lity among the more)g nations.:y place more pressureranciai institutions inobably tend to further)d 6nancial decision_nters, drawjng decision_m national or regional)erbate uneven urbanI nations, particularlyfement of prcductjvefurther erode urban

IE READING

tcororly. New yorkl

CAl'es. New Yotk and

national Corpotatlan.. A'nbridge: Cambrjdge

trgonization of Space inbridge, MA: Harvard

'tendeL The Aneicon'. New York: Liverjght.)nolisation du Copital.

ffi(({Adaxwla'l f+i&en ff,n r,eqq -r&fi,"o*t o

VwSJfr lle{ qps S}t s L}fi E t td4 s.dqrI s !

Arn &gemdm fmr ffiesmaneFrmrnd Ac&frmsn"

from fmfernatignal ,ft*wrnaf of {fr,ban andRegriooef ffiesearafi ('l 9&*)

John Friedmann and Goetz Wolff

Editors'introduction

John Friedmann is one of the pioneering urbanisls of the laie twenlieth century. Many of Friedmann'smost important contribulions to urban and regionalstudies were prodr.:ced during his nearly three decades

on the faculty of the Program for Urban Planning in the Graduate School of Architecture and Planning

at UCLA, which he helped found in the late 1960s and where he is now Professor Emeritus. Friedmann

is also currently Honorary Professor in the School of Communily and Regional Planning at the University

of British Columbia. lnlernational recognition for his scholarship includes honorary doctorales lrom theCalhol;c University of Chile and the University ot Dortmund. Friedmann's publication record includes 14individually authored books, 11 co.edited books, and 150 chaplers, articles, and reviews. Friedmann is

(,utlcr'{ry lrvurveu Pruucsses wror sPEcrdr rcrc,c,,ec (u v"n,a.Goetz Wolff, who was a PhD student at UCLA when this article was written, is an independent

researcher, teacher and consultant in Los Angeles, He also serves as Lecturer in UCLA's t-Jrban Planning

Depariment. His research and teaching inlerests center on industrial change and regional economic

development issues, with particular reference to the Southern California region.Friedmann and Wol{f's study of world city formation was published in 1982 in a new radical journal

of urban sociology, lhe lnlenational Journal of Urban and Regional Research, and became an instantclassic; it kickslarted an impressive outburst of research on this topic, including many of the contribu'tions to this Reader. Building upon a broad range o{ intellectual sources - including radical internationalpolitical economy, world systems theory, Manian urban studies, urban oystems theory and radical

community studies - Friedmann and Wollf's "agenda for research and action" represenled a genuinely

original synthesis. Reminiscent of previous argumenls by Jane Jacobs (1984), Friedmann and Wollf viewed

cities rather than national economies as the motors of contemporary capilalist developmenl World cities,

they argued, represented a new breed of global command and conlrol centers within the new interna-

tional division of labor (NIDL) associated with post-1970s capitalism, These cilies, moreover, concen-

trated many of the contradictions and ineqr.ralities of the NIDL inside their own boundaries: they had tobe viewed, simultaneously, as spaces of hope and as spaces of gloom, thai is, as sites in which "citadel"and "ghetto" existed in uneasy proximity.

It was by no means accidental that Friedmann and Wolff wrote this article during a period in whichLos Angeles was becoming what some would hyperbolically describe as the "capital of the 21st

@ JOHN FRTEDMANN AND GOETZ WOLFF

century" (Scott and Soja 1996). lndeed, Los Angeles in the 1980s provided an adeal backdrop lor thedevelopment of global city theory. For, as Goetz Wolff showed in another influentiat pape. written in theearly 1980s with Edward Soja and Rebecca Morales (Soja et al, I 983), Los Angeles exemplified manyof the dramatic economic changes that were unfording in the united states during rhat decade, as rhe

::j*, j-O-:"11r,.,:urcture of the posr-Wortd War ylars *", in"r"""ingt *praced by an internation.arzeo, more ltextbte and less stable regime of accumulation, More generally, many patterns ol urban

:::11::l*,:glli: y":ld subsequentty.unfotd in cities throughout the otd-er indus'triatized wortd were atreadys*r*ngry ovrdent rn the soulhern caritornia metroporis during the rate 1g?os and earry 1g80s (see Keir1998; see also Reading 21 by Soja).

trol, How can planners and, indeed, how can thepeople themselves, living in world cities, gainascendancv over tbese forces? That is the basicquestion. Towards the end of thjs paper we shallventure a few observations about the tasks weface and their implications lor planning.

To label them worldconvenience. In each anspecific role must be det'ical research. Only this r

determininB characteristi,populadon, This is moreconsequence of their ecorA more fundamental quelways these urban regionswith the global system of (

aspects need to be consid

The form and strength(e.9. to what extent it s

location for transnatiextent to which it ba

for the investment ofreal estate; its importcommodities for the uan ideological center;as a world market),

2. The spatial dominance i

city (e.9. whether its Icontrol is prjmarily gloit is less than global, e)

tional region of the \national economy wiThese cdteria ofworldbe viewed in a dynamiUrban roles in the womanently nxed. Functi(of the relationship chachanges. Indeed, the !economy articulated tlis as old as the ancienthaps the first great impof Venice in its Coldercentury London, Whil€ical continuity, we wcpresent siluation is subr

then is new?

