flourishing horns and enchanted tubers: music and potatoes in highland bolivia

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Flourishing horns and enchanted tubers: Music andpotatoes in highland BoliviaHenry Stobart

a

aResearch Fellow at Darwin College, Cambridge, CB3 9EU

Published online: 31 May 2008.

To cite this article:Henry Stobart (1994) Flourishing horns and enchanted tubers: Music and potatoes in highland Bolivia,

British Journal of Ethnomusicology, 3:1, 35-48, DOI: 10.1080/09681229408567224

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V O L 3 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY 19 94

Flourishing horns and enchanted tubers:music and potatoes in highland BoliviaHenry Stobart

This paper examines the relationship between musical performance and the potato andits cultivation in a rural Andean hamlet. The potato, it emerges, is not viewed as amundane staple, but is central to the structuring of musical expression. Unlikeindustrialised societies, musical performance is not abstracted away from everydayobjects and activities. Rather, they provide the basis and inspiriation for suchexpression, revealing a very different approach to ecology.

ONE OF THE CENTRAL CONCERNS of ethnomusicology is to discover theorganizing principles and categories meaningful to the group in question. Itshould not be assumed that, for example, concepts of "harmony" or aspects ofmusical perception, structure or aesthetics can be directly translated betweendifferent groups (or even necessarily between individuals within these groups).Music is not the universal language that many people have often claimed it tobe. This does not prevent us deriving great pleasure and inspiration from themusics of other cultures, but the structural principles, aesthetics and perceptualbases of our appreciation are likely to be radically different from those of theperformers themselves.My initial attempts to study the music of a Quechua-speaking subsistencefarming community of Northern Potos, in the high Andes, were full offrustrations. Innocently, I began by asking questions about msica only to betold about the brass bands of neighbouring towns.1 Later, when people hadeventually worked out that I meant their own local singing, dancing, and theplaying of musical instruments our discussions started to get underway. Butwhenever we began to talk about these different forms of music theconversation always seemed to stray off into agriculture. I often struggled to getthe discussion back to my idea of "music ", only to discover a few moments laterthat yet again we were talking about potatoes It took me several months tobegin to realize that it was entirely appropriate to talk about music in terms ofagriculture: the two are intrinsically linked.1 The Spanish word musica ("music") is used in this part of Northern Potos to refer toeither urban brass bands or sometimes sikura panpipe ensembles. Locally it is not a genericterm for "music".

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36 British Journal ofEthnomusicology,vol. 3 (1994)Following this approach I also began to realize that my understanding of"music", and of the semantic space that this concept conveys in Europeanlanguages, was radically different from that of my hosts. In Quechua and Aymarathere are verbs to describe the actions of singing and dancing, and innumerablewords which refer to different musical genres, instruments and qualities of sound.However, this broad range of activities and phenomena is neither encompassednor separated from others by being categorized under such general concepts as"music" 2or "sound". Direct translations of these European terms simply do notexist in indigenous Andean languages. The nearest my hosts could come to aword which expressed such ideas was the Spanish loan word animu, whichsuggests the notion of animation as a property of living things.Thus, for my hosts, distinct musical forms are not necessarily associated withone another as "music". Rather, musical performance is contextualized activity.

Each form of song, instrumental music or dance is appropriate to a specific timeor function in the endless cycle of life, death and regeneration: cycles whichoverlap and draw creatively from one another. One "life cycle" that hasemerged as especially influential to my hosts and their "music" is that of thepotato.3For many rural communities of the high Andes the potato is one of the mostimportant staple crops. Its cultivation, storage, preparation, cooking andconsumption dominates these people's lives, and their wellbeing dependsdirectly upon a successful potato harvest. In this paper I shall demonstrate how ,for my host hamlet, situated at an altitude of 1100m in ayllu Macha, NorthernPotos, B olivia, music and the potato are inextricably linked.4 It would seem thatcertain forms of music are experienced, as well as structured, in the context ofpotato cultivation: the two directly motivate one another and are embued withenchantment and heartfelt sentiment.This account is based on conversations and participant observation in a singlehamlet ofayllu Macha, and upon discussions with Alberto Camaque from aylluLaymi, Northern Potos. Whilst the potato is undoubtably influential to themusics of many other parts of the Southern Andes, its representation in music islikely to vary considerably. After all, local and regional variations in musicalforms and styles remain among the most salient markers of identity and ethnicity.2 From a more global perspective, it is rare to find a general term that denotes so manydifferent forms as does the the word "music" in European languages (cf. Seeger1992:102).3 This paper was originally written as a chapter for a book in Spanish, for publication inBolivia, on anthropological approaches to potatoes. For this reason it concentrates on therelationship between potatoes and music to the exclusion of other influences upon musicalperformance.4 For links between music, dance or song and potato (and other crop) cultivation orchuuproduction in other parts of the Andes see: Bucchler (1980), Van den Berg (1990:130),Salaman (1949/1989:47), Vellard (1954:123), Baumann (1982:33), Guarnan Poma(1615/1980:242, 250 etc), Harrison (1989:190), Arnold (1992), Arnold, Jimnez and Yapita(1992:126).


