evidence for intonational phonology from south saami/bye_tie4_2010.pdf · 2011. 10. 24. ·...

Evidence for Intonational Phonologyfrom South Saami

Patrik Bye

University of Tromsø

TIE 4Stockholm, 11th September, 2010

(University of Tromsø) South Saami Intonation TIE 4 1 / 80

Outline

1 IntroductionSegmental inventoryStress assignment

2 Inventory of tunes and domains

3 The left edge of IP

4 Bounded Hα spreading

5 Conclusions

South Saami

Finno-Ugric

Central Norwayand Sweden

ca. 500 speakers(est. TapaniSalminen)

few young nativespeakers

vibrantrevitalizationscene

orthography1978

growing literacy


Corpus

scripted conversations

ca. 2 hrs

4 speakers (2 male, 2 female)

southerly northern variant (Snåsa)

Saemesth amma! course (Vangberg and Brandsfjell2003)


Aims

Provide first AMP analysis of Saami.

Adduce an argument for intonational phonology usingSouth Saami data.

Motivate rule spreading H boundary tone withinprosodically bounded domain.

Present aspects of South Saami intonation in theprocess.


Three diagnostics

Arbitrariness (Gussenhoven 2004: 53f.).Pairing of tune and meaning may go against thebiological code.Discreteness (Gussenhoven 2004: 54–7).Tunes and their meaning are discrete, not continuous.Duality of patterning (Gussenhoven 2004: 57).Tones cannot be direct exponents of meaning ⇒expect complex tunes.


Four diagnostics. . . and a fourth

Arbitrariness (Gussenhoven 2004: 53f.).Pairing of tune and meaning may go against thebiological code.Discreteness (Gussenhoven 2004: 54–7).Tunes and their meaning are discrete, not continuous.Duality of patterning (Gussenhoven 2004: 57).Tones cannot be direct exponents of meaning ⇒expect complex tunes.Sensitivity to phonological/prosodic structure.Operations on tones may refer to independentlymotivated levels of phonological structure.


Prosodic sensitivity

Bounded High Tone Spreading (HTS) well-attested inlexical tone languages (e.g. Bantu).

HTS not (to my knowledge) attested in intonation.

Finding prosodically bounded HTS would be evidencefor phonological theory of intonation.


Previous work

Lagercrantz (1923, 1926)

Hasselbrink (1944, 1965, 1981–1985)

Bergsland (1948, 1994)

Lorentz (1973)


Outline





5 Conclusions

Segmental inventory

p t ts tS k i u ı̄ ūph th kh a ā Ōf s S hm n ñ NV r l j


Expanded vowel inventory

i y 1 0 u i@ y@ 1@ 0@ u@e 3

A O O@

ee øø 33 e3 y3aa AA OO OA


Outline





5 Conclusions

Stress assignmentgie ("ki@) ‘who’maana ("mAAnAA) ‘child’aerede ("aar@d@) ‘morning’nyjsenæjja ("n0js@)(nEjjAA) ‘woman’nyjsenæjjese ("n0js@)(nEjj@s@) ‘to the woman’dåeriedieh ("do@ri@)(di@h) ‘they follow’dåeredeminie ("doAr@d@)(minie) ‘following’kaamraate ("kAAm)(rAAt@) ‘mate, pal’

Ft = σ́σ or σ́σσLeft-to-RightMain stress on initial foot


Metaphony

V1 V2//i// //a// //u// //̄ı// //ā// //Ō// //ū//

i e u ie aa Oe 0e ie //̄ı//E A O eA AA OA 0A AA //ā//E A O eA AA OA OA ue //ū//1 A u 1e AA OA ue @ //i//0 O O yø OO OO OO @ //u//i i y ee ee øø øø @ //a//

Quality of stressed nucleus (V1) varies depending on lengthand height of following unstressed vowel (V2).


