encyclopedia of political thought - droppdf1.droppdf.com/files/i6m2u/encyclopedia-of-political...and...

Preface

ThisEncyclopaediaprovidesthestudent(whetherprofessionaloramateur)ofpoliticalthoughtwithareliableguidetothemajorideas

anddoctrinesthatinfluencethecontemporaryworld;itoutlinesthethoughtofleadingpoliticaltheorists,pastandpresent,andconsidersthewaysinwhichthinkingaboutpoliticshasevolvedhistorically.Wehaveconfinedourattentionlargelytothewesterntraditionofpoliticalthoughtalthoughwe

haveincludedsurveyarticlesonChinese,HinduandIslamicpoliticalthoughtwhichwehopewillintroducethereadertothesenon-westerntraditions,wemakenoclaimtocomprehensivecoverage.Wehaveincludedthethoughtofphilosophers,historians,lawyers,economistsandsociologistsonlywhentheyhavemadesome

directcontributiontopoliticaldebate.Inordertokeepentriesonindividualthinkerswithinreasonablebounds,wehavemadeextensiveuseofsurveyarticlestocovermajorepisodesinpoliticalthought(e.g.theGreeks,theRenaissance)andmajortraditions(e.g.liberalism,Marxism);minorfiguresfallingwithinthescopeofsuch

articlesaregiventwoorthreelinesandcross-referenced.Finally,wehavenotattemptedtodealcomprehensivelywiththespecialistliteratureofmodernpoliticalinstitutions,thisbeingthepurposeofaforthcomingcompanionvolume,TheBlackwellEncyclopaediaofPoliticalInstitutions.

Writingaboutpoliticalideasisinasmallwayitselfapoliticalactivity.Ourpolicyhasbeentoselectthebestcontributorforeachtopicregardlessofacademicorpoliticalallegiance,andtoplacenorestrictionsonchoiceofapproach.Webelievethattheoutcomeisacollectionofarticlesthatareauthoritativewithoutbeingdullorstereotyped.

Buttheattentivereaderwillsoonbecomeawarethatfewpoliticalideascanbegivenasimple,straightforwarddefinition;norcantherebeuncontroversialreadingsoftheworksofpoliticalthinkers.Thisisuncomfortableterrainforthosewhobelievethattoeveryquestionthereisonerightanswer.If,besidesbeinginformative,

wehavesucceededincommunicatingsomethingoftheopen-endednessofpoliticalthinkinginthearticlesthatfollow,weshallfeeldoublypleased.

DLMJCWECAROCTOBER1986

Contributors

AzizAl-AzmehAAUniversityofExeter

JuliaAnnasJEAUniversityofArizona

PeterD.AnthonyPDAUniversityCollege,Cardiff

ShlomoAvineriSAHebrewUniversityofJerusalem

TerenceBallTBUniversityofMinnesota

BenjaminR.BarberBRBRutgersUniversity

RodneyBarkerRBLondonSchoolofEconomics

JonathanBarnesJBBalliolCollege,Oxford

BrianBarryBMBLondonSchoolofEconomics

DavidBeethamDBUniversityofLeeds

RonaldBeinerRSBUniversityofToronto

RichardBellamyRPBUniversityofEdinburgh

AntonyBlackAB

UniversityofDundee

EditorialNotes

1Itisimportanttomakefulluseofthecross-referencingsystem.Ineachentrycapitalsareusedtoindicateotherentrieswherefuller

informationcanbefound.Consulttheindexforacompletelistofreferencestoaparticulartopicorperson.

2EachentryisfollowedbyareadinglistthatincludesmodernEnglishlanguageeditions(wheretheseexist)ofthetextsreferredtointheentry,aswellasrelevantsecondary

literature.Materialthatisespeciallysuitableforfurtherreadingisindicatedbyanasterisk(*).

3Whenaparticulartextisdiscussedinanentrythedateoffirstpublicationisgiveninbrackets.(Occasionally,incaseswherethetextremainedunpublishedforalong

period,thedategivenisthedateofcomposition.)Textsgiveninthereadinglistbutnototherwisementionedhavetheoriginaldate(ifthisdiffersfromthatoftheeditioncited)inbracketsafterthetitle.

4Sourcesofquotationsarenormallyindicatedsimplybyauthor'sname

andapagenumber;fulldetailsaregiveninthereadinglist.Iftwoormoreworksbythesameauthorappearinthelistashorttitleisusedtoavoidambiguity.

A

Absolutism

Thetermnowhasnoprecisemeaning.Itislooselyappliedto

governmentsexercisingpowerwithoutrepresentativeinstitutionsorconstitutionalrestraints.Thoughoftenusedtodayasasynonymfortyrannyordespotism'absolutism'isusuallyappliedtoearlymodernstates.AsamemberofafamilyofregimetypesitwasjoinedinthenineteenthcenturybyBonapartismorCaesarism;andinthe

twentieth,bytotalitarianism.Allregimetypesinthisfamilyhavegeneratedanalogousdiscussionsaboutthequestionsofwhetherabsoluteortotalpowerwaseverinfactattained,orisinprincipleattainable.(SeealsoDESPOTISMandTOTALITARIANISM.)

ThetermfirstappearedinFrenchinabout1796andinEnglishandGermaninabout1830.Like'enlighteneddespotism'itwasaneologismcoinedbyhistoriansafterthedisappearanceofthephenomenonitwasmeanttodesignate.Duringthenineteenthcenturyitwasforthemostpartusedpejoratively.Itisstillusedbyhistoriansofpolitical

theory,andbythoseconcernedwiththeemergenceofstatesfromthesixteenthtotheeighteenthcenturies.Ontheonesideabsolutismfiguresindiscussionsofsovereignty,constitutionalism,rights,resistance,andproperty;ontheotheritfiguresinhistoriographicaldisputesamongnon-MarxistandMarxisthistoriansabout

thedating,functions,andclassorsocialbasisoftheperiodoncedescribedastheageofabsolutism(16481789).Somenon-Marxisthistoriansregardabsolutismasacontestedconceptbetterrenderedasabsolutemonarchy.

Historiansofpoliticalandlegalthoughthavelearnedtoexercisecautionwhen

treatingboththedisputesoccasionedbymorecentralizedandefficientmonarchiesandthetheoriesusedtolegitimateortoassailthem.Atissueisthemeaningofthelanguageusedbyearlymoderntheoristsandthedegreeofactualunrestrainedpowerattainedinthepracticesoftheregimestheydesignated.Themost

prominentadvocatesofabsolutismamongpoliticaltheoristswereBODINandBossuetinFrance,HOBBESandFILMERinEngland.Indiscussingthecontestedconceptsusedbyandaboutthem,Dalyhasproposedthatanalystsaskthefollowingquestionsaboutusesofthewordsabsoluteandabsolutismintheseventeenth-century

politicalvocabulary:

[W]hatdoestheusermean?Inwhatpartofthecenturyishespeaking?Whatparty,orfactiondoeshebelongto?...[Ishesaying]Thatthekinghasnosuperior?Orisnotelected?Orcannotberesisted?Does'absolute'refertotheking'spowertooccupythethrone,ortotheextentofpowerthethronegiveshim?Doesitrefertoaparticularlegalrightortotheformofgovernment?

Doesitdenoteamonarch'srighttoraisetaxesandmakelawwithoutconsent?(pp.24950)

JeanBodinwasthemostimportanttheoristofSOVEREIGNTY.ThedisordersofhistimeinFranceledhimtoassumetheneedtoconcentrateauthorityinacentralizedstate.Politicalandsocialstability,heheld,requiredthatin

everystatetherebeasupremeorsovereignauthority,unlimitedinitsjurisdictionandperpetualinitsexerciseofpower.SovereigntydidnotimplyforBodinunlimitedpoweroverthepersonsandpropertyofsubjects.Thesovereignwassubjecttolimitationsimposedbynaturallawandfundamentalcustomarylaw(e.g.consentto

taxation).Butneithernaturalnorcustomarylawmightbeenforcedbythe

B

Babeuf,FranoisNol(Gracchus)(17601797)

Frenchrevolutionary.Babeufextendedthe

radicalprinciplesoftheRevolutiontoademandforsocialequality,arguingforcommunityoflandandgoods.SeeCOMMUNISM.

Bacon,Francis,LordVerulam(15611626)

Britishstatesmanandphilosopher.Baconspentmoreofhislifeinthe

practiceofthepoliticalartsthaninreflectionuponthem.ThenephewofLordBurghley,hewasboththeconfidantoftheEarlofEssexandintheendthemanwhohadtodrawupEssex'sindictmentfortreason.EvenbythestandardsofTudorandJacobeanEngland,Bacon'scareerwasastormyone,involvingalong-drawn-

outstrugglewithSirEdwardCOKEonhiswaytothelordchancellorship,andasuddendismissalfromhighofficeunderimpeachmentforbribery.Notedinhisowndayastheauthorofshrewdmemorandaonmattersofimmediatemoment,hishistoricalreputationrestsonhisphilosophyofscienceandonhisunfinishedsketchesofa

scientificutopia.

AthisaphoristicbestinhisEssays(1625),BaconisathismostseriousinTheAdvancementofLearning(1605)andinhisutopiansketchfortheNewAtlantis(1627).Baconwashostiletotheexcessesofscholasticismandtotheoristswholookedonlyforevidence

tosupporttheirownpreconceptions;hewasanuncomprisingempiricistwhotookthefirststepstowardselaboratinganinductivelogic.Norwasinductionamatterofsimplypilingupsupportingevidence;wecouldonlybeconfidentofageneralizationifwehadlookedforcontraryevidence,too.Buttheadvancementofscience

wasnotjustamatterofgoodmethod;itneededpoliticalsupport.InNewAtlantistheCollegeoftheSixDays'WorkswasanembryonicRoyalSocietywhosefounderswereindeedstimulatedbyBaconwhichwouldsupportinventionanddiscovery.Thepoliticalbackgroundtoallthisisonlyimplicit,butitappearstobean

enlightenedtheocracyalthoughintheEssayshewritesasadiscipleoftherepublicanMachiavelli.

BaconcombinesthemesfromPLATOandtheENLIGHTENMENT,andstandsatthejunctionbetweenChristianEuropeandthesecular,scientificworldwhichreplacedit.AR

Reading

Bacon,F.:TheAdvancementofLearningandNewAtlantis,ed.A.Johnston.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1974.

:Essays,ed.J.Pitcher.Harmondsworth:Penguin,1985.

*Manuel,F.andManuel,F.:UtopianThoughtintheWesternWorld.Cambridge,Mass.:Belknap,1979.

*Quinton,A.:Bacon.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1980.

Bagehot,Walter(18261877)

Britishjournalistandpoliticalandconstitutionaltheorist.BagehotwasbornintoaUnitarianbankingfamilyinthewestofEnglandandeducatedatUniversityCollege,London,afterwardsreturningtoSomersettohelpinrunningthefamilybank.LaterhebecameeditorfirstoftheNationalReviewandthen,from

1860tohisdeath,ofTheEconomist.Hewrotecopiouslyfortheperiodicaljournalsofthetimeandhisbestknownworks,TheEnglishConstitution(1865)andPhysicsandPolitics(1867),bothappearedoriginallyasseriesofarticles.Apolymath,hewroteperceptivelyandentertaininglyon

C

Cabet,tienne(17881856)

Frenchsocialist.Advocatedaregimented

formofcommunisminhisutopiannovelVoyageenIcarie(1840),andattemptedtoimplementit(withlimitedsuccess)atanIcariancolonyinIllinois,USA.SeeCOMMUNISM.

Calhoun,JohnCaldwell(17821850)

Americanstatesman.

Calhounservedasrepresentative(181017)andsenator(183244,184550)forSouthCarolina;hewassecretaryofwar(181725),secretaryofstate(18445)andvice-presidentoftheUnitedStates(182532).HewroteADisquisitiononGovernmentandADiscourseontheConstitutionandGovernmentoftheUnited

States,bothpublishedafterhisdeath,aswellasnumerousaddressesandletters.

Originallyamilitantnationalist,notablyamongthe'warhawks'atthetimeofthewarof1812,CalhounbecamemoreandmoreidentifiedwiththedefenceoftheSouth,slavery,andtherightsof

thestateswithinthefederalunion.

InhisDisquisition,Calhounrejectedthedoctrineofnaturalrights,contendingthathumanbeingsarenotbornfreeandequal,butina'socialandpoliticalstate',subjecttoauthority.Calhoun'stheory,however,restsonindividualisticpremises:

self-preservationis'theall-pervadingandessentiallawoftheanimateduniverse'and'directorindividualaffectionsarestrongerthan...sympatheticorsocialfeelings'.Infact,Calhounsawadangerinsociability;hedefendedinequalityasanecessaryspurtoeffort,anticipatingSOCIALDARWINISMbyarguingthatcompetition

forrankprovidesthe'greatestimpulse'tohumanprogress.Freedomisthenaturalhumangoal,butitisa'rewardtobeearned',notanoriginalright.