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StobarEFlourishing horns and enchanted tubers 37

Furthermore, in differing ecological zones, dominated by herding, for example, orthe cultivation of maize or quinoa, musical performance is likely to be bothinfluenced by and structured around these activities.Music and the seasonsNowhere is the association of distinct musical genres with specific times andcontexts manifested more vividly than in the seasonal use of musica practicecommon to many parts of the southern and central Andes. 5 These seasonalalternations of m usical genres, dance s and instruments are in m any cases directlylinked with cycles of agricultural production.In agricultural and musical terms the year is principally divided between thewet, growing season and the dry, cold season. In Northern Potos, and severalother parts of southern Bolivia, the end of the rainy or growing seasonsymbolically coincides with the culmination of Carnival, when the first new fruitsof the year may be eaten.6 The start of the rains is commonly stated to coincidewith the feast of All Saints (Nov. 1) althoughpinkillu flutes7 may begin to beplayed a few months earlier "to call the rain". All dry season instruments must beput away after All Saints, I was told, as their sounds would "freeze" the youngpotato plants.Although in practice the rains do not necessarily start at All Saints and end atCarnival, these dates and the accompanying alternation of instruments aredescribed in terms of an ideal. Thepinkillu flutes andkitarra s of the growingseason are said to call the clouds and rain up from the valleys and to help thecrops to grow. In turn the dry seasonwauqu andsikupanpipes9 blow the cloudsaway causing clear skies and frosts. Similarly, the shrill sound of the charango105 See Turino (1993:41), Mamani (1987), Buechler (1980), Jayma (1989:33), Sanchez(1989), Indicep (1973), R. Martinez (in Flety and Martinez 1992), Stobart (1987 andforthcoming)6 In many parts of La Paz department, the alternation between rainy and dry seasoninstruments takes place at Easter (Buechler 1980:41).7 In this region,pinkillu refers to duct flutes usually played in a consort of 4-6 sizes. Theseinstruments closely resemble 16th century European recorders played in many churchesduring the Spanish colonial period. As there is no archaeological or historical evidence ofsuch instruments in the Andes before the Spanish invasion it seems possible that pinkilluflutes are based on European models.8 A local strummed guitar with metal and nylon strings arranged in five courses (sets, tunedin unison or at the octave).9 Wauqu (o r jula-jula) panpipe s are played in hocket in 4- and 3- tube pairs, tuned to ananhemitonic pentatonic scale. An ensemble typically consists of 30 to 50 players playingpairs of five sizes, tuned in octaves. Siku panpipes are also played in hocket with pairs of 8-and 7-tube (or 7- and 6-tubc) instruments. Ensembles typically consist of 6-12 playersaccompanied by a bass drum (bombo).1 0 A small strummed 4- or 5-course, metal string, mandolin-size guitar. The wooden bodyoften resembles the shape of an armadillo.


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StobaruFlourishing horns and enchanted tubers 39Fig. 2: Flourishing plant decoration of a rainy season kitarra

Sides of body painted red ,and red stripe of paintalong back Back of neck and peg boxpainted black

Alternate redand green leafshapes encirclebridge

Sound holeencircled byalternate ring s ofred and green rays

Neck and p eg boxpainted black andvh i t e

the dry season, a frequent answer was "the player would grow horns". Thesehorns were sometimes further linked to the idea of "devils" (cf. Harris 1982).However, at a more immediate and practical level this explanation appears torefer to dormant potato tubers. It would clearly be inappropriate to play rainyseason music (wayu) associated with growing crops during the dry season as itwould cause the tubers to sprout, like horns, and begin to grow at the wrongtime of y ear13 . Musical sound thus orders the seasons and cycles of production.The relationship between the performance of wayu and the sprouting ofpotato (or ocau) tubers is made explicit in the following wayu verse of therainy season fromaylluMacha.Uqa llura, papa llura{misturasfikita)Oca sprouts, potato sprouts(confetti flowers)Maytaq chay wayumayura?(m isturas t'ikita)Where is thewayumaster? confettiflowers)Although the seasonal variation of musical forms, instruments and dances wassurprisingly strictly observed within my host hamlet, in many other parts of