Paradigm of //kŌt̄ı//, ‘hut’

sg plnom kO@thi@ kO@thi@hacc kO@thi@m køøthit@gen kO@thi@n køøthiill kOAthAAn køøthit@iness kO@th@sn@ køøthin@elat kO@th@st@ køøthijst@comit køøthin@ køøthikyjmi@ess køøthin@


Position and vowel contrast

( σ́1 σ2 )all V, –[@] i@ u@ AA

i @ (< u a)

( σ́1 σ2 σ3 )all V, –[@] i u @ i @

Given importance of Ft in Saami, might expect tofind reference to it in intonation.


Outline

1 Introduction




5 Conclusions

Domains

Intonational Phrase (ι)

Accent Phrase (α — begins with pitch-accentedsyllable)

Degenerate Accent Phrase, only initial in the IP


Pitch accents

Tone Distribution MeaningH* head of α defaultH*> head of α focus!H* head of α downgraded salienceL right edge of foot/α (?) default


Boundary tones

Tone Edge MeaningLι final defaultHι final continuation (list item)Lα initial defaultHα final non-finality, given, topic


Data


A prototypical IP

play


A prototypical IP


Degenerate initial AP

Initial α either lacks pitch accent (deaccentuation), or hascompressed pitch accent.

Generally ends in a Hα boundary tone (non-finality).Initial accentless phrases generally have

a glissando from Low to High, or

a Low. . . -High pattern with a step up on the last syllable.

Initial AP generally hosts topic/given.



Initial α either lacks pitch accent (deaccentuation), or hascompressed pitch accent.Generally ends in a Hα boundary tone (non-finality).

Initial accentless phrases generally have






Initial α either lacks pitch accent (deaccentuation), or hascompressed pitch accent.Generally ends in a Hα boundary tone (non-finality).Initial accentless phrases generally have





New/Focus

Guktiehow

Aanna-SøøfineA.-S.-com.sg

‘How are things with Aanna-Søøfe?’

{ [

Lα

Lα

gu

u

•

•

ktie

e

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ A

A

H

H

*>

A

A

•

•

Nna-Søøfine

e

•

•

? ] }

Lι

Lι


Given/Topic

Aanna-SøøfineA.-S.-com.sg

hijvenwell

‘With Aanna-Søøfe things are well.’

{ [

Lα

Lα

A

A

•

•

H

H

*

ANna

a

•

•

-Sø

ø

•

•

øfine

e

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ HI

I

•

•

H

H

*

Jve

e

•

•

n ] }

Lι

Lι


Outline

1 Introduction


3 The left edge of IPDegenerate αMotivating HαPhrasing and clitics


5 Conclusions

Deaccented α

Dohtethat

HiljenH.-gen.sg

gåetiehouse

‘That’s Hilje’s house.’ SA1;7

{ [

Lα

Lα

do

o

•

•

hte

e

•

•

] [ HI

I

H

H

*>

L

L

•

•

je

e

•

•

n ] [ GÅ

Å

•

•

H

H

*

Etie

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι

play


Deaccented α

JåvvaJ.

dihtefoc

vuajadrive-3sg.pres

‘It’s Jåvva that’s driving.’ SA1;3

{ [

Lα

Lα

Jå

å

•

•

vva

a

•

•

] [ DI

I

H

H

*>

H

H

•

•

te

e

•

•

] [ VU

U

•

•

H

H

*

Aja

a

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι

play


Deaccented α

Sijhtedewant-2pl.pres

vielieyet

prihtjegem?coffee-acc.sg

‘Do you (pl) want more coffee?’ SA2;1

{ [

Lα

Lα

si

i

•

•

jhtede

e

•

•

] [ VI

I

H

H

*>

E

E

•

•

lie

e

•

•

] [ PRI

I

•

•

H

H

*

Htjege

e

•

•

m? ] }

Lι

Lι

play


Compressed pitch accent

Jirredentomorrow

guessiehguest-nom.pl

båetiehcome-3pl.pres

‘Tomorrow there are guests coming.’ SA1;12

{ [

Lα

Lα

JI

I

•

•

H

H

*

Rre

e

•

•

de

e

•

•

n ]