Theseargumentsobviouslydidnotapplytoslavery:slaveswereexcludedfromcompetitionandcouldnot

'earn'freedom.Calhoun'smostbasicjustificationofslaveryderivedfromthe'scientific'caseforracialinequality.Healsocontended,however,thatslaverymoderatesclassconflict(becauseslaveownersmustcarefortheir'capital')andtherebypromotessocialstability.

LikemostSouthern

theoristsCalhouncontendedthatthestates,originallysovereign,hadcreatedtheUnionand,sincesovereigntycannotbedivided,retainedtheirsovereignrightofsecession.Hewentbeyondthislegalcase,however,todevelopamoredistinctiveandtheoreticalargument.FollowingMADISONinTheFederalist(no.10),

Calhounmaintainedthatthechiefdangertorepublicangovernmentisthepossibilitythatpowerwillfallintothehandsofsomenarrowpartyorfaction.Publicspiritisnoadequateprotectionagainstthis,giventhepriorityofindividualfeelingsandprivateinterests.Itisnecessarytodesigninstitutionswhichmakeitimpossiblefor

governmenttosuppressanymajorinterestinsociety.Madisonhadconsideredthatthediversityofinterestsinthefederalunion,combinedwithmajorityrule,wouldachievethisresult.Calhounfoundthisargumentinadequate,andwithitthefederalconstitution.

FollowingtheprecedentofTimothyFord'stheoryofthe'dualcontract'(1794),Calhouninsistedthat'interestsaswellasnumber'mustbeconsideredinthedefinitionofamajority.Amajoritymustbe'concurrent',madeupofmajoritieswithineachinterest,sothateach

D

DanteAlighieri(12651321)

Italianpoet.ForDante,theroleofthepoet

includedthemoralist,thephilosopherand,inhisDivineComedy,theprophet.ConvincedbyhisbriefbuttraumaticpoliticalcareerinhisnativeFlorencethatthesocietywhichitrepresentedrequiredfundamentalmoralreformDante,inthelasttwentyyearsofhislife,graduallyarrivedatavisionofanidealsocietywhere

individualswouldbefreetofollowthepathofvirtueleadingtoultimatesalvation,anditisinthisessentiallyreligiouscontextthathispoliticalthoughtmustbeseen.

Dante'sFlorencewasthewealthiestandmostself-confident,butalsothemostturbulent,oftheself-governingItaliancities.It

acknowledgedanominalallegiancetotheHolyRomanEmperor,butinpracticetookadvantageoftheineffectualityofimperialauthorityinItalytoexpandattheexpenseofitsTuscanneighbours,whilekeepingatarm'slengththepowerwhichhadsoughttosupplanttheempireinItaly,thepapacy.InNovember1301thegoverningparty,

towhichDantebelonged,wasoverthrowninacoupwiththeconnivanceofPopeBonifaceVIII,whohopedtherebytoincreasehisinfluenceoverthecity'saffairs.Dante,whowasinRomeonanembassytoBonifaceatthetime,wasamongthosecondemnedintheirabsencebythenewgovernment,andsoneverreturnedtothecity.This

experiencelefthimprofoundlydisillusionedbothwithFlorenceandwithitseconomicandsocialvalues,andwithapoliticallyaggressivepapacy;theconvictionthatbothmustbemadetoacceptconstraintsontheirpoliticalpowerunderliesallhissubsequentthought.

Theworksoftheearly

yearsofhisexileshowDanteexploringtheimplicationsofthisconviction,asitdevelopsintothecomprehensivevisionofsocialandmoralorderoftheDivineComedy.Theseshorterpoemsandunfinishedprosetreatisesrevealamarkedpreferenceforlayasagainstclericalinstitutions,andmoresympathythanwould

havebeennormalinGuelphFlorenceforthelastHohenstaufenclaimantstotheimperialtitle.WhatismissinguntilthelastbookoftheConvivio(c.1307)isthatsenseofthesacreddestinyofRomeasthecapitaloftheuniversalempire,whichisevidentlyderivedfromDante'sre-readingofVirgil'sAeneid,andwhichisproclaimedasanarticle

offaiththroughouthismatureworks.

TheDivineComedy(begunabout1304)reflectsthewideningscopeofDante'spoliticalconcerns.IntheInferno,Florenceanditsproblemsdominatethepicture:acommunitywherefamilyandcivicloyaltiesconflict,whoseprevailing

philosophyismaterialismandwhoseprosperityrestsonthesociallysterileactivityofusury,isshownasfundamentallyunstableandcorrupt.Atthesametime,thechurchisincapableofexercisingitsproperspiritualfunctionbecauseoftheworldlinessofitsleaders;andtheDONATIONOFCONSTANTINE,wherebythefirstChristianemperorsupposedly

bestowedhistemporalpowerintheWestonthepapacy,isseenasafatefulmistakewhichmarkedthebeginningofthechurch'sdeclinefromitsprimitivefaith.InthePurgatorioDanteturnstothelargerpoliticalorderwhichallowssuchdevelopmentstotakeplace.Thereshouldideallybetwopowersor'suns'whichshouldguideman's

spiritualandtemporalaspirations;but'onehasextinguishedtheother'(Purg.xvi,106ff),thechurchhavingtrespassedonthe

E

Ecclesiology

Thetheoryandpracticeofchurchgovernment,developedbypopesand

medievalcanonlawyersfromthetwelfthcenturyonwards,whichincludedthebasesforandorganizationofpapalandepiscopaladministration,withemphasisgiventoconciliarpowers(seeCONCILIARISM).Attheheartofmuchecclesiologicaldoctrineliesthehistoryofmedievalrepresentativeinstitutionsingeneral.(SeeMEDIEVALPOLITICAL

THOUGHT.)JC

Egalitarianism

SeeEQUALITY.

Elitism

Anapproachtounderstandingpoliticsandhistorywhich,inits

strongestform,holdsthatsocietiesarealwaysdominatedbyaminority(theelite)whichtakesthemajordecisionswithinthesocietyandwhichconcentratespowerinitsownhands.Byextensionthetermelitistissometimesusedpejorativelyinpoliticaldebatestodescribepolicieswhichareallegedtopromotetheadvantage

ofaminorityandexcludethewiderpopulation.Thetermeliteoriginallymeantthe'elect'orthebest.Thetermisstilloccasionallyusedinthissenseinordinaryspeechwhenpoliciesaresometimesdefended,particularlyineducation,as'elitist',meaningthattheyareintendedtoproducethebestormostable.Inpoliticalthoughtelitism

hasamoretechnicalreferencetocertainmodesofexplanationwhichderivefromtheworkoftheItaliansociologistsMOSCAandPARETO.

These'classicalelitists'arguedthatthetraditionalclassificationofpoliticalsystemsintomonarchies,aristocraciesanddemocraciesignoredthe

moreimportantcommonfeaturethatallwereruledbyaminority,orelite.Theelitegaineditsdominantpositionasaresultofitspossessionofsomeresourcesorattributeswhichwerevaluedintheparticularsociety.Thisbasisoftheelite'sdominationwasnotnecessarilyeconomic,eventhoughanelitemightpossiblyuseits

dominationtogainwealthandmaterialadvantage.Inmanysocietiesauthoritywasexercisedbypriestswhosecontrolofreligiousdogmaandsymbolsgrantedthemdecisivepoweroverthepopulation.Alternatively,militaryofficersmightconstitutethedominantgroup,governingthecountryeitheropenlyorcovertly.Inothersystems

theseniorstateofficialsmightbetheelitecontrollingpoliticaldecisions.AccordingtoPareto,theeliteheldpowerbecauseitpossessedappropriatepsychologicalqualities,ofcunninganddeceitorofstrengthanddecisiveness.Innocasedidthemassofthepopulationexercisecontrol,eveninademocracywheretheidea

oftheruleofthepeoplewasamythconcealingactualdominationbyaninnergroupofpartyleaderswhomanipulatedthesystemofrepresentation.

Mostelitistsarguethattheelitemaintainsitsdominationbyacombinationofcoercionandmanipulation.The

relativelycompactsizeoftheeliteenablesitsmemberstoacttogetherinaconsciousandcohesivemanner.Theelite'sprocessesofcommunicationareeasieranditsmemberscanberapidlymobilizedtoformulateapolicyandtakeaninitiative.Theelitehastheadvantagesoforganization(particularlystressedbyMICHELS).This

isinsharpcontrasttothe'mass'ofthepopulationwhoaretypicallyregardedasatomizedandincapableofrapidspontaneousactionunlessthemselvesledbyaneliteor'counter-elite'.Theelitenormallyuses

F

Fabianism

ThetermisusedtoreferbothtoageneralpositionwithinSOCIALISMandtothe

viewsofaspecificgroupoflateVictorianandearlytwentieth-centuryBritishsocialists.Thetwousesarerelated.

AsageneraltermFabianismdescribesastyleofsocialismexpressingtheessentialargumentsofthehistoricalFabianSocialists.Itsprincipalfeaturesare:

(1)anemphasisonmeritocracyandtheresponsibilityoftrainedexpertsinthemanagementofpublicaffairs;

(2)adistrustofradicalorconfrontationaltacticsandaconfidencethatplannedanddeliberatereform,carriedoutasaresultof

thetriumphofreasonandthepresentationofevidence,canslowlybutinevitablycreateasocialistsociety;

(3)abeliefinreasonasapossibleanddesirablemotivatingfeatureofgovernmentandpolitics;

(4)thepursuitofefficiencyinpublic

affairs,justifiedbyempiricallydemonstrablecriteria;

(5)commitmenttoaformofdemocracyinwhichindividualsparticipateintheirvariousrolesascitizens,workers,etc.,contributingbytheireffortstothecommongoodfromwhichtheybenefit;anda

correspondingdisinclinationtosupporttheadvocacyofformsofdirectpopularpower.

Inthislast,broadsenseawholeseriesofsocialistthinkersandpoliticiansfromHughDaltontoAnthonyCROSLANDhavebeendeemedtobe'Fabian'.

Asanhistoricallyspecificterm,FabianismdescribestheviewsoftheleadingmembersoftheFabianSocietyfromthesociety'sformationin1884untilthelate1930s.Althoughtheword'Fabian'wasusedtodescribetheviewsofthegroupasawhole,theSocietyhadaheterogeneousmembershipwhichincludedthesometime

secularistandtheosophistAnnieBesant,thefuturegovernorofJamaicaSydneyOlivier,andthepoliticalscientistGrahamWallas.WhatgavetheFabiansunitywasthepresenceofalargenumberofambitiousprofessionalandintellectualmenandwomenwhoseownskillsandaspirationscomplementedthe

meritocraticambitionsoftheSocietyitself.TheprincipalexponentsofFabianviewstypifiedthischaracteristicofthemembership.BeatriceWebbwasanupper-middle-classsocialinvestigator,herhusbandSidneyWebbacivilservantturnedpoliticianandsocialscientist,andGeorgeBernardShawanovelist,playwrightand

journalist.ThemostmaverickmemberoftheSociety,H.G.Wells,wasperhapsthemostambitiousofall,bothonhisownbehalfandonbehalfofthemeritocracywhichonoccasionheelevatedtoacasteofsamuraiorironsides.Thevarietyofopinionsheldbymemberswentfarbeyondanythingthatcouldbepresentedasa

single,distinctiveposition.ThereweredifferencesevenamongtheprincipalFabians,betweentheWebbs'admirationforadministrationandparticipation,Shaw'sbeliefinleadership(aviewwhich,hesaidwithcharacteristicmodesty,hesharedwithLENINandothernaturalTories),andWells'sdepictionofa

dedicatedoligarchiccaste.Nonetheless,certainbroadviewscanbesaidtocharacterizetheclassicFabianismoftheWebbsandShaw.

BysocialismtheFabiansunderstoodthe

G

Gaius(activeAD13080)

Romanjurist.HisInstitutesanticipatedthose

ofJUSTINIAN.SeeROMANLAW.