1 3 This relationship between flourishing greenery and horns is emphasized in many rituals.Pairs of long liria (Iris) leaves or green molle (pepper tree) twigs are handed to each personin turn and placed in their halbands, both resembling and being termed astas o r "homs" .1 4 A sweet tuber cultivated widely in the Andes (Oxalis tuberosa).


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40 British JournalofEthnomusicology,vol. 3 (1994)Fig. 3: The'horned potato: a sprouting seed potato

Northern Potos and the Bolivian highlands these traditions are disappearing.Older men complained to me that today the young men ormozos living near thetown of Macha play their charangos throughout the rainy season and for thatreason the weather has become mixed up and harvests poor over recent years.The state education system, rural development agencies, and even local radiostations, broadcasting in Quechua and Aymara, rarely (if ever) respect thisessentially Andean method of ordering time and way of life.

Finkil lu flutes as potatoesThe analogy between potatoes and the instruments of the rains also appears tobe paralleled in instrument construction. My hosts and Alberto Camaque fromayllu Laymi both treated the wind instruments of the rainy and dry seasons asseasonal equivalents, drawing attention to the differences in their constuction. Itwas maintained that the woodenpinkillu flutes of the rains are "alive" becausethey have many "holes". In this context, the word "holes" was usedspecifically to refer to the fingerholes that a player stops and unstops to give lifeand form to a melody. These nodes or points of transition which prescribe thealternating pitches and rhythmic form of a melody would appear to be analagousto the "eyes" of a potato. Significantly, potatoes with many eyes are reserved asseed for the following year whilst those without eyes are unable to grow orregenerate.


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Stobart Flourishing horns and enchanted tubers 41

Fig. 4:Pinkilluflute consort performing in a llama corral at Carnival

In contrast, it was stated that thewauqu andsiku panpipes of the dry seasondo not have "holes" (i.e. fingerholes). They are thus "dead" (wausqa) and,like potatoes without eyes, are unable to regenerate. Furthermore they werecompared to chuu (freeze-dried potatoes) and said to be fragile. Both thesetypes of cane panpipes usually only last a single season and must be purchasednew each year. Unlike the panpipes of the dry season, the wooden pinkilluflutes of the rains are specified to be ""strong" (resisten) and are expected tolast for several years; thus they have the regenerative associations of seedpotatoes with many eyes.Pinkillu flutes are brought back to life each year at the start of the rains. Likeseed potatoes, they are wetted or "made to drink". At first, when they arebrought out of storage, the sound of these dried out instruments is weak butafter continued playing and wetting with chicha (aqha) or water duringperformance their sound becomes rich and vibrant. As Alberto Camaque, fromayllu Laymi, put it:pinkillu flutes are "like a plant" or "like greening". Thevibrance of plant life, during the rainy, growing season is most vividly reflectedand motivated by both the form of the instruments and the "lively" sounds ofpinkillu flutes.


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42 British Journal of Ethnomusicology. vol. 3 1994)

Fig. 5:Qhatadancersencirclingakitarraplayer

Enclosing the flutes; earthing up the potatoesThe strong association betweenpinkillu flutes and potatoes would appear to beemphasized once again in the performance of theqhata dance.15 For this circledance which is performed at major feasts during the rains, the pinkillu (o rkitarra) players are enclosed by a ring of dancers. The circle comprises bothunmarried men and women 16 but it is the women's presence and voices thatdom inate. They sing in response to the me n'spinkillu flutes which are enclosedwithin the ring. This sense of themale.pinkillu flute players being "trapped", bythe essentially feminine dance circle, was emphasized in several conversa tions.Alberto Camaque explained that the Aymara word qhata, from which thedance derives its name, refers to the plaiting together of between 10 and 20lengths of thread (q'aytu) to form a strong cord, such as the type used forwomen's hair braiding (tullma)or for tying a belt(chumpi). Such a cord, it wasspecified, is strong (resisten) and cannot be broken easily. Similarly the dancersbraid themselves together securely, holding alternate hands so that their arms arecrossed and thepinkillu flute orkitarra player(s) cannot escape. The image ofenclosure and imprisonment in this dance was also related to the walls builtaround fields during the rains and to llama corrals.1 5 See also Arnold 1992 for discussion of a similar dance in nearby Qaqachaka.1 6 Married people may also join in the qhata dancing at Carnival.