Hα

Hα

[ GU

U

•

•

∧H

∧H

*

ESsi

i

•

•

eh ] [ BÅ

Å

•

•

H

H

*

Etie

e

•

•

h ] }

Lι

Lι

play



Daenthis-gen.sg

biejjienday-gen.sg

joekoenespecially

tjåetskemecold.weather.nom.sg‘Today it’s especially cold.’ SA2;4

{ [

Lα

Lα

DA

A

•

•

H

H

*

EN bi

i

•

•

ejjie

e

•

•

n ]

Hα

Hα

[ JO

O

∧H

∧H

*

E

E

•

•

koe

e

•

•

n ] [ TJÅ

Å

•

•

H

H

*

ETSke

e

•

•

me

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι

play



Sijhtedewant-2pl.pres

vielieyet

gihpe-laejpeste?cream-bread-elat.sg

‘Do you (pl) want more sponge-cake?.’ SA2;1

{ [

Lα

Lα

SI

I

•

•

H

H

*

Jhte

e

•

•

de

e

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ VI

I

•

•

∧H

∧H

*

ELi

i

•

•

e ] [ GI

I

•

•

H

H

*

Hpelaejpeste

e

•

•

? ] }

Lι

Lι

play


Outline

1 Introduction




5 Conclusions

Initial rise (glissando pattern)

ijneg.3sg.pres

leahbe:conneg

vieliestill

voejebutter

‘There is no more butter.’ SA1;5

{ [

Lα

Lα

i

i

•

•

j leah vieli

i

•

•

e ]

Hα

Hα

[ VO

O

H

H

*>

E

E

•

•

je

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι

play selection play all



dahkoethat.way

ijneg.3sg.pres

naanany

bussebus

juhtiehtravel-conneg

‘No busses go that way.’ SA1;11

{ [

Lα

Lα

da

a

•

•

hkoe ij naa

a

•

•

n ]

Hα

Hα

[ BU

U

∧H

∧H

*

•

•

Sse

e

•

•

] [ JU

U

H

H

*

•

•

Htie

e

•

•

h ] }

Lι

Lι




ibieneg-1pl.pres

buektedhmanage-conneg

‘We’re not managing.’ SA2;2

{ [

Lα

Lα

i

i

•

•

bie

e

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ BU

U

•

•

∧H

∧H

EKte

e

•

•

dh ] }

Lι

Lι

play selectionplay all


Initial rise (step pattern)

Ålkeneoutside

sånprt

leabe:3sg.pres

‘I suppose he’s outside.’ SA1;6

{ [

Lα

Lα

å

å

•

•

lke

e

•

•

ne

e

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ SÅ

Å

•

•

H

H

*

N lea

a

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι




ÅvlaÅ.

leabe:3sg.pres

joealready

båateme?come-pf.ppl

‘Has Åvla already arrived?’

{ [

Lι

Lι

Å

Å

•

•

vla

a

•

•

lea

a

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ JO

O

H

H

*>

E

E

•

•

] [ BÅ

Å

•

•

!H

!H

Ateme

e

•

•

? ] }

Lι

Lι




Maehtedenbe.able-2du.pres

traktovremtractor-acc.sg

diekiehere:dir

viehkinehelp-ess

‘Can you (two) get the tractor here to help?’

{ [

Lα

Lα

ma

a

•

•

ehte

e

•

•

de

e

•

•

n ]

Hα

Hα

[ TRA

A

•

•

H

H

*

Ktovre

e

•

•

m ] [ DI

I

•

•

H

H

*

Ekie

e

•

•

] [ VI

I

•

•

H

H

*

EHkine

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι



Hα before !H*

Bueriegood

biejjie!day

‘Good day!’ SA2;1

{ [

Lα

Lα

bu

u

•

•

erie

e

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ BI

I

H

H

*>

E

E

•

•

Jjie

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι

Play

{ [

Lα

Lα

bu

u

•

•

erie buerie

e

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ BI

I

!H

!H

*

•

•

EJjie

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι

Play


Hα before !H*

Dovyou:gen.sg

dågkah?tobacco

‘Have you got any tobacco?’ SA2;3

{ [

Lα

Lα

d

d

•

•

ov

v

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ DÅ

Å

!H

!H

*

•

•

Gka

a

•

•

h ] }

Lι

Lι

play


Hα before !H*

Guktiehow

dovyour

nomme?name

‘What is your name?’ SA1;1

{ [

Lα

Lα

gu

u

•

•

ktie

e

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ DO

O

H

H

*>

V

V

•

•

] [ NO

O

!H

!H

*

•

•

Mme

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι

Movmy

nommename

SagkaS.