Gandhi,MohandasKaramchand(18691948)

GreatIndianleader,andastimulatingthinker.GandhiwastrainedasalawyerinEngland,andafteranindifferentlegalpracticeinIndiaheleftfor

SouthAfrica.Duringhisstaythereofovertwodecades,heconductedmanycampaignsagainstracialdiscriminationanddevelopedhiswell-knownmethodofsatyagrahaornon-violentresistance.AfterhisreturntoIndiain1915hebecametheunchallengedleaderoftheIndiannationalistmovement.Heevolvedanewlanguageofpolitical

discourse,anapparentlyarchaicbuthistoricallyevocativesetofsymbols,andasimpleandausterelifeasawayofidentifyinghimselfwithhispoorestcountrymen,andmobilizedthemundertheleadershipoftheradicallytransformedCongressParty.HelaunchedtheNon-cooperationMovementin1920,theCivil

DisobedienceMovementin1930andtheQuitIndiaMovementin1942.HewaslargelyresponsibleforIndia'sindependencein1947.Hismomentoftriumphwasalsohismomentoffailure,forindependencewasmarkedbywidespreadHindu-Muslimriots,theferocityofwhichshatteredhimandsappedhiswilltolive.Althoughfrailand

broken,hetrekkedhiswaytodistanttrouble-spotsandsingle-handedlyrestoredpeaceandgoodwill.WhenafanaticHinduassassinatedhim,AlbertEinsteinthoughtthatfuturegenerationswould'scarcebelievethatsuchaoneasthiseverinfleshandbloodwalkeduponthisearth'.

Gandhi'smoralandpoliticalthoughtisbasedonarelativelysimplymetaphysic.ForhimtheuniverseisregulatedbyaSupremeIntelligenceorprinciplewhichhepreferredtocallsatya(Truth)and,asaconcessiontoconvention,God.Itisembodiedinalllivingbeings,aboveallmen,intheformofself-conscioussoulorspirit.

Thespiritconstitutesman'sessence.Beingmerelyamaterialconstruct,thebodyisultimatelyunrealandhasnomoralclaims.Allwantsanddesiresbeyondthebiologicalminimumareformsofsensualindulgenceandspirituallydegrading.ForGandhicontemporarywesterncivilizationiscentredaroundthebody,asis

evidentinitsmultiplicationofwants,lackofself-restraintandthedeclineofmoralandspiritualdepth,andisunlikelytolastlong.

Gandhiarguesthatsinceallmenpartakeindivineessencetheyare'ultimatelyone'.Theyarenotmerelyequal,but'identical'.Assuch,loveis

theonlyproperformofrelationbetweenthem;itis'thelawofourbeing',of'ourspecies'.Loveimpliescareandconcernforothersandtotaldedicationtothecauseof'wipingeverytearfromeveryeye'.Negativelyitimpliesahimsaornon-violence.Gandhi'sentiresocialandpoliticalthoughtisanattempttoworkouttheimplicationsofthe

principleofloveinallareasoflife.

ForGandhithestate'representsviolenceinaconcentratedform'.Itspeaksinthelanguageofcompulsionanduniformity,sapsitssubjects'spiritofinitiativeandself-help,and'unmans'them.Sincemenarenotyetmorally

developedandcapableofactinginasociallyresponsiblemanner,thestateisnecessary.However,ifitisnottohindertheirgrowth,itoughttobesoorganizedthatitsactivities

H

Habermas,Jrgen(1929)

Germanphilosopherandsocialscientist.Habermas

isthemostimportantcontemporarythinkeroftheFrankfurtSchoolofCRITICALTHEORY.LikeotherthinkersinthattraditionherejectstheorthodoxMarxiannotionthatthenormativestandpointforaradicalcritiqueofcapitalistsocietyistheprivilegedroleoftheproletariat.Habermas'sworkasawholecanperhapsbebest

understoodasawide-rangingsearchfor'adequatenormativefoundationsforacriticalsocialtheory'.

Habermas'seffortshavefocusedontheconceptofRATIONALITYandtheproblemofsocietalrationalization.Hehascriticizedthereductionoftheformertopurely

instrumentalcalculationsandtriedtoconstructa'morecomprehensive'account.Thedevelopmentofsuchanaccountisnecessaryforanadequateunderstandingandcritiqueofthe'one-sided'processofsocietalrationalizationwhichhascharacterizedthedevelopmentofcapitalism.Thisnotionofone-sidednessreferstoanincreasingtendencyfora

technical,instrumentalorientationtosociallifetomarginalizemorereflective,normativeandaesthetic,expressiveorientations.

ThisdualfocusonrationalityandrationalizationhasmeantthatHabermas'sworkhascontinuallyengagedbothabstracttopicsin

epistemologyandthephilosophyoflanguage,aswellasmoreconcretequestionsinsocialtheorysuchaslegitimationproblemsinadvancedcapitalismandtheimportanceofnewsocialmovements(e.g.women,radicalecologists,counter-culturalmovements,gays).

InthecourseofhiswritingsHabermashasshiftedhisstrategyfortreatingrationalityandrationalization.Hisfirstmajorbook,KnowledgeandHumanInterests(1968),attemptedanepistemologicalcritiqueoftheprevailingpositivistmodelofknowledge(seePOSITIVISM).Briefly,hearguedthatthismodelincorporatedonlyone

knowledge-constitutiveinterestofthehumanspecies:thetechnicalinterestincontrol.Thismodelthreatenedtousurptheplaceofother,equallybasic,modelsofknowledgewhicharegroundedintwootherknowledge-constitutiveinterestsandwhichcanhelpilluminatetheproblemsofsocietalrationalization.

Hermeneuticorinterpretiveknowledgeanswerstothepracticalinterestinexpandingcommunicativeinteraction,andcritical,emancipatoryknowledge(suchascriticalsocialtheory)answerstotheemancipatoryinterestinremovingstructuresofdomination.

Bythemid-1970sHabermaswasbecomingincreasinglydissatisfiedwiththisframeworklinkingknowledgeandreasontouniversal,'anthropologicallydeep-seated'interests.Heshiftedhisfocusawayfromepistemologytolanguage.Hedecidedthataproperunderstandingofrationalitywouldemergenotfromspeculation

aboutknowledge-constitutiveinterests,butfromatheoreticalreconstructionofthecompetenceactorsdemonstrateinlinguisticinteraction.Wheneveractorsengagein'communicativeaction',thatis,orientthemselvestowards'reachinganunderstanding',theymutuallyimputeacertainaccountabilitytoone

anotherinrelationtothevalidityoftheclaimstheyraiseintheirspeechacts.Habermasarguesthattherearethreeuniversalclaims:truth,normativelegitimacy,andsincerity.Eachactorhasanintuitiveunderstandingofthedifferencesbetweentheseclaimsaswellasof

I

IbnKhaldun*

AbuZayd'Abdal-Rahman

Ibn*Muhammad(13321406)Arabcourtier,condottiere,

judge,historian,andpolymath.BorninTunis,IbnKhaldunspentmorethanhalfhisstormycareerpursuingelusiveambitionsatthecourtsofFez,Granada,

Tlemcen,andBougie.InthemorestableconditionsofCairo,wherehesettledin

1378,hepursuedasuccessful

andcontroversialcareerasjudgeandprofessor;in1401hehadacolourfulencounterwithTamerlaneoutsidethewallsofDamascus.Ibn

KhaldunisbestknownforhisMuqaddima(1377),theprolegomenontohis

UniversalHistory(137782);heisalsotheauthorofatreatiseonmysticism,ajuveniletheological

commentary,andofotherjuvenilianolongerextant.

IbnKhaldun'swasanhistoricalenterprise.HesetouttocomposehisUniversalHistoryoftruthfulandconnectednarratives,andinthisspirithewrotetheMuqaddima.Inithediscussedtheemergenceofhumancollectivities('umran*)asaresultofpropitiousecologicalandclimatic

factorswhichmadepossible

thecontinuityandthepreservationoforganizedhabitation;thisinitselfhadcomeintobeingaftermen,naturallyfractiousandpredatorybutunableto

survivesingly,hadtogethercontractedtoliveinsociety.Inorderforsocietytocohere,itplacesoverandaboveitselfacoerciveauthority,muchasalivingorganismisheld

togetherbythedominanceofaparticulartemper.This

coerciveauthoritystartsundertribalconditionsas

chieftaincy,andchieftaincy,animatedbytheanimal

facultyofthepsyche,yearnsforgreaterglory,andwhensuccessfulbecomeskingshipwiththeestablishmentofastate,daula.Ascoercive

authority,politicalleadershipwieldstogetheracommunityasacohesivepoliticalunit,'asabiyya.Butwiththe

foundationofthestatethis

unity,basedonrealorfictitiousbondsofkinship,

ultimatelybreaksdownasthesovereigndissociateshimselfinpracticefromhisoriginalconstituencyandembarksuponanabsolutistcourse.Thisbringsinitswakegreatwealthandprosperity,buteventuallydevelopsintoa

tyrannywhichhasadeleteriouseffectonthe

welfareofthesubjects,withtheincreasinguseof

monopoliesandextortionatetaxation,withthe

fragmentationofthestateatitsextremities,andwitha

highincidenceofpestilentialandothercalamities.Thuswithinthespaceofthreegenerationsthestaterunsthroughfivephaseswhichbringsaboutitssenescencewitheffeminacyandtyranny;thelife-spanofthestateis

thus,underoptimalcircumstances,120years,the

lengthoftheGrandLunarYearoftheastrologers.Finally,theMuqaddima

providesauniquesketchofsocial,cultural,scientific,andeconomicconditionsthatprevailundertheaegisofaprosperousstatebeforeit

atrophiesandistakenoverbynewclaimantsforanother

dynasticround.

IbnKhaldun'sdiscussionislearned,andinformedbya

robustrealismderivedfrompoliticalactivityandhistoricalknowledge.Hisobservationshaveoftenbeenconstruedasabasisforascribingtohimsociologicalandothermoderntheoriesofthestate.ThestateintheMuqaddima,however,iscastinamouldderiveddirectlyfromArabichistoricalwriting,andtheparadigmIbnKhaldun

developedwasmeanttoserveasagaugefordifferentiatingtruefromfalsehistoricalnarratives,'Umranand'asabiyyaareunthinkablewithoutthecontextofthestate

J

Jacobinism

ThetermderivesfromtheJacobins,therevolutionarygroup

which,underRobespierre'sleadership,imposedtheReignofTerroronFranceduring17934.Usedmorewidely,itisthebeliefthatthewillofthepeoplecanberepresentedbyasmallelitegroupwhoactintheirnamebutarenotformallyaccountable.Inthissenseithasbeenapplied,usuallyinacriticalspirit,tothetheory

andpracticeoflatergroupsandindividuals,includingBLANQUIandLENIN.DLM

Jefferson,Thomas(17431826)

Americanstatesmanandpoliticalphilosopher.JeffersonservedasgovernorofVirginia,

delegatetotheContinentalCongress,andthirdpresidentoftheUnitedStates,18019.HewrotetheDeclarationofIndependence,theVirginiaStatuteforReligiousFreedom,NotesontheStateofVirginia,andnumerousaddressesandletters.Neartheendofhislife,JeffersonfoundedtheUniversityofVirginia.

Jefferson'searlypoliticalwritingscentredaroundtherevolutionarycauseoftheNorthAmericancoloniesseekingindependencefromtheBritishEmpire.DrawingontheEnglishtheoryoflibertiesderivedfromanANCIENTCONSTITUTION,anduponJohnLOCKE'spoliticaltheory,Jefferson

developedafederatedtheoryoftheBritishEmpire.Inthisfederatedview,alllegislativebodieswithintheEmpire(e.g.theBritishParliamentandtheVirginiaHouseofBurgesses)were'free,equalandindependent',andtheCrownservedmerelyasanimpartialarbiteramongtheseseparatelegislatures,preservingtherightsof

each.Giventhisview,theBritishParliament'sregulationoftheAmericancoloniesinthe1760sand1770swasregardedasausurpationofthecoloniallegislatures'prerogatives,andtheCrown'ssupportofParliamentwasconsideredtyrannical.Jefferson'sviewsduringthisperiodaremostsuccinctlyexpressedinA

SummaryViewoftheRightsofBritishAmericaandtheDeclarationofIndependence.