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Stobart:Flourishing horns and enchanted lubers 43

When I discussed this dance with Alberto Camaque, he directly compared thepinkillu players in the centre of the dance circle to "growing plants". Accordingto this analogy it would seem that the dancers represent the soil or mother earthwhich p rotects, but also imprisons and ultimately destroys the parent seed potatowhen it has given birth to the next generation. Such an interpretation wouldseem to be paralleled by the translations for the wordcahuatha from Bertonio'sAymara dictionary of 1612, which refers to both the actions of ridging potatoesand dancing in a circle whilst holding hands.Cahuatha:Baylor una ruedadegente tomndosedelasmanos.[To dance in a circle of people holding hands]Cahuatha:Allegarlaierr alas matosdelas papas para quecrescan.[To pile earth up to potato plants so that they grow](Bertonio 1612, II: 32)However, during the rites of "farewell to the pinkillu flutes" (pinkillukarcharpaya) at Carnival, the circle of qhata dancers was dramatically broken,releasing the enclosed flute players. For the dry season wayli dance, whichimmediately follows the "farewell" to Carnival, hands are not held and eachperson dances separately. This way of dancing singly was referred to using theverb stem sapa-, which in both Quechua and Aymara17 suggests the idea of"standing alone", where each person must fend for him- or herself Accordingly,the wayli dance is said to be especially linked with harvest, when the newpotatoes are uncovered and separated one by one from the earth.

Weeping potatoesOver the many months I stayed in my host hamlet, I was constantly impressed bythe way in which nothing was wasted; a sharp contrast to wastefulness of mostindustrialised societies. There was an ash pile (in w hich the llamas loved to roll)beside each house, but no other form of rubbish heap. Any old packets or tinswere swiftly appropriated. A little later they would reappear transformed into achildren's toy, incorporated into a game or set to some other practical use.Similarly, any vegetable waste, such as potato peelings or bean husk s, was putto practical use, even if this meant carrying it for several hours to do so. As myhost's mother put it: "peelings just left strewn around on the mountain peaks, orelsewhere, would be lonely and weep like a deserted child. They would not

1 7 Approximately 20% of the vocabularies of Quechua and Aymara are identical or similar(Mannheim 1991:40). According to accounts from older people, Aymara was widely spokenin my host hamlet in the last century. Although today much ritual language and local placenames are Aymara, the inhabitants are essentially monolingual Quechua speakers(incorporating many loan words from Spanish).


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44 British Journal of Ethnomusicology. vol. 3 1994)

serve any use." In this realistic approach to ecology she attributed animateassociations to plant life and in particular the ability to m ake soun d.Plant life, like that of humans and animals, is understood in terms of cycles oflife and death. Food crops must be treated appropriately as they pass from theworld of the living to that of the dead in the same way as humankind. Humanswho die having transgressed the boundaries of social order roam between thepuna (highlands) and valleys weeping and wailing as condenados ("condemnedo n e s " ) . It would seem that plant life is categorized in a similar manner.Significantly, the Quechua wordwaqaywhich my host's mother used to refer tothe "weeping" of vegetable waste or children, and often describes the sounds ofcondenado,is also the common word for the sounds of musical instrumen ts.The animate aspect of food crops emerges again in the ritual language used inceremonies. For example, the potato is called ch'askaawi, a reference to itsmany eyes (awi) as "starry" or "bushy" (ch'aska). In everyday languag ech'askaawi can simply mean "eyeb rows" , which are an impo rtantconsideration in assessing the beauty of a girl, but in the context of song, myhosts explained that it refers to a "lover". 18From our various discussions it became clear that when the local girls singthese songs the idea of "lover" was not restricted to the world of humans. Formy hosts, at least, there was a strong sense that potatoes m ust be treasured, lovedand cared for in the same way as humans. As living things they are also animatedand nurtured by love and sentiment. Thus, the lives of humans and potatoesoverlap and are sometimes compared with one another, as in the following songverses from the Feast of the Holy Cross (May 3 ):

a)Imilla papila muraru sunkituImilla19 potato with apurple heartChika jovencita vibora sunkituYoung girl withasnake heartb)Imilla papata pilar atiwaqchu?Couldyo upeel animilla potato?Cfudata Indiata fisti atiwaqchu?Could yo udressan Indian girl?2 0