‘My name’s Sagka.’

{ [

Lα

Lα

mo

o

•

•

v nomme

e

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ SA

A

!H

!H

*

•

•

Gka

a

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι

play


Hα before !H*Context: Do you like it here?

Daesniehere

hovprt

tryøjjedemthrive-1sg.pres

‘Sure I like it here.’ SA2;12

{ [

Lα

Lα

da

a

•

•

esnie ho

o

•

•

v ]

Hα

Hα

[ TRY

Y

!H

!H

*

•

•

ØJjede

e

•

•

m ] }

Lι

Lι

play


Hα before !H*

LaaraL.

gujhtprt

daajraknow:3sg.pres

‘Lars will know.’

{ [

Lα

Lα

La

a

•

•

ara

a

•

•

gu

u

•

•

jht ]

Hα

Hα

[ DA

A

•

•

!H

!H

*

AJra

a

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι

play


Hα before !H*

SagkaS.

jihand

manneme

‘Sagka and me.’

{ [

Lα

Lα

Sa

a

•

•

gka

a

•

•

ji

i

•

•

h ]

Hα

Hα

[ MA

A

•

•

!H

!H

*

Nne

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι

play


Affirmative answers

Dihtehe

leabe:3sg.pres

pruvres?married

‘Is he married?’ SA2;12

{ [

Lα

Lα

di

i

•

•

hte lea

a

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ PRU

U

•

•

H

H

*

Vre

e

•

•

s ] }

Lι

Lι

play

Pruvresmarried

leabe:3sg.pres

‘Yes, he is.’

{ [

Lα

Lα

pru

u

•

•

vre

e

•

•

s ]

Hα

Hα

[ LE

E

!H

!H

*

•

•

A

A

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι

play play


Affirmative answers

Datneyou (sg)

nøørjen-Norway-gen.sg

gielemlanguage-acc.sg

maahtahbe.able-2sg.pres

‘Do you speak Norwegian?’

{ [

Lα

Lα

da

a

•

•

tne

e

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ NØ

Ø

H

H

*>

Ø

Ø

•

•

Rje

e

•

•

n- ] [ GI

I

•

•

H

H

*

Ele

e

•

•

n ] [ MA

A

•

•

H

H

*

AHta

a

•

•

h? ] }

Lι

Lι


Affirmative answers

Nøørjen-Norway-gen.sg

gielemlanguage-acc.sg

maahtambe.able-1sg.pres

‘Yes, I do.’

{ [

Lα

Lα

nø

ø

•

•

ørjen-giele

e

•

•

m ]

Hα

Hα

[ MA

A

!H

!H

*

•

•

AHta

a

•

•

m ] }

Lι

Lι



Affirmative answers

Naanany

gueliehfish-acc.pl

åadtjoejih?get-2sg.past

‘Did you get any fish?’

{ [

Lα

Lα

na

a

•

•

an ] [ GU

U

H

H

*>

E

E

•

•

lie

e

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ Å

Å

•

•

H

H

*

ADtjoeji

i

•

•

h ] }

Lι

Lι

Åadtjoejimget-1sg.past

gujhtassur.prt

‘I did indeed.’ SA2;6

{ [

Lα

Lα

å

å

•

•

adtjo

o

•

•

eji

i

•

•

m ]

Hα

Hα

[ GU

U

!H

!H

*

•

•

JHT ] }

Lι

Lι

play play


Affirmative answers

Context:

‘Have you (two) alreadylooked?’