AftertheAmericanWarofIndependence,Jefferson'spoliticalwritingsfocusedontheformationofanewrepublicinAmerica.FollowingARISTOTLE,Jeffersonconsideredman

naturallysocial,butrequiringparticipationinsmalldemocraticcommunitiestocultivatehissocialandpoliticalfaculties.JeffersonencouragedthedivisionofVirginiainto'Wards'of56squaremilesand100citizenstoreplicatetheclassicalGreekpolis.HealsobelievedthatthroughparticipatoryDEMOCRACYcitizenswouldrecognize

thebestamongthem,thoseof'wisdomandvirtue',whomJeffersoncalledtheNaturalAristocracy.ThisNaturalAristocracywouldthenbeelectedtoprominentpositionsofpoliticalleadershipandwouldserveasrepresentativestotheincreasinglycentralizedgovernments(county,stateandnational)ofthelarge

Americanrepublic.Insupportofthisidealoflocaldirectdemocracy,Jeffersonadvocateduniversalpubliceducationandrougheconomicequality.Advancementintheeducationalsystemwastobeaccordingtomerit,andthestatewastogrant50acresoflandtoeverycitizennotholdingsuch.Jeffersonopposedtheinstitutionofslavery,

butadvocatedagradualemancipationofblackslavesandtheirresettlementinAfrica.Hewasopposedtowomenparticipatinginpolitics.

Jefferson'sreligiousbeliefscorrespondedtohispoliticaltheory.AconservativeUnitarian,

K

Kant,Immanuel(17241804)

Germanphilosopher.Kantwasbornanddiedat

Knigsberg,EastPrussia.HisphilosophicalreputationrestsonthethreeCritiques-PureReason(1781),PracticalReason(1788)andJudgment(1790).In1785hepublishedtheGroundworkoftheMetaphysicofMorals,whichfirstsetforththecelebratedcategoricalimperativealwaystohavea'goodwill',totreat

personsasendsinthemselves,nevermerelyasmeanstoarbitraryends.Kant'spoliticalthoughtwasdevelopedaftertheFrenchRevolutioninTowardEternalPeace(1795),theMetaphysicalElementsofJustice(1797),andTheConflictoftheFaculties(1798);itscentralideaisthatpoliticsmust'bendtheknee'tomorality.

ItisplainlyKant'scentralpoliticalconvictionthatmoralityandpoliticsmustberelated,since'truepoliticscannottakeasinglestepwithoutfirstpayinghomagetomorals'.Atthesametime,however,Kantdrewaverystrictdistinctionbetweenmoralmotives(actingfromgoodwillor

respectforthemorallaw)andlegalmotives,andinsistedthatmoralandlegalincentivesmustneverbecollapsedintoeachother;thisiswhyheargued(inTheConflictoftheFaculties)thatevenwithgrowing'enlightenment'and'republicanism'therestillwillnotbeagreaterquantityofmoralactionsintheworld,butonlya

largenumberoflegaloneswhichroughlycorrespondtowhatpuremoralitywouldachieveifitcould.(Attheendoftime,apurelymoral'kingdomofends'willpredictablynotberealizedonearththoughitoughttobebutonecanreasonablyhopeforabetterlegalorderwhichisclosertomoralitythanarepresentarrangements.)Morality

andpubliclegaljusticemustberelatedinsuchawaythatmoralityshapespoliticsbyforbiddingwar,byinsistingon'eternalpeace'andthe'rightsofman'withoutbecomingthemotiveofpolitics(sincepoliticscannothopefor'goodwill').

Giventhistension

betweenamoralityandapubliclegaljusticewhichmustberelatedbutwhichequallymustremaindistinct,itmaybethatthenotionof'ends'canhelptoserveasabridge:forpubliclawcertainlyupholdssomemoralends(e.g.nomurder),eventhoughthatlawmustcontentitselfwithalegalmotive.

Usingteleologyasabridgeconnectingthemoraltothepolitical-legalrealmisnotaveryradicalinnovation,sinceKanthimselfused'ends'intheCritiqueofJudgmenttounitehiswholephilosophy.Hedidthisbyarguingthatnaturecanbeestimated(thoughneverknown)throughpurposesandfunctionswhich

mechanicalcausalityfailstoexplain,thatpersonsasfreeagentsbothhavepurposeswhichtheystrivetorealizeandviewthemselvesasthefinalendofcreation,andthatartexhibitsa'purposivenesswithoutpurpose'whichmakesit(notdirectlymoralbut)thesymbolofmorality.Surely,then,ifendscanlinkorbethoughtofas

linkingnature,humanfreedomandart,theycanlink(muchmoremodestly)twosidesofhumanfreedom:namelythemoralandthelegalrealms.

Nowif'goodwill',inthemoralrealm,couldmeanneveruniversalizingamaximofactionwhichwouldfailtorespect

personsasendsinthemselves,thenmoralityandpoliticslawcouldbeconnectedthroughKantianteleology.Ifallpersonshadagoodwill,thentheywouldrespectallothersasendsindeedasmembersofa'kingdomofends';but,althoughitoughtto,thisdoesnotactuallyhappen,thankstothe

L

LabourTheoryofValue

Thistheorymaintainsthateverycommodityeverygoodproducedbyhuman

labourandcapableofbeingexchangedforothergoodshasavaluethatisdeterminedbythetotalquantityoflabourneededforitsproduction;thisincludesboththelabourexpendeddirectlyonmakingitandthelabourrequiredtoproducetherawmaterialsandimplementsusedintheprocessofproduction.

Thisthesishasplayedaninfluentialroleinsocialandpoliticaltheory,buttheusemadeofithasvariedagreatdeal.InsomehandsithasbeenusedtodefendprivatePROPERTY:LOCKE,forexample,claimedthatnine-tenthsorevenninety-ninehundredthsofthevalueofanythingdependedonthelabour

employedinmakingit,andusedthistosupporthisargumentthatthepersonwholaboursonsomethingbecomesitslegitimateowner.InCLASSICALPOLITICALECONOMY,thelabourtheoryofvaluewasusedprimarilyasanexplanatorytool,theclaimherebeingthattheratiosinwhichallcommoditieswouldtend

toexchangeweregovernedlargelybytheirlabour-determinedvalues.MARXmadeanadditionalandmorecriticalclaim.Hearguedthatlabour,asacommoditylikeanyother,wouldnormallyexchangefortheequivalentofitsowncostofproductiontheminimumsubsistencerequiredtomaintainandreproducethelabourer.

Thelabourpowersoldwould,however,beusedbythecapitalisttocreatesurplusvalue,hencetheworkingclasswasthevictimofEXPLOITATION.

Thelabourtheoryofvaluehasbeenattackedonanumberofgrounds:itoverlooksthefactthatcapitalaccumulationrequiresdeferred

consumption,andcapitalthereforeunavoidablycommandsapremiumoverandabovethelabouritembodies;itmistakenlyassumesthatthelabourusedinproductionishomogenous;anditneglectstheinfluenceofdemandontherelativepricesofcommodities.AsaresultithasnowbeenabandonedoutsideMarxistcircles,andeven

withinthemitremainsamatterofcontroversyhowessentialthelabourtheoryistotheMarxistcritiqueofcapitalism.DLM

Reading

Meek,R.L.:StudiesintheLabourTheoryofValue,2ndedn.London:Lawrence&Wishart,

1973.

Labriola,Antonio(18431904)

ItalianMarxistphilosopher.LabriolawasborninsouthernItalyandstudiedundertheHegelianBertrandoSpaventaatNaplesUniversity.Heisprincipallyknownasthe

firstHegelianMarxist,althoughVICO,SPINOZAandthepsychologyofHerbartwereequallyimportanttohisintellectualdevelopment.Hewasthefirsttostress,somethirtyyearsbeforethepublicationofMARX'sEarlyWritings,theroleofconsciousnessandofpraxisinMARXISM,andcriticizedtheevolutionarymaterialismofhisfellow

ItalianMarxist,AchilleLoria.Labriola'sprinciplewritingsareInMemoryoftheCommunistManifesto(1895),OnHistoricalMaterialism(1896)andTalkingaboutSocialismandPhilosophy(letterstoSorel,1897).Noneoftheseworksisasystematictreatise;rathertheyare'preliminaryclarifications'ofthematerialistconceptionof

history.Thefirsttwopieces,publishedinFrenchbySORELandinItalianbyCROCE,becameminorclassicsofMarxistliterature,winningthepraiseof

M

Macaulay,ThomasBabington(18001859)

Britishhistorian,politicianandessayist.

Macaulaywasthesonofaleaderofthemovementagainsttheslavetrade,andwasbroughtupamongEvangelicals.HeattendedTrinityCollege,Cambridge,andlaterbecameabarrister.Hisbrilliantessaysonliterary,historicalandpoliticaltopicsintheEdinburghReviewmadehimitsleadingcontributorandledtohiselectiontothe

HouseofCommonsasaWhig(18304,183947,18526);hisspeechesmadehimaleadingfigure,especiallyduringtheReformBilldebates(18312).HewasLawmemberoftheGovernor-General'sCouncilinIndia(18348),andproducedthePenalCodeforIndia.HislastingfamerestsonhisHistoryofEngland(184861).

InspeechesandwritingMacaulaydiscussedauthorsandproblemsthatarewithintheprovinceofpoliticalphilosophy.HisessayonMACHIAVELLIaddressedissuesofpoliticalmorality.HisspeechonthecivildisabilitiesoftheJewsusedargumentsthathadacloseaffinitywithLOCKE's

LetterConcerningToleration.HisarticlesontheutilitariantheoryofgovernmentdefendedBENTHAM'scontributionstolawreformbutcriticizedJamesMILL'smethodofdeductivereasoning,andhereheusedargumentsthatcanbetracedbacktoBURKE.HisessayonMILTONallowedhimtopresentarationaleforlibertyofexpression.In

speechesinsupportofparliamentaryreformheanalysedthecausesofrevolutionanddefendedgradualandconciliatoryconstitutionalchangeasawayofavoidingit.

Macaulay'spositionontheseissueslendsupporttotheconventionalviewinwhichheislabelledaliberalWhigandmoderate

liberal(seeLIBERALISM).Thisview,however,failstorecognizethatbothinhispoliticalcareerandinhiswritingheputforwardthepoliticsoftrimming.AsadistinguishableandprincipledtheoryofpoliticstrimmingisassociatedwithGeorgeSavile,MarquessofHalifax,authorofTheCharacterofaTrimmer(1688).Inthistheory,for

MacaulayasforHalifax,regimeswerethreatenedbycentrifugalforcesthatdrovethoserepresentingdiverseopinionstoextremessome,whowereexcessivelycriticaloftheregime,threateninganarchy,others,zealoustodefendestablishedwayswithrepression,threateningdespotism.Thetaskofthepoliticianwastoavoidsuch

extremes,tocombinelibertythatstopsshortofanarchywithorderthatstopsshortofdespotism.Thisgoalwouldbeachievedbyfrustratingthefanatics,zealotsandirreconcilablesthatrepresentedextremistsectsandfactions,andbypromotinggradualchange,reconciliation,stabilityandcentristpolitics.Thosewho

sharedthisunderstandingweregivenheroicstatus,mostnotablyWilliamIIIandHalifax,and,toacertainextent,Burke;thosewhoseextremismmadethemobstaclestotrimmingwerevillains,e.g.JamesII,TitusOates,Paine,Ultra-Tories,philosophicradicals,doctrinaires.AsapoliticianMacaulaywassensitivetodiscontents

thatcouldleadtorevolutionandthatcouldprovokedemandsforrepression.HesoughtamiddlecoursebetweentheextremesofradicalismandUltra-Toryism,andhesympathizedwithflexibleTories,especiallyCanning,andbecamespokesmanfortheconciliatoryWhigs(seePHILOSOPHICRADICALISM).

Macaulay'strimmingwasespeciallyevidentintheHistoryofEnglandwhichcontainedthe

N

NationalSocialism

TheideologyoftheNationalSocialistGermanWorkersParty(NSDAP),

betterknownastheNaziparty,whichwasformedin1919andunderHitlerruledGermanybetween1933and1945.Nationalsocialismessentiallycombinedtwodoctrines:thefascistbeliefthatnationalunitycouldbestbesecuredbyanall-encompassingstatedirectedbyapartywithonesupremeleaderembodyingthenational

will,andtheracistbeliefinthesuperiorityoftheAryanpeoples,implyingthatotherracesmightjustifiablybesubjugatedoreliminatedentirely.Althoughnationalsocialismwasthemostspectacular,andinsomerespectsthemostsuccessful,ofallformsoffascism,itwasintellectuallylesssophisticatedandless

interestingthanFrenchorItalianfascism.

Itspoliticalsuccesslayinitsabilitytosynthesizeoftencontradictoryelementsintoadoctrinewithuniversalappeal'socialism'fortheworkingclass,anti-bolshevismfortheemployers,nationalismfortraditional

conservatives,andanti-semitismforallwholookedforascapegoatonwhomtopintheblameforthelossofworldwaroneandtheeconomicdisastersofthe1920s.Domestically,thisrecipewasagreatsuccess;internationally,itweakenedtheso-calledAxis,orwartimealliancebetweenItaly,GermanyandJapan.Italyhadevery

reasontofearGermannationalism,whichcouldonlyreviveseparatistaspirationsintheformerSouthTyrolandbodedillforItalianambitionsinAfrica;JapancouldhardlybeunawarethatHitler'sambitionsfortheAryanraceleftlittleroomforitsown,andthatthe'YellowPeril'hadfrequentlyfeaturedintherhetoricofhispre-warspeeches.