1 8 Therefrains ofmany songs include lines such as Linda cholita chaskaawi ("Beautifulgirl with theeyebrows").1 9 Imilla is the Quechua word forboth "girl" and avariety of potato.2 0 I am grateful to Denise Arnold for her suggested interpretation of fisti asvestir (Spanish"to dress") and toRosaleecn Howard-Malvcrde for herhelpon thegrammar of these verses.


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Stobart:Flourishing horns and enchanted tubers 45

Siren voicesIn my host hamlet I was told that all music comes from the sirinus. These aredemonic and enchanting beings which live in gullies, waterfalls, springs orrocks.21 Should you chance upon these creatures during the nights of Carnival,it is said, they will undoubtedly be dancing qhata and singing to the music ofpinkillu flutes. Their music is so beautiful and dancing so enjoyable that youmight easily be charmed away; po ssibly to your doom. Other people specify thatif you hear thesirinusat, for example, a waterfall, they sound just like pinkilluflutes. More than any other instrument, the sirinusare especially a ssociated withthe pinkillu flute.New pinkillu melodies or wayu, I was told, must be collected every year.Today, few people in my host hamlet have the knowledge to make thedangerous journey to thesirinu to collect these new tunes, although new wayumay just fall under men's fingers as they play their flutes, "put there by thesirinu . From the feast of San Sebastian (20 Jan) new wayu begin to becollected, imitated from other communities who still know how to listen to thesirinuat waterfalls, or even copied from commercial recordings. No matter whereor how these tunes are collected, they are said always to have ultimately comefrom thesirinu. San Sebastian, I was told, is the patron saint of thesirinuand onhis nameday they begin to come out of the earth"just like plants". Similarly,another neighbour explained that new wayu tunes come "out of the fields".22This emergence or birth, between the time of San Sebastian and Carnival, doesnot refer to green plants coming out of the earth but to the new baby potatotubers which begin to form beneath the soil at this time. As the new potatoesform on the root system of the parent plant, each developing its own individualidentity and shape, so also do the newpinkillu melodies surface with the sirinus.Accordingly, each melody also has its own individual shape and form. These newtunes, collected between San Sebastian (20 January) and Carnival(February/March) are played day and night throughout Carnival, saturating thesoundscape. But then, with the end of Carnival, the pinkillu flutes aredramatically hushed and hidden away for the dry season. 23Pinkillu flutes are not heard again until the following November when thesesame tunes, from the previous Carnival, are played once mo re24 . At this time theseed potatoes born in the previous rainy season are planted, and start to sprouthorns and grow, encouraged by the wayu melodies dating from their birth.2 1 For further details of sirens and devils as the source of music and enchantment, see GrebeVicua (1980, 150-65), G. Martinez (1989, 52), Turino (1983), Sanchez (1988), R.Martinez(1990), Van den Berg (1990:130), Arnold (1992).2 2 Wirtasmanta lluqsin.2 3 This takes place during thepinkillu kacharpaya, mentioned above, when simultaneouslythe qhata dance circle is broken and the pinkillu flute players released.2 4 In practice a few other new tunes were also played at this time and in other regions newtunes are collected for this feast. However, my hosts and Alberto Kamaqui specified that thetunes from the previous Carnival should be played at All Saints (1 November).


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46 British Journal of Elhnomusicolo gy, vol. 3 1994)

Fig. 6: Cycleo/pinkillu tunes25 fwayujCarnival: farewellto the sirens

Emergence ofthe sirensFeast of theHoly Cross All Saints

year 1year 2JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN JUL AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC

Pinkillu flute s Pinkillu flutes

ESgsgsj First gen eration of pota toe s and wa yu melodies| | Second generation of potato es and wayu melodiesE$$$$$3 Th ird generatio n of potato es and wa yu melodies