Vuartemelook-prf.ppl

leanbe-1du.pres

‘(Yes,) we (two) havelooked.’ SA3;11

{ [

Lα

Lα

vu

u

•

•

arte

e

•

•

me

e

•

•

] [ LE

E

•

•

H

H

*

A

A

•

•

N ]

Hα

Hα

}

Lι

Lι



Affirmative answersContext:Vuesedhshow-imper‘Show (me)!’

{ [

Lα

Lα

VU

U

•

•

H

H

*

Ese

e

•

•

dh ] }

Lι

Lι

Vuesehtemshow-1sg.pres‘(All right,) I’ll show (you).’

{ [

Lα

Lα

vu

u

•

•

ese

e

•

•

hte

e

•

•

m

m

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

}

Lι

Lι

play


Affirmative answers

Context:

‘Look!’

Vuajnamsee-1sg.pres‘(Yes,) I see.’ SA4;7

{ [

Lα

Lα

vu

u

•

•

ajna

a

•

•

m

m

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

}

Lι

Lι

play


Outline

1 Introduction




5 Conclusions

Sentence particle phrasing

Sentence particles and verb be cliticize and attractHα


Clitic particle

Guhkiemlong-acc.sg

hovprt

åeriejimhsleep-1pl.past

‘Indeed we slept long.’

{ [ GU

U

H

H

*>

H

H

•

•

ki

i

•

•

em ho

o

•

•

v ]

Hα

Hα

[ Å

Å

H

H

*

•

•

Eri

i

•

•

eji

i

•

•

mh ] }

Lι

Lι



Clitic particle

Debpeneover.there

hovprt

lustefun

‘It’s certainly fun over there.’

{ [ DE

E

H

H

*

•

•

Bpe

e

•

•

ne ho

o

•

•

v ]

Hα

Hα

[ LU

U

!H

!H

*

•

•

Ste

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι



Clitic particleLaejpiembread-acc.sg

sånprt

åastabuy-3sg.pres

‘I suppose he’s buying bread.’ SA1;6

{ [ LA

A

•

•

H

H

*

EJpi

i

•

•

em så

å

•

•

n ]

Hα

Hα

[ Å

Å

•

•

H

H

*

ASta

a

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι



Clitic be

mohtebut

motovreengine

leabe:3sg.pres

slahtjanout.of.order

‘But the engine is out of order.’

{ [

Lα

Lα

mo

o

•

•

hte

e

•

•

] [ MO

O

H

H

*

•

•

tovre

e

•

•

lea

a

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ SLA

A

!H

!H

*

•

•

Htja

a

•

•

n ] }

Lι

Lι

play play


Clitic be

PierenP.-gen.sg

lijbe-3sg.past

hierkiehorse

jihand

slærrasled

meatanalong.with

‘Piere has the horse and sled along with him.’SA2,10

{ [

Lα

Lα

Pi

i

•

•

ere

e

•

•

n li

i

•

•

j ] [ HI

I

H

H

*>

E

E

•

•

Rkie

e

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

jih [ SLÆ

Æ

H

H

*>

R

R

•

•

ra

a

•

•

] [ ME

E

H

H

*

•

•

Ata

a

•

•

n ] }

Lι

Lι

play play


Disyllabic clitic cluster

MaarjaM.

hovprt

leabe:3sg.pres

KråangkesneGrong-iness.sg

‘Maarja’s in Grong.’