Nazismhadintellectualpretentions,buttheycameapoorsecondtoanenthusiasmforbruteforceandthecultoftheleader.LiberalshaveoftenaccusedHegeloflayingthefoundationsofNazism(seePopper,vol.II);theNazisthemselvesfrequentlyclaimedanintellectualkinshipwith

Nietzsche.Infact,Hegel'sconservativeliberalismwasatworstintermittentlyauthoritarian,andhisinsistenceontheruleoflawandconstitutionalsafeguardsforprivaterightswasutterlyuncongenialtoNazism,whileNietzsche'scontemptforthepretensionsoftheGermanEmpireisanindicationofhowremovedhisideals

werefromanythinginnationalsocialism.WhereItalianfascismcouldboastofGentile,andFrenchfascismofBARRSandMAURRAS,Nazismwasintellectuallybarren.AlfredRosenberg(born1893,hangedasawarcriminalOctober1946)wasitsonly'philosopher',andhisbest-knownwork,TheMythoftheTwentiethCentury(1930)isa

discordantjumbleofracistandvolkischideaslooselyattachedtoahistoryofEuropeanculturewhichbizarrelyattemptstoprovethateverythingworthhavinginEuropeanhistoryisofNordicorigin.

Nationalsocialismisofsociologicalratherthanintellectualinterest.Ithasbeenhandledbestby

writerswhohaveunderstooditasanintellectualpathology,whetherthathasbeeninterpretedasanepisodeinthehistoryofmasssociety(seeArendt)orasaresponsetothedesireforthetranscendental(seeNolte).Its'socialism'meantlittlemorethanthatthestate'srightstranscendedthoseofprivateowners;itsappeal

totheVolkwashardlymorethananexcusetodestroythesecondaryorganizationsofliberalsociety,tradeunionsinparticular,and

O

Oakeshott,MichaelJoseph(1901)

Britishpoliticalphilosopher.Oakeshott

graduatedfromCambridgeUniversityin1923,andtwoyearslaterbecameafellowofGonvilleandCaiusCollege.In1951hewasappointedtotheuniversitychairofpoliticalscienceattheLondonSchoolofEconomics,fromwhichheretiredin1968.

Inhisfirstmajor

philosophicalwork,ExperienceanditsModes(1933),Oakeshottsetouttoelucidatetheconstitutivecharacteristicsofdifferentformsofunderstandinghumanexperience.Forhimexperienceisasinglewholeofwhichthemindandtheexternalworld,thesubjectandtheobject,areone-sidedabstractions.Allattemptstounderstandit

fallintooneoftwocategories.Theyunderstanditeitherfromspecificstandpoints,or'asawhole'and'foritsownsake'.

Byitsverynatureeverystandpointisbasedoncertainassumptionsorpresuppositions,whichitdoesnotandcannotquestion.Itabstracts

relevantaspectsofthetotalityofexperienceandoffersahomogeneous,sovereignandself-containedaccountofthem.Oakeshottdistinguishesthreesuchstandpointsor'modes',namelypractice,scienceandhistory,towhichhelateraddedpoetry.Thepracticalmodeviewsexperiencesubspecievoluntatis(underthe

aspectofwill).Itpresupposesseparate,uniqueandself-containedindividualswantingtosatisfytheirdiversedesires,andunderstandsthetotalityofexperienceintermsofsuchconceptsastheself,theother,change,desire,good,bad,ought,pleasureandpain.Historyviewsthetotalityofexperiencesubspeciepraeteritorum(underthe

aspectofthepast)andsciencesubspeciequantitatis(undertheaspectofquantity).

Unlikethemodes,philosophyisconcernedtoofferunconditionalandunabstractedexperience.Assuchitavoidsallpartialstandpointsandassumptions.ForOakeshottphilosophyis

uniqueamongallintellectualinquiriesinbeingradical,self-consciousandrigorouslyself-critical.Aconstantandrelentlesscritiqueofassumptions,itsownandthoseofthemodes,isitsmostdistinctivecharacteristic.

InExperienceanditsModesOakeshottsaid

littleaboutthenatureofpoliticsandpoliticalphilosophy.Hebegantowriteabouttheseafewyearslater,forexample,inhisIntroductiontoHobbes'sLeviathan(1946),severalessaysinPoliticaandtheCambridgeJournal,andhisInauguralLecture(1951).SomeoftheseessayswerelatercollectedinhisRationalismin

Politicsandotheressays(1962).DuringthisperiodOakeshottadvancedseveraldifferentviewsonthenatureandtaskofpoliticalphilosophy,suchastheexplorationof'thenatureandearthlydestinyofman',acriticalexaminationofcontemporarycivilization,andconceptualanalysis.AsforPOLITICS,hesawitastheactivityofattending

totheperiodicallyhighlightedincoherencesinthe'atoncecoherentandincoherent'patternofarrangementsobtainingineverycommunity.Itdoesnotandcannotconsistindecidingeachdaywhattodoandhowastheempiricistsmaintain,norinimplementingsomeabstractprinciples,ideasordoctrinesastherationalistsmaintain,but

inpursuingtheintimationsoftheexistingtraditionsofbehaviour.ForOakeshotttheempiricistsandrationalistswhollymisunderstandthenatureoftimeandknowledge,thetwocentraldimensionsofpoliticallife.Forone,timeisa

P

Pacifism

Thebeliefthatallwarsarewrong,howevergoodthecausethatisbeingfought

fororwhateverthethreattoone'sowncountry.Thisbeliefhasoftenbeenbasedonreligiousconvictionbutitalsohashumanistandpoliticalroots.Pacifismiscloselylinkedtoresistancetowar,butnotidenticalwithit,sincesomemovementshaveopposedwarsfornon-pacifistreasonsandbynon-pacifistmeans.

PacifismintheWestspringsfromearlyChristianity,whichinterpretedliterallytheNewTestamentteachingto'resistnotevil'andtoturntheothercheek.ChristiansrefusedtoserveintheimperialRomanarmies.GraduallytheChristianchurchevolvedatheoryofJUSTWAR,whichtriedtolimitwarfareby

specifyingjustcausesandjustmethodsofwar,butenabledChristianstofightwhentheirgovernmentsrequiredthemtodoso.NeverthelessautopianstrainwithintheChristianfaithhaskeptreappearingandreassertingapurepacifism.SectswhichupholdapacifistwitnessincludetheQuakers,theMennonites,theDukhoborsandJehovah's

Witnesses.SomeChristianshavethereforeviewedpacifismasprimarilyareligiousratherthanapoliticalcommitment,althoughtheQuakershavealwaysbeenactiveinpoliticsaswell.

BytheRenaissance,politicalwriterswereputtingforwardsecularargumentsagainstwar.

Erasmus,theDutchphilosopherofthesixteenthcentury,attackedthecultofchivalryandtheglorificationofwartoexposethebarbarityofwarfare.Overthenexttwocenturiesanumberofpoliticaltheoristsconcernedthemselveswiththeproblemofhowtosecureinternationalpeace,andaftertheendoftheNapoleonicwarsin

1814popularpeacemovementsgrewupinEuropeandtheUnitedStates.Thesemovementsdrewprimarilyonaliberalbeliefthateconomicprogressandcooperationandthespreadofreasonthrougheducationshouldmakethebrutalityanddestructivenessofwarobsolete.

Themajorityofpacifistshavebeenliberaldemocrats,andpacifismisusuallydismissedbyMarxistsas'bourgeois'.Butthesocialistinternationalcongressesatthebeginningofthiscenturyadvocatedworking-classresistancetocapitalistandimperialistwars,andaminorityofsocialistswere

alsopacifistswhoopposedallwars.Resistancetowar,includingstrikes,desertionandmutiny,ispartoftheanarchisttradition,andlinkedtoanarchistoppositiontothestate(seeANARCHISM).Mostanarchistshaveacceptedtheneedforviolentmethodsofpoliticalresistanceagainstthestate,butsome

anarchistshavealsobeenpurepacifists.ThebestknownexampleisLeoTOLSTOY,whosewritingsinfluencedGANDHI'Sexperimentsinnon-violentresistance.

DuringthefirstworldwartheintroductionofconscriptioninBritainandtheUnitedStatesledtowidespreadconscientious

objectionbyindividualswhorefusedtofight.Sincethenpacifismhasbeendefinedmorestrictlytomeanapersonalcommitmentnevertoserveinthearmedforces.InthissenseithasbeenmostcommonincountrieswithaProtestantandaliberaltradition,whichencouragesindividualstotakeaconscientiousstandandalsotendstomake

governmentsmoretolerantofreligiousconscientiousobjectiontowar.

Manypacifistshavebecomeincreasinglycommittedtotheuseofnon-cooperationornon-violentresistancetoopposeracialismor

Q

Quesnay,Franois(16941774)

Frencheconomist.Intellectualleaderofthe

physiocrats,andanearlyexponentofthedoctrineofLAISSEZ-FAIRE.SeePHYSIOCRACY.

R

Racism

Asapoliticaltheoryand

asthebasisforatheoryofhistory,racismbecameafactorinEuropeanhistoryinthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury.Asapoliticalforce,itcametotheforeintheanti-semitismoftheturnofthecenturyanditconstitutedtheintellectualfoundationofNazism.

Theintellectualoriginsof

racialexplanationsofthehumanworldgobacktotheeighteenthcentury.Itwasatthattimethatanthropologycameintobeing,anewscientificdisciplinewhichattemptedtodetermine,bytheuseofempiricalmethods,theplaceofmaninnature.Menwereobserved,evaluated,compared.Atthesametime,asearchforunity

andharmonyinhumanaffairsgaverisetoabeliefintheunityofthefleshandthespirit.Thisunity,itwasbelieved,couldalsobeobservedandevaluated.

AlthoughthegreatnaturalistsandanthropologistsoftheeighteenthcenturysuchasLamarck(17441829),

theauthorofPhilosophiezoologique(1809),whosestudiesonthemutationofspeciesheraldedthoseofDarwin,orBuffon(170788),theauthorofthecelebratedHistoirenaturelledel'homme(1778)offeredamaterialistandenvironmentalistexplanationofracialdifferences,theircriteriaofclassificationwere

alreadyofahighlysubjectivecharacter.Theuseofstereotypesbecameverycommon,andvariationsinphysicalcharacteristicswereheldtoindicatetheexistenceofmental,psychologicalandculturaldifferences.Fromthebeginningofthenineteenthcenturymanyscientifictexts,suchasworksofnaturalhistoryoranthropology,were

alreadyopenlyracist.Thenewsciencesofhumanity,modellingthemselvesasfaraspossibleonthehighlyrespectedphysicalsciences,tended,atthatperiod,toattributetomentalormoralcharacteristicsthesame

S

Saint-Simon,Claude-HenrideRouvroy(17601825)

Frenchsocialist.An

aristocratbybirth,Saint-Simonabsorbedfromtheeighteenth-centuryENLIGHTENMENTaninterestinphilosophyandthesciences,andtheapplicationofknowledgetothesolutionofsocialproblems.Yethisownfirstpronouncementsonthesemattersdidnotappearinprintuntilthefirstdecadeofthenineteenthcentury,by

whichtimehisexperienceofviolentupheavalintheAmericanandFrenchrevolutionshadconvincedhimoftheurgentneedforaprogrammeofsystematicsocialreorganization.Hesubsequentlyundertookpioneeringinvestigationsconcernedprincipallywiththeestablishmentofascientificstudyofmanandsociety-a'social

physiology'.Asasocialreformerheputforwardproposalswhichatfirstcouldhardlybedistinguishedfromliberaldoctrines,buthegraduallymovedawayfromorthodoxliberalismtowards'industrialism',atheorywhichcontainedmanysocialisticelements.

Oneofthemost

significantfeaturesofSaint-Simon's'socialphysiology'wasitsunderlyingconceptionofhistory.InspiredbythemechanicaldeterminismoftheNewtonianworld-viewandtheoptimismofEnlightenmentphilosophiesofPROGRESS,Saint-Simonattemptedtorevealtheinexorablepatternofhistoricalchange,notonlyinthe

pastandpresent,butalsothroughscientifically-basedanticipationsofthefuture.Thisperspectiveledhimtostresstherelationshipbetweenscience(theoreticalknowledge)andindustry(meaning,atthistime,allproductiveactivity,notjustmanufacturing)asthekeyagentsatworkinshapingsuccessivetypesofsocietyinthecourseof

man'sevolutionfromprimitivetomoderntimes.

