as shown by the strong residential stability血 theindustrial sub-

urbs.官邸 stabilitygoes with that of the decaying housing stock of these areas， strongly contrasting with the careful upkeep of the rich residential are部 (Berger，Saint-Guerand， 1992).

1975・1982

Sources : RGP 1982， 19叩

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Traitements : Realises au SCIPRE ( PARIS 1 ) et au CIRCE ( CNRS) Logiciels ADDADSAS et SASGRAPH M. BERGER (STRATES)， C. LAMBERTS (DESS Paris 1)，τ.SAINT・GERAND( Paris 1 )

Map 3 Residential Mobility of Households in the Near Outer Zone of the Paris Region

The residential map broken down by housing category (from ordinary to luxury housing)

shows clearly the homogenisation of the Parisian property market， and the emergence of luxury housing in the east without any development of economic activities in this紅白 (Tut回， 1995，map

4).

The moving of the most well off企omdecaying areas to residential neighbourhoods with町 ban

amenities gives rise to ghettos.官邸 trendis p訂 tic叫arlystriking担 oldcities with rich historical

patrimony， such as Saint-Denis (north) where residential mixity seems to have suddenly disap-peared.

2.2 Strengthening of the Territorial Fragmentation by the Great Number of Municipalities

This territorial fragmentation was intensified by the fme grained subdivision of the distribu-

252 Comprehensive Urban Studies No.71 2000

璽霊蜜蜜S臼ub.J川u旧山町x叩叫昨町山y州山h加housi叫叫出山m略n略吃E仁仁コ N尚陶陶恥川o町凹町叫nc吋1叩叫CI旬加加同a邸臨制叫s田悶s幻1

Map 4 The Valious Types of Housing in Paris and its Suburbs

tion of municipalities. No less than 1281 municipalities are located in Paris region， on a surface of

12 000 km2， similar to that of Tokyo-ken， and homogeous urban policies are thus impeded by three main factors:

a) Financial incomes differ significantly from a municipality to another. About one-third of

local financial resources are accounted for by the professional tax (b部 edon economic activity)

and the various tax:es on property. Rich westem municipalities have thus enjoyed increasing tax:

revenues with the加盟国 ofnew tertiary firms (professional tax) and the consequent rise in land

values (tax:es on property). They have thus been able to provide inhabitants with new welfare faci1-

ities and urban amenities. Conversely， industrial municipalities are subject to a severe drop in the

revenue from bo出 theprofessional tax: (decreasing number of firms) and the tax:es on property

(low land values). Hence rich municipalities became richer， and poor municipalities became poor-

Aveline: Effects of Economic Globalization on Spatial S位uctureand Property Markets in the Paris Region 253

er， as shown泊 chart5.

Par・y-Vicillc;;

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-50~ 4000 6000 8000 10000 12000 14000 16000 18000 20000 22000

amou附 ofthetax base per inhabitant 1989 (x 1000町

Chart 5 Change in the Tax Base of the Professional Tax in Various Municipalities of Paris Region

b) The small size of municipalities fac坦itateselection to the municipal council. Therefore，

executives who “colonised" the eastem suburbs were able to impose their requirements for a bet-

ter residential environment.

c) Local social engineering strategies sometimes strongly differ according to the political

nature of the local council. Some right-wing councils have impeded the construction of social hous-

ing， for both electoral and fiscal reasons. Conversely， some municipalities of the “Red suburbs"

(Communist Party) with a strong workingぐlasstradition， did not try to prevent the flight of the richer households. They have implemented pauperisation policies by keeping unchanged the

decaying residential neighbourhoods. Saint-Germain-en-Laye (a municipality of the desirable west-

em suburbs) and Saint-Denis (an industrial municipality of the north)， both initially provided with historical patrimony of high symbolic value， are well reprsentative of this diverging process. Between the northem wards of P町 isand Saint-Denis lies a large訂 ea(700 ha) with an enormous

urban and economic potential， extremely well served by transport and called “La Plaine Saint Denis'¥However，出iszone is not considered attractive by business， because of its decaying envi-

ronment， not really compatible wi出 theresidential requirements of top executives， and because of

the strong attachment of the concemed local authorities to industrial activity.