{ [ Ma

a

•

•

arja

a

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ HO

O

H

H

*>

V

V

•

•

lea

a

•

•

] [ KRÅ

Å

•

•

H

H

*

ANGkesne

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι




Dotnenyou-gen.sg

baernieboy

sånprt

leabe:3sg.pres

seammasame

klaassesneclass-iness.sg

gohas

monnenme-gen.sg

‘I suppose your boy is in the same class as mine.’ SA2;12

{ [ DO

O

•

•

H

H

*

Tne

e

•

•

n ] [ BAE

AE

•

•

H

H

*

Rnie

e

•

•

] [ SÅ

Å

•

•

H

H

*

N lea

a

•

•

] [ SE

E

•

•

H

H

*

AMma

a

•

•

] [ KLA

A

•

•

H

H

*

ASsesne

e

•

•

] goh [ MO

O

•

•

H

H

*

Nne

e

•

•

n ] }

Lι

Lι



Hα in non-initial AP

Låavth-gåetinetent.canvass-hut-com.sg

lidhbe-2sg.past

meatanalong

‘Did you have the tent along with you?’ SA2;10

{ [ LÅ

Å

H

H

*>

A

A

•

•

VTH- ] [ GÅ

Å

H

H

*

•

•

Eti

i

•

•

ne

e

•

•

li

i

•

•

dh ]

Hα

Hα

[ ME

E

!H

!H

*

•

•

Ata

a

•

•

n ] }

Lι

Lι

play


Outline

1 Introduction




5 Conclusions

Bounded Hα spreading

Gusniewhere

liganbe-3du.past

årroeminie?live-prog.ppl

‘Where were they living?’ SA2;11

{ [

Lα

Lα

gu

u

•

•

sni

i

•

•

e ( li

i

•

•

ga

a

•

•

n ) ]

Hα

Hα

[ Å

Å

•

•

H

H

*

Rroeminie

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι




Joealready

lidiebe-2pl.pres

danthat-gen.sg

orrenew

gåatanhouse-ill.sg

jåhteme?move-pf.ppl

‘Have you already moved to the new house?’

{ [

Lα

Lα

jo

o

•

•

e li

i

•

•

di

i

•

•

e ]

Hα

Hα

[ DA

A

•

•

!H

!H

*

N ] [ O

O

•

•

∧H

∧H

*

Rre gåata

a

•

•

n ] [ JÅ

Å

•

•

H

H

*

Hteme

e

•

•

? ] }

Lι

Lι




ennjestill

libiebe-1pl.pres

byøpmedeminieeat-prog.ppl

jihand

prihtjegemcoffee-acc.sg

jovkeminiedrink-prog.ppl

‘We are still eating and drinking coffee.’ SA2;5

{ [

Lα

Lα

e

e

•

•

nnje

e

•

•

( li

i

•

•

bi

i

•

•

e ) ]

Hα

Hα

[ BY

Y

H

H

*>

Ø

Ø

•

•

Pme

e

•

•

deminie ] [ ji

i

•

•

h PRI

I

H

H

*>

H

H

•

•

tjege

e

•

•

m ] [ JO

O

•

•

H

H

*

Vkeminie

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι




dijjiehyou(pl)

lidiebe-2pl.pres

beapmoehfood-acc.pl

bienjidedog-ill.pl

vadtemegive-pf.ppl

‘Have you fed the dogs?’

{ [

Lα

Lα

di

i

•

•

jji

i

•

•

eh ( li

i

•

•

di

i

•

•

e ) ]

Hα

Hα

[ BE

E

H

H

*>

A

A

•

•

Pmoe

e

•

•

h ] [ BI

I

H

H

*>

E

E

•

•

njide

e

•

•

] [ VA

A

•

•

H

H

*

Dteme

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι




KrihkeK.

gonand

KræstahK.

eaganneg-3du.pres

åajsoehbe.able-conneg

skuvleseschool-ill.sg

vaedtsedhgo-inf

‘Krihke and Kræsta are not able to go to school.’ SA2;4

{ [ KRI

I

H

H

*>

H

H

•

•

ke go

o

•

•

n ] [ KRÆ

Æ

•

•

H

H

*

Sta

a

•

•

h ( e

e

•

•

aka

a

•

•

n ) ]

Hα

Hα

[ Å

Å

•

•

H

H

*

AJsoe

e

•

•

h ] [ SKU

U

•

•

H

H

*

Vlese

e

•

•

] [ VA

A

•

•

H

H

*

EDtse

e

•

•

dh ] }

Lι

Lι




Dahthey

sovprt

leahbe-3pl.pres

joealready

jåhtajammebreak.camp-prf.ppl

‘I suppose they must have already broken camp.’