Saint-SimonwasoneofthefirstthinkerstoidentifythemainfeaturesofanemergentINDUSTRIALSOCIETY(or'industrialsystem'),andtotrytoshowhowsuchasocietywaslikelytodevelopoutofthecollapseoffeudalism.Centraltothis

endeavourwastheargumentthateverytypeofsocietyisbuiltonthefoundationsofaparticularsystemofbeliefs,andthatoncethesebeliefslosecredibility,thesocialordermustitselfdisintegrate.Thus,forSaint-Simon,itwasultimatelytheEnlightenmentattackontheologywhichprecipitatedthe

destructionofthefeudalsystem;anditfollowedthatonlyanew,alternativesetofbeliefsmodern'positive'sciencecouldfurnishthebasisforthepost-feudal,industrialorder.Thiswouldhappenonlywhentheoldrulingclassesoflandednobilityandclergy(thetwinpillarsoffeudalism)hadbeenreplacedbythenew,

ascendantclassesofscientists,engineersandartists(intheintellectualsphere),andentrepreneurs,industrialistsandproducers(inthemorepracticalsphereofpoliticsandadministration).Suchanimageofmodernsocietydoesperhapssuggestrulebytechnocrats,oritmightbeseenasanothervariation

onthethemeofcapitalisticutilitarianism.Boththeseinterpretationshavesomejustification,sinceSaint-Simonclearlyhopedtoelevateprofessionalexpertsofvariouskindstopositionsofauthority,expertswhosemaintaskwouldbetopromotehumansatisfactionswithinanessentiallycapitalisticframeworkbasedonthe

maintenanceofprivatepropertyrights.YetothermorecollectivistictendenciesinSaint-Simon'sthoughtmustbetakenintoaccount,

T

Tawney,RichardHenry(18801962)

Britishsocialphilosopherandeconomichistorian.

BorninIndia,andeducatedatRugbyandBalliolCollege,Oxford,Tawney'sChristiansocialmoralismandaprevailingconcernwiththe'socialquestion'firstledhimintoeducationalsocialworkatToynbeeHallinLondon'sEastEnd.However,soonconvincedthatsocialreconstructionwasmoreimportantthancharitablesocialrelief,he

increasinglyturnedhisattentiontowardseducation,economicandsocialresearch,andpolitics.ThusbeganhislifelongassociationwithadulteducationthroughtheWorkers'EducationalAssociation;withtheLabourandtradeunionmovements(hewrotemanypolicydocumentsfortheLabourParty,andrepresentedtheunionside

ontheSankeyCommissionontheCoalIndustry);andwiththeLondonSchoolofEconomics,whereheheldthechairofeconomichistory.OnhiseightiethbirthdayTheTimeswrote:'NomanalivehasputmorepeopleintohisspiritualandintellectualdebtthanhasRichardHenryTawney...'.

Inpart,suchaclaimrestedonTawney'sownpersonalqualitiesandmoralstature.However,itrestedevenmoreonhiscontributiontosocialthoughtinBritainduringthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury.InaseriesofinfluentialbookshesetouttoidentifythemoraldisorderofBritishcapitalistsociety(The

AcquisitiveSociety,1921),toexploreaspectsofthehistoricalgenesisofthiskindofsociety(mostnotably,inhisReligionandtheRiseofCapitalism,1926),andtooutlinethebasisforanalternative,socialist,formofhumansocialorganization(inEquality,1931).Thesepivotalworksweresupplementedbyessays,speeches,and

papersoneducation,socialreform,Christiansocialthinking,andsocialism.SomeofthismaterialiscollectedinTheAttack,andotherpapers(1953)andTheRadicalTradition(1964).Takentogether,Tawney'sworkarguablyrepresentsthemostinfluentialandauthenticstatementofearlytwentieth-centuryBritishSOCIALISM.

Itwasasocialismthataddresseditselftogeneralhumanvaluesandtheirsocialexpression,areflectionofTawney'sChristianhumanism.Itwas,therefore,notasocialismofclasspower,economicdetermination,orhistoricalinevitability.IfTawney'shistoricalstudiesofthe

developmentofcapitalismgavehisworkaffinitieswithMarxism,bothhisindictmentofcapitalismandhispresentationofthesocialistprojectrestedondistinctivefoundations.InthenotesforhisCommonplaceBook,writtenintheyearsjustbeforethefirstworldwar,Tawneyhadrecordedthatsocietywas'sickthroughtheabsenceofamoral

ideal'.ItwasthismoralsicknessthatprovidedthethemeforTheAcquisitiveSociety,withitsanalysisofasocietyinwhichindustryandpropertyhadbecomedetachedfromanyprinciplesoffunctionandpurpose(thesearekeyTawneywords)andsoinhabitedarealmofmorallawlessnessinwhichacquisitionand'industrialism'were

unconstrained.Thedisordersofcapitalistsociety,reflectedinaneconomiclifethatis'inaperpetualstateofmorbidirritation',weretobeseenasinevitableconsequencesofitsmoralvacuum.Againstsuchasociety,Tawneyadvancedadoctrineoffunctionalpropertyandcommonsocialpurpose.

Inhishistoricalwork,Tawneywasconcernedtoexplorehowacapitalisteconomyhadcometoacquireitsautonomyfromageneral

U

Utilitarianism

Thenameofthattraditioninethicaltheorythat,eitherdirectlyor

indirectly,assessestherightnessofacts,policies,decisions,andchoicesbytheirtendencytopromotethehappinessofthoseaffectedbythem.ItisassociatedwiththenamesofJeremyBENTHAMandJohnStuartMILL,morerecentlywiththoseofHenrySIDGWICKandG.E.Moore,and,morerecentlystill,withthoseofJ.J.C.SmartandR.M.Hare.

SincethedaysofBenthamandMill,ithasneverceasedtooccupyacentralplaceinmoraltheorizing;andtoday,asaresultofthewidespreadgrowthofappliedethics,ineveryareaofwhichitunderpinsoneofthecontendingpositions,ithascometohavesignificantimpactuponthemoralthinkingofmanylaymen.

Benthamheldthatactsarerightiftheytendtopromotehappinessandwrongiftheytendtoproducethereverseofhappiness,andthathappinessistobeunderstoodaspleasureandunhappinessaspainortheabsenceofpleasure.Pleasuresandpainsweretobeassessedorweighed

bymeansofafelicificcalculus(forexample,bytheirintensity,duration,andpropinquity)thatenabledunitsorvaluesofpleasuresandpainstobeassignedandtobesummed.Thiscalculuswasperson-neutral,capableofbeingappliedtothedifferentpleasuresofdifferentpeople,aswellasintensity-sensitive,capableofcapturingthe

differentlevelsofpleasuresofdifferentpeople.Extent,orthetotalnumberofpersonsaffectedbytheact,wasanimportantpartofthecalculus.Rightnesswasdetermined,therefore,bysummingtheunitsorvaluesofthedifferentpleasuresandpainsproducedinthedifferentpeopleaffectedbytheact:anactwasrightifit

producedanetbalanceofpleasureoverpain.Theoverallaimwastomaximizepleasure,thatis,toproducethegreatestnetbalanceofpleasureoverpainforthecollectivityofthoseaffected.Theformula'thegreatesthappinessofthegreatestnumber'cametoexpressthisaim,andthecircleofsocial,political,andlegalreformersthathad

gatheredaroundBenthamcarriedthisformulaforchangeintosociety(seePHILOSOPHICRADICALISM).

Inspiteofsomereservations,JohnStuartMillacceptedBentham'sgeneralposition,includingBentham'shedonismandhisviewthatouractionsaremotivatedentirelybypleasureandpain.Mill

wanted,however,todistinguishqualities,aswellasquantities,ofpleasuresandtospeakofhigherandlowerpleasures;andthisposesdifficulties.Foritisunclearwhetheradistinctionbetweenqualitiesofpleasurescanbesustained(alongthelinesthatpleasureispleasure,thoughwhatcausesitcanvary)and

whethersuchadistinctionlendsitselftoacalculusthatenablesunitsorvaluestobeassignedtopleasuresandsoforpleasurestobesummedandcompared,interpersonally.

TheclassicalutilitarianismofBenthamandMillisaformofact-utilitarianism(doubts

haveoccasionallybeenexpressedaboutthisinterpretationofMill),andthistypeofutilitarianism,accordingtowhichanactisrightifitsconsequencesareatleastasgoodasthoseofanyalternative,istodaycontrastedwithothertypes,suchasrule-utilitarianismandutilitariangeneralization(and,also,motive-

utilitarianism).Accordingtorule-utilitarianism,anactisrightifitconformstoarulethegeneralfollowingofwhichwouldhave(orhas)goodconsequences.Thepointofthistypeoftheory,whichexistsin

V

Vattel,Emmerichde(17141767)

Swissjurist.Hismajorwork,TheLawofNations

(1758),wasaninfluentialexpositionoftheprinciplesofINTERNATIONALLAW.

Vico,Giambattista(16681744)

Italianphilosopher,historianandjurist.Vicolivedanddied,incomparativeinternationalobscurity,inNaples,

whereheheldthechairofrhetoricattheuniversityfrom1699to1741.Internationalinterestinhisworkcameinthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies,throughthepowerfuladvocacyfirstoftheFrenchhistorianMicheletandthenoftheItalianphilosopherCROCE.

Ofhismoreimportant

earlyworks,OntheStudyMethodsofourTime(1709)revealsaninterestintheeducationofthelegislatorandinthenatureofpoliticalwisdom,butOntheAncientWisdomoftheItalians(1710)isprimarilyconcernedwithanon-Cartesiantheoryofknowledge.AmoresystematicinterestinpoliticaltheoryisfirstexpressedinOnthe

CoherenceoftheJurist(1721),butislaterdevelopeddifferentlywithinthecontextofascienceoftheprinciplesofhumanity,whichisthesubjectofhismasterpiece,TheNewScience.Thisexistsinthreedifferenteditions(1725,1730,and1744)betweenthefirsttwoofwhich,inparticular,therearemajordifferencesinform.

ThecentralfeaturesofVico'spoliticalthoughtareconsequencesoftwodifferenttheses.First,thatnationsshareacommondevelopmentalnaturewhichchangesascertainfundamentalconcepts,primarilythoseoftruthandofjustice,emergeanddevelopinthecourseofhumaninteractionwithin

society.Second,thattheformofastateandofitsgovernmentmustconformtothenatureofthepeoplegoverned.Fromthesetheses,itfollowsthattheformsofastateanditsgovernmentwillchangeinaccordancewiththedevelopmentofthesefundamentalconcepts.

Vicodevelopsthese

claimsinproducingatheory,the'idealeternalhistory',aboutanecessaryprocessofcultural,social,andpoliticaldevelopmentanddecaywhich,incertaincircumstances,wouldoccurinthehistoryofanyactualnation.Inthefirstphaseor'era'ofthisprocess,awhollypoeticorimaginativesocialandphysicalworldisseen,inatotally

mythicalway,asdifferentaspectsofGodorofthegods.PossessionbelongsimmediatelytoGodbutmediatelytothosewhoclaimtointerpretHiswishes,makesacrificestoplacateHimandbringHislawtothepeople.Makingcertainassumptionsaboutthenaturaldevelopmentoffamilies,Vicoconcludesthattheformofstateappropriatetothis

phaseisthatofatheocraticdespotisminwhichallrightsofpossessiondevolveuponthefatherofthefamily,inwhosepersonareunitedallthreesacerdotalfunctions,andthencetohisnearestkin.

Inthesecondera,theformofthestateisdeterminedbythedesire

ofthefathers'descendantstoretainthevastprivatepossessionswhichtheyhaveinherited,thejustificationforwhichliesintheirclaimtosemi-divinestatus,i.e.,tobebornofunionsofmortalsandgods.ToexplainthisformofstateVicomakestwofurtherassumptions.First,thataclassdistinctionwillhavearisenwithintheoriginal

familystatesthroughtheadmissionintothemofexternalvagrantswholacksemi-divinestatusand,therefore,anycivilrights.Second,that

W

Webb,Beatrice(18581943)andSidney(18591947)

Britishsocialreformers.

ProminentmembersoftheFabianSociety,theWebbswereknownespeciallyfortheircollaborativeresearchineconomicandsocialhistory.SeeFABIANISM.