These tunes thereby act as an emblem which marks the identity of thatgeneration of potatoes.Later in the rainy season, at the feast of San Sebastian (20 January), new babypotatoes begin to develop beneath the earth and the new melodies (year 2)which surface with the emergence of the sirinu are collected. Meanwhile theparent potato becomes rotten (ismu) and disintegrates beneath the soil. The oldmelodies, of this dying generation of potatoes (year 1), are now said to be out ofdate (pasasqaa) and insipid or tasteless (q'ayma), contrasting with the newgeneration which are specified to be sweet or tasty (misk'i)words that are alsoused to describe the flavour of potatoes.ConclusionMost vividly, pinkillu tunes and their renew al each year may be seen torepresent the cycle of potato cultivation that is so central to my hosts' survivaland wofldview. The creation and animation of the potato, which parallels andperhaps forms a model for other forms of life, is expressed and motivated bymus ic. Music sym bolizesanimuor life. These melodies, representing the life cycle2 5 Also see Arnold (1992:31) who notes that, for the nearby Qaqachakas, the cycling oftunes is linguistically correlated with both the progressive forgetting or desocialisation of thedead and with cloth which gradually becomes ragged and wom-out.


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Stobart:Flourishing horns and enchanted tubers 47

of each generation of potatoes, are especially l inked with pinkillu f lutes. Theyare taken up by women's voices, who encircle the male f lute players in the qhatadance. In this uterine embrace the f lutes become like seed potatoes enclosed inthe soil ; protected, revived, regenerated but also destroyed.

T h e w o o d e n pinkillu f lutes themselves would seem to be understood as ametaphor for the seed potato, which alternates each year between dormancy andrevitalisation. Their fragile dry-season counterpart , the panpipes, are associatedwith chuu, freeze-dried p otatoe s, wh ich are frozen and trampled in the coldwinter months .For my hos ts the potato is no mundane s taple , but i s an enchant ing andmagical being whose l ife is seen in many ways to parallel and enable their own.Potatoes must be loved and cared for, just l ike human children. This sentiment isexpressed through music, song, poetry and dance which, in turn, are some of theultimate expressions of human feeling. For the people of this highland hamlet, atleas t , i t would seem that the potato must count among the most impor tantorganizing principles of musical performanc e. Or rather, might i t be more accurateto say that music is one of the primary expressions of the potato?

A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T SFirst and foremost my deepest gratitude goes to my h osts and to Alberto Camaq ue for theirfriendship, hospitality, patience and enthusiasm. I am also especially grateful to SuzannaRanee, Ben Kohl and Linda Farthing for their wonderful and unconditional hospitality,warmth and humour in La Paz. Thanks to Bill Sillar, Diura Thoden van Velzen, AlisonSpedding, Denise Arnold and Olivia Harris for their comments on earlier drafts of thispaper. Finally, I aknowledge the British Academy and St John's College Cambridge forfunding towards this research.This paper is dedicated to my brother John, in happy memory of the Bach Two-PartInventions and other duets for horn and tuba that we played in our youth.R E F E R E N C E SArnold, Denise, Domingo Jimnez A., and Juan de Dios Yapita, (1992) Hacia un ordenandino de las cosas.La Paz: Hisbol/ILCA.Arnold, Denise (1992) "At the Heart of the dance-floor: The Wayu in Qaqachaka". InIberoamericana 16 Jahrgang Nr. 3/4 (47/48), pp.2 1-66.Baumann, Max Peter (1982) Bolivien: Musik im andenhochland/Bolivia: Music in theAndean highlands. Record set. Editor Artur Simon. Berlin: Berlin Museum Collection

MC14.Berg, Hans van den (1990)La tierra no da asi no mas: los ritos agrcolas en la religion delos aymara-cristianos.La Paz: Hisbol,Bertonio, P. Ludovico (1984) Vocabulario de la lengua Aymara (1612), Cochabamba:Centro de Estudios de la Realidad Econmica y Social (facsimile edition).Buechler, Hans C. (1980)The masked media.Mouton, The HagueFlety, Bruno and Martinez, Rosalia (1992) Bolivia: calendar music in the central valleys.C.D. Collection du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique et du Muse del'Homme, Paris. Harmonia Mundi: Le Chant du Monde LDX 274 938 CM 251


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48 British Journal of Ethnom usicology , vol. 3 (1994)Grebe Vicua, Ester (1980) Generative models, symbolic structures, and acculturation in thepanpipe music of the Aymara of Tarapac, Chile. Ph.D. thesis, The Queen's University,

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flourishing horns and enchanted tubers: music and potatoes in highland bolivia

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