{ [

Lα

Lα

da

a

•

•

h so

o

•

•

v lea

a

•

•

]

H

H

[ JO

O

H

H

*>

E

E

•

•

•

•

] [ JÅ

Å

H

H

*

•

•

Htajamme

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι




Daatethis

sånprt

leabe:3sg.pres

fuehpiebusy

biejjieday

dotneseyou-ill.sg

orremeremain-prf.ppl

‘I suppose this has been a busy day for you.’ SA3;11

{ [

L

L

da

a

•

•

ate

e

•

•

så

å

•

•

n lea

a

•

•

]

Hα

Hα

[ FU

U

•

•

H

H

*

EHpie

e

•

•

] [ BI

I

•

•

H

H

*

EJjie

e

•

•

] [ DO

O

•

•

H

H

*

Tnese

e

•

•

] [ O

O

•

•

H

H

*

Rreme

e

•

•

] }

Lι

Lι



AP-final feet and bounded Hα spreading

Initial accentless phrases generally have



a Low. . . -High pattern with a step up on thepenultimate syllable.

if bounded Hα spreading, Lα also spreads.


Constraints I: Alignment

LAlign(Lα)Lα must be left-aligned within the AP.

RAlign(Hα)Hα must be right-aligned within the AP.


Constraints II: Many-to-One Association

NoContourTone contours within the syllable are disallowed.

NoSpreadMultiply linked tones are disallowed.


Constraints III: Association

T→TBUTones must be associated with tone-bearing units.

H→ σ́Hα must be associated with the head of a foot.

SpreadLαLα must be associated to every TBU in α.


Secondary association of Tα

Lα, Hα, { [ σ σ σ ] . . . T→

TBU

LAlign(L α

)

RAlign(Hα)

a. { [

Lα

Lα

σ σ σ ]

Hα

Hα

. . . *!

b. + { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

σ σ

σ

]

Hα

Hα

. . .


Secondary association of Tα

Lα, Hα, { [ σ σ σ σ ] . . . T→

TBU

LAlign(L α

)

RAlign(Hα)

a. { [

Lα

Lα

σ σ σ σ ]

Hα

Hα

. . . *!

b. + { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

σ σ σ

σ

]

Hα

Hα

. . .


Optional Lα spread

Lα, Hα, { [ σ σ σ ] . . . NoC

ontour

SpreadL α

NoS

pread

a. { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

σ

σ

σ

σ

]

Hα

Hα

. . . *! **

b. { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

σ

σ

σ

σ

]

Hα

Hα

. . . *!

c. + { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

σ

σ

σ

σ

]

Hα

Hα

. . . *


Optional Lα spread

Lα, Hα, { [ σ σ σ ] . . . NoC

ontour

NoS

pread

SpreadL α

a. { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

σ

σ

σ

σ

]

Hα

Hα

. . . *! **

b. + { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

σ

σ

σ

σ

]

Hα

Hα

. . . *

c. { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

σ

σ

σ

σ

]

Hα

Hα

. . . *!


Crowding in monosyllabic α

Lα, Hα, { [ σ ] . . . T→

TBU

NoC

ontour

a. { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

]

Hα

Hα

. . . *!

b. { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

]

Hα

Hα

. . . *!

c. + { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

]

Hα

Hα

. . . *


Bounded Hα spread

Lα, Hα, { [ σ ( σ σ ) ] . . . H→

σ́

RAlign(Hα)

NoS

pread

a. { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

( σ

σ

σ

σ

) ]

Hα

Hα

. . . *!

b. { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

( σ

σ

σ

σ

) ]

Hα

Hα

. . . *!

c. + { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

( σ

σ

σ

σ

) ]

Hα

Hα

. . . *


Bounded Hα spread

Lα, Hα, { [ ( σ σ ) ] . . . T→

TBU

NoC

ontour

H→

σ́

NoS

pread

a. { [

Lα

Lα

( σ

σ

σ

σ

) ]

Hα

Hα

. . . *! *

b. { [

Lα

Lα

( σ

σ

σ

σ

) ]