Weber,Max(18641920)

Germanpoliticaleconomistandtheoretical

sociologist.Afterearlystudiesinthehistoryofcommerciallaw,WeberestablishedhimselfasoneoftheleadingfiguresinanewgenerationofhistoricalpoliticaleconomistsintheGermanyofthe1890s.Apersonalbreakdownin1898ledtohiswithdrawalfromacademicteaching,butdidlittletoimpairtheflowofhiswriting,the

rangeofwhichwasenormous.Itsunifyingfocuswasaconcernwiththemutualrelationshipbetweenlegal,politicalandculturalformationsontheonehand,andeconomicactivityontheother.Hisconcernwiththeseissuesbecameincreasinglytheoretical,involvingasystematizationofthemajorcategoriesofsocial

andpoliticallife,bothuniversallyandasdefinitiveofthespecificcharacterofmodernwesterncivilization.WeberwasalsoactivelyandoftencontroversiallyinvolvedinthepoliticalissuesofWilhelmineGermany,fromaprogressivenational-liberalstandpoint,aninvolvementwhichgaveparticularpointtohis

concernwiththedistinctionbetweensocialscienceandpoliticalpractice,andtheplaceofvaluejudgmentsintheformer.Itwasonlycomparativelylateinhislifethathecametothinkofhisworkas'sociology',anditisasoneofthe'foundingfathers'ofsociologythatheisnowknown.Hisworkis,however,toocomplexto

allowofanysimpleclassification,whetherintermsofdisciplinaryboundariesorofanyparticularschoolofthought.

WebermadehisinitialreputationinGermanywithastudyoftheimpactofcapitalistorganizationontheagriculturalestateseastoftheElbe,andits

implicationsforthecontinueddominanceoftheJunkersoverGermany'spoliticallife.Itisforamuchwiderstudy,however,oftheoriginsofcapitalismitself,thatheisbestknown(TheProtestantEthicandtheSpiritofCapitalism,19045).Theargumentofthisworkisthattheprofit-maximizingbehavioursocharacteristicofthe

bourgeoisie,whichcouldbeexplainedunderfullydevelopedcapitalistconditionsbyitssheernecessityforsurvivalinthefaceofcompetition,couldnotbesoexplainedundertheearlierphasesofcapitalistdevelopment.Itwastheproductofanautonomousimpulsetoaccumulatefarbeyondtheneedsofpersonalconsumption,animpulse

whichwashistoricallyunique.Webertraceditssourcetothe'worldlyasceticism'ofreformedChristianity,withitstwinimperativestomethodicalworkasthechiefdutyoflife,andtothelimitedenjoymentofitsproduct.Theunintendedconsequenceofthisethic,whichwasenforcedbythesocialandpsychologicalpressures

onthebelievertoprove(butnotearn)hissalvation,wastheaccumulationofwealthforinvestment.

EarlycriticsofWeber'sthesismisunderstooditasapurelyculturalexplanationforcapitalism,asifa'SiberianBaptistoraCalvinistinhabitantoftheSahara'must

inevitablybecomeasuccessfulentrepreneur.Weberwas,infact,wellawarebothofthematerialpreconditionsforcapitalistdevelopment,andofthesocialintereststhatareneededtosupportthe

Y

YoungHegelians

DisciplesoftheGermanphilosopherG.W.F.HEGEL,characterizedand

broughttogetherbytheirstressontheradicaltheologicalandpoliticalimplicationsofHegel'sthought.Thesetheysawasexposingthe'contradictions'andmystificationonwhichestablishedreligionandthePrussianmonarchy(andothermonarchies)rested.ThisbroughtthemintoconflictwithOldorRightHegelianswho

followedtheMaster'sviewthattherealwasrational,thatProtestantChristianityembodiedthetruthsofphilosophyinpictorialformandthatthePrussianmonarchyandcivilserviceapproximatedtotherationalstate,withanundividedsovereignwillandabureaucracyactingimpartiallyinthepublicinterest.Increasinglyanti-

theological,republican,democraticandevenrevolutionary,theYoungHegeliansstoodforhumanemancipation,substitutingindividualconsciousness,ortheuniversalconsciousnessofthehumanspecies,forHegel'sobjectivespirit.Theypreachedself-determination,andtheovercomingofalienationandofdivisivenessand

particularityinsociallife.TheythusimplicitlystressedKantianandFichtianthemesinHegel'swork,especiallyKANT'selevationofautonomyanduniversality,withoutsubordinatingthesetothesystematicand'external'structuresthatHegelthoughtnecessarytomakefreedomrational.

LeadingmembersofthegroupwereDavidFriedrichStrauss(180874),LudwigFEUERBACH(180472),BrunoBauer(180982)andhisbrotherEdgar(182086),ArnoldRuge(180380),MaxSTIRNER(realnameJohannCasparSchmidt,180656)andMosesHess(181275).Between1839and1842theyoungKarlMARXand,separately,

FriedrichENGELSwereassociatedwithmembersofthisgroupandwerestronglyinfluencedbythem.By1844MarxandEngelshadbecomesharplycriticaloftheYoungHegeliansfortheirelevationoftheoreticalcriticismandofconsciousness,andtheirneglectofsocialandmaterialrealities;in1845/6theydenounced

theminTheGermanIdeology.Thefailureofthe1848RevolutionandthedeclineofHegelianphilosophicalinfluenceintheGermanyofthe1850sand1860sspeltanendtotheYoungHegeliansasamovement.TheywenttheirseparatewaysandarenowstudiedchieflyfortheirroleintheintellectualevolutionofMARXISM.Ludwig

Feuerbach,whosereputationlongovershadowedthoseoftheotherYoungHegelians,becamelessandlessHegelianinthe1840s;heremains,however,animportantfigureinthecritiqueofreligionandthehistoryoftheology.MosesHesshasattractedindependentinterestasGermany'sfirstcommunist,preceding

Marxinthatrole,andastheauthorofRomeandJerusalem(1862),animportanttextinthemakingofmodernZionism.AnotherwriterlooselyattachedtothegroupwasthePolishnoblemanAugustvonCieszkowski(181494)whocametoBerlinin1832andwhoseProlegomenazurHistoriosophie(1838)

attractedinterestthen,andagainrecently,bycarryingYoungHegelianpositionsbeyondphilosophytoademandthatpracticalaction,'spontaneous,willedandfree',beappliedtochangetheworld.

IntimationsofthescandaltobecausedbytheYoungHegeliansandofthe

potentiallyradicalimplicationsoftheHegelianmethodwerefirstgivenbythepublication,anonymously,in1830,ofLudwigFeuerbach's

Index

TheEditorsandPublishersaregratefultoMaryNorriswhocompiledtheindex.Pagereferencestomajorentriesonasubjectare

inboldtype.

A

absolutemonarchy43,193

inEngland2,73

inFrance

2,5,167,168,215

absolutism(seealsodespotism;totalitarianism)13,126,1678,194,294,

369

action20,134,184,366

ActionFranaise98,328

Acton,JohnEmerich

Dalberg,Lord34,286

Adams,John45

Adorno,Theodor5,106,107,315,388

Aemilianus,PubliusScipioseeScipioAemilianus,Publius

agrariancommunism867,284,394

agriculture81,84,3723

inRussia2701

AlaricII448

Alembert,JeanleRondd'

5,91,167,168,345

Algeria58,147

alienation68,279,381,467,553

Marxon60,320

rightsand4434

Althusius,Johannes89,379,522

Althusser,Louis910,325,399

altruism,inHegel197

Ambrose,St2589

AmericaseeUnitedStates

ofAmerica

AmericanDeclarationofIndependence

3,223,254,291

AmericanRevolution20,1602,437

Burkeon50,53

FrenchEnlightenment

and1689

influenceonBritishradicals

416

republicanismand435

Ammon,Otto415

Anabaptists10,55,4245

anarchism1014,289,290,350,486,

535

Bakuninand334

communismand87

Godwinand1778

Kropotkinand2701

pacifismand363

politicalobligationand381

Proudhonand

4067

Tolstoyon524

ancientconstitution14,51,283,417

animalrights1416,445,532

anomie16,129,279

Anscombe,Elizabeth259

Apel,Karl-Otto108

Aquinas,Thomas1619,216,259,261,333,

429

architecture,Ruskinon460

Arendt,Hannah1921,29,209,541

mentioned108,117,118,279,351,388,

436,441,525

aristocracy4,43,46,186,193,339

Aristotleon22

attackson215,365,370,371,438

Burkeon52

Aristotle214,1812,218,220,429,

504

oncitizenship74

ondespotism120

onjustice127,136

onrevolutions437

mentioned16,27,115,138,155,193,198,201,254,261,318,334,344,376,434,502,515

Arnauld,Antoine175

Arnold,Matthew327,514

Aron,Raymond209,464

Arrow,Kenneth117,3845

arts

109,110,190,265,315,317,460,524

assassination13,541

associations889,360,520

political416

religious

94

typesof8

Athens182,375,489,490

atomism240,382

atomization46,320

Augustine,St,BishopofHippo17,247,68,115,2189,

329,479

andjustwar258,259

andprogress402

Aurelius,Marcus452

Austin,John278,38,309,369,370,494

Australia

federalstateof151

separationofpowersin473

Austria,liberalcorporatismin

104

authority2831,34,47,74,92,107,

108,156,284

(seealsopower)

anarchismand1011,178

inChristianthought319,425,426,427

elitismand131

inIslamicthought250

Lockeon217,293

Nietzscheon357

TheBlackwellEncyclopaediaofPoliticalThought

EditedbyDavidMiller

AdvisoryEditorsJanetColemanWilliamConnollyAlanRyan

Contents

Preface

vii

ListofContributors

ix

EditorialNotes

xiii

TheBlackwellEncyclopaediaofPoliticalThought

1

Index

555

MichaelH.CrawfordMHCUniversityCollegeLondon

AlfonsoJ.DamicoAJDUniversityofFlorida

MarkDavieMDUniversityofExeter

R.W.DaviesRWDUniversityofBirmingham

GraemeDuncanGCDNewcastlePolytechnic

RobertEccleshallRREQueen'sUniversityofBelfast

DanielEilonDEUniversityofWarwick

JeanBethkeElshtainJBEVanderbiltUniversity

JosephV.FemiaJVFUniversityofLiverpool

MosesFinleyMIF

MurrayForsythMGFUniversityofLeicester

ElizabethFox-GenoveseEFEmoryUniversity

MichaelS.FreedenMSFMansfieldCollege,Oxford

R.G.FreyRGFBowlingGreenStateUniversity,Ohio

RichardB.FriedmanRBFStateUniversityofNewYorkatBuffalo

RuthGavisonRGHebrewUniversityofJerusalem

IreneL.GendzierILGBostonUniversity

NormanGerasNGUniversityofManchester

PatrickRileyPRUniversityofWisconsin

AlanRitterAIRTrinityCollege,Hartford,Connecticut

JohnC.RobertsonJCR

StHugh'sCollege,Oxford

F.RosenFRUniversityCollegeLondon

NancyL.RosenblumNLRBrownUniversity

AlanRyanARPrincetonUniversity

LymanTowerSargentLTSUniversityofMissouri,StLouis

DavidLewisSchaeferDLSCollegeoftheHolyCross,Massachusetts

GordonJ.SchochetGJSRutgersUniversity

MortonSchoolmanMS

StateUniversityofNewYorkatAlbany

R.AndrewSharpRASUniversityofAuckland

JeremyShearmurJSGeorgeMasonUniversity

GarrettW.SheldonGSUniversityofVirginia

L.A.SiedentopLASKebleCollege,Oxford

G.W.SmithGWSUniversityofLancaster

JohnStanleyJLSUniversityofCalifornia,Riverside

PeterG.SteinPGSQueens'College,Cambridge

community;legally,asovereigncouldnotberesistedordeposed.Sovereigntyisabsoluteandindivisible.Eithertheprinceofanindependentstateisabsolute,orelseheissubjecttosomeotherpowersuchastheestates,whichisthensovereign.

AmoretheologicalversionofabsolutisttheorywasthatofBishopBossuet,acontemporaryofLouisXIV.BossuetcombinedtraditionalscripturalandmetaphoricalconceptswithnewerjuridicalandHobbesianarguments.ApplyingamodeofthoughtlongfamiliarinFrance,Bossuettreated

thekingasplacedbyGodinapositiontoadvancethepublicinterest,aswellastoprotecthumblesubjectsfromlocaltyrants.Suchfunctionsrequireapowerfulcentralauthority.BossuetwentontoclaimforthekinginthestatethesamepositionasthatheldbyGodintheuniverse.AHobbesianargumentwasaddedbyBossuetwhenheclaimed

thateveryoneinthestategainssecuritybysurrenderingtothesovereignallindividualrights.Themonarchy,likeGod,isbothconstitutiveanddirective;italonepreservesthepeoplefromanarchy.Bossuetmultipliedmoralinjunctionstotheking:heshouldruleinwaysatoncebeneficentanddisinterested;heshould

followestablishedlaw;heshouldrememberthatGodwilljudgehim.