2.3 The Decline of Residential Mixity

A major issue resulting企omthe dual structure of出eeconomy is the decline of residential

“m凶 ty" (possibility for various social groups to live in the same space). Until the early 1980s， res-idential mixity had been somewhat preserved in P紅 isand its suburbs by the construction of social

housing. Paris region is better equipped than the provinces with social housing. It concentrates 28%

of血eto阻1number of social housing units (amounting to 3，861，880 uni胎)， ranking in the first posi-

tion for the number of social housing units per capita (99 per thousand). During the 1980 and

1990s， construction of social housing continued， particularly in ZAC zones (zones of urban renewal

254 Comprehensive Urban Studies NO.71 2000

with high F ARs)， on sites sold by public administrations Oocal authorities， the Army or large public

industries)， but the overall increase in land values had repercussions on rents. For ex加 lple，i加nthe

ZAC of

the privat舵emarket (9'肝7.3F.町'1m2for new rents)， but not tailored to the resources oflow-income house-holds (the rent for a 3DK of 90m2 being almost equivalent to the standard minimum monthly

income).

The strong decline of residential diversity in Pぽ isregion is also due to the fact that larg social

housing estates during the years ofhigh growth (1955-1975) were concentrated ne紅 themanufac-

turing districts where the drop in jobs has been the most drastic. In the Paris ward area， residential

mixity was also threatened by the deregulation of special rents Ooyers de 1948) which had been

“企ozen"since the end of the second Word War， and by Miterτ加 d'spolicy of big projec臼.It is

doubtful that public policies would be able to challenge the growing share of wealth in Paris and its

south-westem suburbs， but at least the number of municipalities should be drastically revised in

order not to intensify the fragmentation of the te凶 tory.

Many social housing estates were built in large numbers during the 1960s and the early 1970s， close to industrial sites but far away from the central zones and poorly served by transport.

Residential mixi匂Twas rather high at first because these buildings had all modem conveniences.

However， during the years of high economic growth (until 1974)， those who could afford to buy a

house left the social housing estates， which now concentra土ea“trapped" population severely hit by

the decline of industrialisation， mainly made up of jobless or low-income immigrants. Riots broke out in the early 1980s in these町 eas，compelling public authorities to take some

action. A“Town Policy" (Politique de la Ville) was adopted， but during ten years it consisted only of repairing the most decaying sites (for the most part in the Paris region) and setting up new

social and welfare services. These measures had disastrous effects， because they designated social housing sites as“dise加 ed"，labelling them as responsible for the overall urban problem. As a con-

sequence， despite significant efforts to increase living conditions in these zones， their image deteri-orated even more， and in adjacent neighbourhoods individual houses were subject to decreasing property values.

Social housing in Paris is not， however， ex

Francois Mitter加 d's“BigProjects Policy" (politique de grands projets)， which came within

the scope of an overall marketing policy to attract firms to Paris， also contributed to equalising

Aveline:E能 ctsof Economic Globalization on Spatial Structure加 dPrope向，Markets in the Paris Region 255

rents and property prices within Paris 20 wards. This policy consisted in building large facilities

using highly symbolic simple shapes such as a cube (Great Arch)， a triangle (the Louvre pyramid)，

a rectangle (Ministry of Finance in Bercy)， a table (Great Library) etc... In particular， the new Opera constructed恒 theworking-class area of Bastille has greatly accelerated the process of gen-

trification in this neighbourhood.

Conclusion : What prospects ?

The drop of residential mixity in the various municipalities of the Paris region will certainly

have significant repercussions on the future structure of the Parisian economy. Firms are ve巧Tsen-

sitive to the quality of residential environment in their strategies of localisation， and only those

municipalities with the highest tax revenues will be able to attract new economic activities. This

will nevertheless probably not be true for all the rich municipalities， because the emergence of new

executive neighbourhoods回 theeast of Paris have not persuaded firms to relocate there as yet.

官leweight of the distinction between east and west could thus be determinant. It might be diffic叫t

to thwart this very old structure which goes back several centuries， to when Louis仕leXIVth decid-

ed to relocate his residence from the Louvre to Versailles. However， redistribution of wealth between municipalities could be greatly improved by reforming the tax system. The public authori-

ties have tried several times without success to promote more redistributive tax systems on a larg-

er scale (metropolitan areas). The last Act adopted in 1999， called the Chevenement Act， comes within this scope， by greatly simplifying inter-municipal co-operation. However， a more drastic

reform reducing the number of municipalities could better counter the growing territorial fragmen-

tation.

Notes

1)官leParis region is called Ile de France. It concems 8 departements (equivalent to Japanese prefectures)， i.e. Paris (municipality and departement )， Seine-Saint-Denis， Hauts-de-Seine， Val-de-Mame， Yvelines，

Essonne， Val d'Oise， Seine et Mame. 2) It can be translated by“office in white"， which means白紙 thedeveloper does not lmow whether he will

be able to sell the whole developed office floor. 3) During the late 1980s， a growing number of development projects were allowed special dispensations

from standard building regulations， such as Urban Renewal Projects in Japan. The increase in Floor Area

Ratios automatically provoked a rise in land values.

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