Hα

Hα

. . . *! *

c. + { [

Lα

Lα

( σ

σ

σ

σ

) ]

Hα

Hα

. . . *


Hα and Lα spread

Lα, Hα, { [ σ σ ( σ σ ) ] . . . σ́Hα→

σLσ́

Hα

H→

σ́

NoS

pread

a. { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

σ

σ

( σ

σ

σ

σ

) ]

Hα

Hα

. . . *! *

b. + { [

Lα

Lα

σ

σ

σ

σ

( σ

σ

σ

σ

) ]

Hα

Hα

. . . **


Outline

1 Introduction




5 Conclusions

Conclusions

Non-final Hα associated with right edge of α containing topic.

Hα spreads regressively within final (and non-initial) clitic foot.Foot is domain par excellence in Saami; perhaps not surprisingto find it implicated in intonational phonology as well.South Saami provides evidence for intonational phonologyaccording to a fourth diagnostic: prosodically restricted ruleapplication.


Conclusions

Non-final Hα associated with right edge of α containing topic.Hα spreads regressively within final (and non-initial) clitic foot.

Foot is domain par excellence in Saami; perhaps not surprisingto find it implicated in intonational phonology as well.South Saami provides evidence for intonational phonologyaccording to a fourth diagnostic: prosodically restricted ruleapplication.


Conclusions

Non-final Hα associated with right edge of α containing topic.Hα spreads regressively within final (and non-initial) clitic foot.Foot is domain par excellence in Saami; perhaps not surprisingto find it implicated in intonational phonology as well.

South Saami provides evidence for intonational phonologyaccording to a fourth diagnostic: prosodically restricted ruleapplication.


Conclusions

Non-final Hα associated with right edge of α containing topic.Hα spreads regressively within final (and non-initial) clitic foot.Foot is domain par excellence in Saami; perhaps not surprisingto find it implicated in intonational phonology as well.South Saami provides evidence for intonational phonologyaccording to a fourth diagnostic: prosodically restricted ruleapplication.


References I

Bergsland, Knut. 1948. Røros-lappisk grammatikk . Oslo: Instituttet forSammenlignende Kulturforskning.

Bergsland, Knut. 1994. Sydsamisk grammatikk . Karasjok: Davvi Girji.Gussenhoven, Carlos. 2004. The Phonology of Tone and Intonation. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press.Hasselbrink, Gustav. 1944. Vilhelminalapskans ljudlära. Uppsala: Almqvist &

Wiksell.Hasselbrink, Gustav. 1965. Alternative Analyses of the Phonemic System in

Central South Lappish, volume 49 of Indiana University Uralic and AltaicSeries. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University.

Hasselbrink, Gustav. 1981–1985. Südlappisches Wörterbuch, volume c.4 ofSchriften des Instituts für Dialektforschung und Volkskunde in Uppsala.Lapskt språ och lapsk kultur . Uppsala: Lundequistiska Bokhandeln. 3volumes.

Lagercrantz, Eliel. 1923. Sprachlehre des Südlappischen nach der Mundart vonWefsen. Kristiania.


References II

Lagercrantz, Eliel. 1926. Wörterbuch des Südlappischen nach der Mundart vonWefsen, volume 4 of Serie B . Oslo: Instituttet for SammenlignendeKulturforskning.

Lorentz, Ove. 1973. Towards a Generative Phonology of Southern Lappish.Magister artium thesis, University of Oslo.

Vangberg, Åsta, and Helen Blind Brandsfjell. 2003. Saemesth amma!.Hattfjelldal: Sijti Jarnge. 4 volumes with accompanying audio recorded byLajla Marlen Toven, Anja Fjellheim Labj, Johan Martin Stenfjell and PerJonas Toven.


IntroductionSegmental inventoryStress assignment

Inventory of tunes and domainsThe left edge of IPDegenerate Motivating HPhrasing and clitics

Bounded H spreadingConclusionsReferences

evidence for intonational phonology from south saami/bye_tie4_2010.pdf · 2011. 10. 24. ·...

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