Although'absolutism'wasanineteenth-centurycoinageinEnglish,thetermabsolutewashotlydisputedinsixteenth-andseventeenth-centurypoliticalandlegaldiscussionsofabsolutemonarchy.InTudor

EnglandSirThomasSmithcouldusethewordabsoluteinbothpejorativeandlaudatorysenses.HeblamedLouisXIforchangingFrancefroma'lawfulandregularraigne'to'absoluteandtyrannicalpowerandgovernment'.ButSmithproudlyascribedtoParliament'themosthighandabsolutepoweroftherealmofEnglande'(seeDaly,pp.

2289).

AmbiguitiesinTudorpoliticalusesof'absolute'gavewayintheseventeenthcenturytosharplyfocuseddisagreementsduringtheCivilWarandafter.Parliamentarywritersequatedabsolutepowerwithtyrannyororientaldespotism.Theyrefused

toallowthatthekinghadanyabsoluterighttoobedience.SamuelRutherfordwrotethat'anabsoluteunlimitedmonarchy...istheworstformofgovernment'(seeDaly,p.237).

AlthoughCivilWarroyalistwritersagreedaboutthepowersofthekingtheydidnotall

concurindescribingthesepowersasabsolute.SomewhoheldthatEnglandwasamonarchylimitedbylawdeniedthatthekinghadarbitrarypowertolegislateathis'willandpleasure'.EvenHenryFerne,whenarguingforcompleteandpassiveobedience,deniedthatnon-resistanceimpliedabsolutemonarchy:'Itisnotthedenialof

resistancethatmakesamonarchabsolute,butthedenialofalawtoboundhiswill'.Otherroyalisttheorists,aftertheRestoration,arguedthattheking'spowerswereabsoluteinthesensethattheycouldnotbelimitedbylaw.

Thetwobest-knowntheoriststoarguethatthe

king'spowerswerebothabsoluteandarbitrarywereHobbesandFilmer,bothofwhomappliedBodin'stheoryofsovereigntytoEngland.Hobbesascribedexclusive,unlimited,andirresistiblepowertothe'absolutesovereign',whetherkingorassembly.Healsotriedtoremovethedistinctionbetweenlimitedandabsolute

monarchybydenyingthattyrannymeantanythingmorethanmonarchydisliked.

Hobbes'stheoryofsovereigntywassharedbySirRobertFilmer,whoalmostaloneamongroyalistswentontodescribethemonarchyasarbitraryinthesensethatthekingcoulddo

whateverhewished.Thiswentbeyonddenyingthatanylegallimitationcouldbeplaceduponthesovereign,orthepositiveassertionthatthekingcouldexercisepowersbelongingtohim.Filmer,likeHobbes,deniedthattyrannywasameaningfulterm.Filmeralsoidentifiedthepowersofkingswiththoseoffathersasbeingalikenaturaland

bestowedbyGod.

ThesepositionsofferedopportunitiestoFilmer'sWhigcritics.LOCKEattackedFilmer'sidentificationofabsolutewitharbitrarymonarchyasincompatiblewithcivilsocietyandasnoformofcivilgovernment.Whilefoundamongorientals,suchastheTurks,such

rulewasdespotic.EnglishmencouldnotacceptwhatFilmeradvocated,describedbyLockeas:

aDivineunalterableRightofSovereignty,wherebyaFatherorPrincehathanAbsolute,Arbitrary,Unlimited,andUnlimitablePower,overtheLives,

variousdoctrinalpressures,theboundariesoftheconceptofauthorityhaveturnedouttobeelasticafterall,thusopeningoutontoMaxWeber'sprojectevenwithinthe'modern'world.RBF

Reading

Arendt,H.:Whatisauthority?InBetweenPastandFuture.ClevelandandNewYork:Viking,1968.

*Flathman,R.:ThePracticeofPoliticalAuthority:AuthorityandtheAuthoritative.Chicago:Universityof

ChicagoPress,1980.

*Friedrich,C.J.ed.:NomosI:Authority.Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,1958.

Gadamer,H.-G.:TruthandMethod.NewYork:Continuum,1982.

Hobbes,T.:Leviathan(1651),ed.C.B.Macpherson.Harmondsworth:Penguin,1968.

Oakeshott,M.:OnHumanConduct.London:ClarendonPress,1975.

Raz,J.:TheAuthorityofLaw.Oxford:ClarendonPress,1979.

Spinoza,B.:Theologico-politicalTreatise(1670).InTheChiefWorksofBenedictdeSpinoza,vol.I,ed.R.H.M.Elwes.NewYork:Dover,1951.

*Watt,E.D.:Authority.London:CroomHelm,1982.

Weber,M.:TheTheoryof

SocialandEconomicOrganization(1922),trans.A.R.HendersonandT.Parsons.NewYork:Macmillan,1947.

Wolff,R.P.:InDefenseofAnarchism.NewYork:Harper&Row,1970.

Autonomy

Literallymeaning'self-rule',autonomyisascribedinpopularpoliticalparlancetoself-governingstates,ortoinstitutionsorgroupswithinstatesthatenjoyasubstantialdegreeofindependenceandinitiative.InpoliticalthoughtthetermisoftennowusedtorefertoanaspectofpersonalFREEDOM.Autonomous

individualsarethosewhoseendsandpurposesareauthenticallychosen,asopposedtothosewhoallowthemselvestobeconditionedbyexternalforces.But,aswithpositivesensesoffreedomgenerally,thecriteriaofauthenticchoicemaybespecifiedindifferentways,andsoitmaybeamatterofdisputewhichpersonsshouldbecounted

asautonomous.DLM

Reading

Young,R.:PersonalAutonomy:BeyondNegativeandPositiveLiberty.LondonandSydney:CroomHelm,1986.

literary,political,historicalandeconomicsubjects,withaliterarymannerwhichwasgenial,tolerantandconversational;hisstancewasthatofashrewd,pragmaticmanoftheworldwhounderstoodbusinessandthestolid

Englishnationalcharacterbutwhoneverthelessunderstoodtheimportance,inthelongrun,oforiginalspeculativeideas.

Bagehot'spoliticalpositionwasthatofanunillusionedconservativeliberalwhovaluedintelligenceandbelievedinprogressbutwhoknew

thatintelligenceneededtobecomplementedbyrealismandtheabilitytoworkwiththeprejudicesandlimitationsofaveragemankind,andthatprogresswasthereforenecessarilyslow.Itwasaviewwhichreadilyfoundjustificationinthegradualistnotionsof'socialevolution'whichwerebecomingestablishedinhistimeand

ofwhich,inPhysicsandPolitics,hebecamealeadingexponent.Bagehotwasalsoastrongbelieverinanotherpopularnotionoftheperiod,theimportanceof'nationalcharacter'inpolitics;hesawtheEnglishaspredominantlysluggishandinneedofideastosavethemfromstagnation,theFrenchastoovolatileandlacking

thestabilityofhabitwhatheprovocativelycalled'stupidity'necessarytoself-government.HisearliestarticleswerewrittenfromParisin1852onthecoupd'tatwhichestablishedtheSecondEmpire;Bagehottooktheline,unpopularwithliberals,thatthecircumstancesjustifiedstrongmeasures,thoughhelaterbecamea

criticofNapoleonIII'sregime.

InTheEnglishConstitutionBagehotsetouttoattackwhathepresentedastheorthodoxviewofthedivisionofpowersbetweenexecutiveandlegislature.Infactthisviewwasalreadyold-fashionedandBagehot'srevisionwasnotquiteas

originalasheclaimed,butitwashewhogavedefinitiveformtotheneworthodoxy.HearguedthatexecutiveandlegislaturewerecloselylinkedbytheCabinet,whichwasessentiallyacommitteeoftheHouseofCommons.ThenewinterpretationthatBagehotproposedwasadistinctionbetweenthe'efficient'and'dignified'partsofthe

constitution.TheefficientpartwastheHouseofCommonswiththeCabinetasitsexecutivearm,themonarchyandtheHouseofLordschieflybelongedtothedignifiedpart;thefunctionoftheformerwastoconductbusiness,thatofthelattertoprovidestabilitybytheimpressionitmadeonthepopularmind.

InPhysicsandPoliticsBagehottriedtoadaptmodernbiologicaltheories,notablytheDarwinianstruggleforexistenceandphysiologicalexplanationsofhabitualandreflexbehaviour,toanaccountofhumanhistorysignificantlyderivedfromHenryMAINEandfromGeorgeGrote'sHistoryof

Greece(seeSOCIALDARWINISM).Bagehotarguedthatprogressrequiredbothstabilityandinnovation.Stabilitywasproducedchieflybythepowerfulinfluencesofimitationandhabit,whichcoordinatedsocialbehaviorina'cakeofcustom',butthestruggleforexistencebetweensocietiesalsoattachedadvantagestosomekinds

ofinnovation.Abalancebetweenthetwowastheideal,andinthelateststageofhumanhistory,'theageofdiscussion',innovation,insteadofbeingaccidental,becomesthesubjectofrationalscrutiny.Liberalconstitutionalismisthereforepresentedasthelateststageofhistoricaldevelopmentandthebestguaranteeofcontinued

orderlyprogress.JWB

Reading

Bagehot,W.:CollectedWorks,ed.N.StJohn-Stevas.London:TheEconomist,1965.[Vol.VcontainsTheEnglishConstitution,vol.VIIPhysicsandPolitics.]

:TheEnglishConstitution.London:Collins,1963.

:PhysicsandPolitics.Boston,Mass.:Beacon,1956.

Buchan,A.:TheSpareChancellor:thelifeofWalterBagehot.London:Chatto&Windus,1959.

*StJohn-Stevas,N.:WalterBagehot:astudyofhislifeandthought,togetherwithaselectionfromhiswritings.London:Eyre&Spottiswoode,1959.

Bakunin,Michael(18141876)

Russiananarchist.

BakuninwasinfluencedinhisearlyyearsbyHEGEL,butonvisitingGermanyduring183941heabsorbedthemoreradicalideasoftheYOUNGHEGELIANS.DuringthenexttwodecadeshewaschieflyinvolvedinpropagatingthecauseofSlavnationalism.Imprisonedbythetsarfrom1851to1857,hereturnedtoWestern

Europeinthe1860s,andpassedtheremainderofhislifeasanagitatorandpropagandistforANARCHISM.Famousforhisintriguesandthesecretsocietiesthathewas

Burke'sdefenceoftheAmericanrevolutionariesissometimesseenassurprisinginviewofhislaterattackontheFrench.However,BurkesawtheAmericans'claimsasbasedonthetraditionalandpositiverightsofEnglishmentoreject

taxationwithoutrepresentation,andnot,aswastobethecasewiththeFrench,rootedinabstractionssuchasthe'naturalrightsofmen'.WherehefoundAmericanshavingrecoursetospeculativepoliticalarguments,heroundlydeprecateditastheconsequenceoftheirmisgovernment.

Burke'sreputationreacheditszenithinthenineteenthcentury,buthehascontinuedtoprovideinspirationforconservativeswellintothesecondhalfofthetwentieth.Awiderangeofinterpretativeliteraturecharacterizeshiminvariousways,fromakindofintuitiveandconservativeutilitarian,

throughaproto-romantictoanessentiallylegalisticthinker.Sincethesecondworldwarthelegalisticschoolhasdominated,thoughsomehistorianscontinuetotrytoformulateatheoreticallyrespectable'pragmatic'Burke.

Burke'suseoflegalterminologyis

everywhereabundant,butwhetherheshouldbeseenpredominantlyinthecommonornaturallawtraditionisunclear,asistheparticularhistoricaltwistthathegivestoboththesepatternsofthought.FutureworkonBurkebyhistoriansofpoliticalthoughtmaywellinvolvereassessinghisrelationshipwiththeSCOTTISHENLIGHTENMENT

school,notablySMITHandHume,onwhommuchworkhasrecentlybeendone.ScholarsapproachingBurkefromliteraryfieldshavefocusedonhisstyleratherthanonthesubstanceoftheargumentsheuses.AsatisfactoryinterpretativesynthesismaywellresultfromviewingBurkeasprimarilyarhetorician,whodreweclecticallyon

thefullrangeofargumentscongenialtohisaudience.IWH-M

Reading

Boulton,TJ.:TheLanguageofPoliticsintheAgeofWilkesandBurke.London:Routledge&KeganPaul;Toronto:Uni