First, we must consider tlthe world economy. Evenover an empire "where tltrolled only po|tions of r

transnational sy$tem of r

other hand, is in principunderstood as a spatial syintemal structure of dor

il;i t: iil I lu ll

Our paper concems the spatial afticulation of theemerging world system ofproduction and marketsthrough a global network of cities. SpeciRcally, itis about the principal urban regions in this network,dominant in the hierarchy, in which most of theworld's active capital is concentrated. As cities go,they are large in size, typically ranging from five llto nfteen million inhabitants, and they a;e expand_ing rapidly. In space, they may extend outward by Our argument is a relatively simple one. Since theas much as 60 miles from an original center. Second"Wodd War, the processes by which capitalistThese vast' highry urbanized - and urbanizing - institutions rtuuu iu"o themselves from nationalregions play a vitar part in the great capitarist constraints and have proceeded to organize grobalundertaking to organi.e the worrd for the emcient p.oau"tion unJ ,nu.r,ets for their own intrinsic pur-extraction of surprus our basic argument is that poses have gr"uiry a"autu.utua. The actors princ!th€ character ofthe urbanizing proce$es _ eco_ pally .urponriblu'fo, reorganjzing the economicnomic, sociar' and spatiai - which define rife in these mai ofthe worid are the transnationar corporarions,"cities" renect, to a considerabre extent, the mode themserves in bitter and cannibaristic conflict for theof thejr integration into the world

we propose, then, a ""*,"".;;:il"",TI;.,rs lii:'3 $.:"1:"#:".:ffi"JTtr"Jf,Tf,:l:::iperspective of the world economic system_in_ form in punicula.,

-typiculiy urban, localities thatformation The processes we wit describe ,ead to u." unn.urt"J riii ttre gtouar system in a varietynew probiem conngurations. The central issue is the of wavs.

"31tt:l :f-ylE!-rt. wnose-lni6iiG-wili-G rhe specific mode of their integrarion wirh thisserved: those oflhE resident populations or of sysrem;;;;;; an urban hierarchy of influ-transnational corporations, or of the nation states e;ce an; control. At the apex of this hierarchy arelhal e:ovige the political setting for wnrlrl urban- found a small number ofmassivc urban regions rharization? Planners are directly engaged oD this we shall callwoiia

"ities. fightly int".connected withcontested terrain They are called up^on to crarify each other through decision-making and finance,th€ issues and to help in searching for sorutions. ttuy

"on.titui" -- *orrdwide system of controrObviously, they will have to gain a solid, aorpr"- ou". paOuc'rion anO ma.t<et expansion. Examples<- hensive understanding of the forces at work. And of worrd-cities-in-the-making incrude such metro-they will have to rethink their basic .pra*ices, potises as i"f.y","L", Angeles, San Francisco,since what is happening in world cities.is in large i\4ia;; N"*- V*, London, parjs, Randstadt,measure brought about by forces that lie beyond FranKun, Zurich, Cairo, Bangkok, Singapore,the normal range of politicar - and poricy -ion- no'g rong, Ir,l""i"o a,,y

""a sdo pauro.

O

"WORLD CITY FORMATION" *wded an ideal backdrop for theinfluential paper wriflen in the-os Angeles exemplified manves during that decade, as thetly replaced by an internation-rally, many patterns of urbanJustrialized world were alreadvOs and early 1980s (see Keil

rrs and, indeed, how can theliving in world cities, gainse-&!qes? That is the basice end of this paper we shallvations about the tasks wetioDs for planning.

rtively simple one. Since theprocesses by which capitalisti themselves from nationalroceeded to organize globals for their own intrjnsic pur-relerated. The actors pdnci_reorganizing the economice transnational corporations,L cannibalistic conffict for thepace. The emerging globallations assumes its matedalically urban, localitjes thatglobal system in a variety

f their integration with thjsr urban hierarchy of influ--'apex of this hielarchy are'massive urban regions thatTightly jnterconnected withrision-makjng and nnance,dwjde system of controllrket expansion, Exampleslking include such metro_Angeies, San Francjsco,

)ndon, Paris, Randstadt,ro, Bangkok, Singapore,/ and Sao Paulo.

To label them world cities is a matter ofconvenience. ln each and every jDstance, theirspecinc role must be determined through empir-ical research. Only this much we can say: theirdetermining characteristic is not their size ofpopulation. This js more properly regarded as a

consequence of thejr economic and politjcal role.A more fundamental question is in what specjficways these urban regions are becoming integratedwith the global system of economic relations. Twoaspects need to be consideredi

The form and strength of the city's integration(e,9. to what extent it serves as a headquarterslocation for transnational corporations; theextent to which it has become a safe placefor the jnvestment of "surplus" capital, as inrcal estate; its importance as a producer ofcommodities for the world market; its role asan ideological center; or its relative strengthas a world market).

2, The spatial dominance assigned by capital to thecity e.g. whet its financial and/or marketcontrol is primarily global in scope, or whetherit is less than global, extending over a multina-tional region of the world, or articulating anational economy with the world system).These criteria ofworld system integration mustbe viewed in a dynamic, historical perspective.Urban roles in the world system are not per-manently fixed. Functions change; the strengthof the relationshjp changes; spalial dominancechanges. Indeed, the very concept of a worldeconomy articulated through urban structuresis as old as the ancient empires, Rome was per-haps the first great imperial city. One may thinkof Venice in its Colden Age, or of nineteenth-century London. \{hile recognizing this histor-ical continuity, we would still argue that thepresent situation is substantially different. Whatthen is new?

OFirst, we must consider the truly global nature of' the world economy. Even imperial London, rulingover an empire "where the sun never sets," con_trolled only portions of the world, The presenttransnational system of space economy, on theother hand, is in principle unlimited. It is bestunderstood as a spatial system which ha6 its ownintemal structure of dominance/subdominance.

Following Immanuel Wallerstein, we may labelils three major regional components as core, semi-periphery, and periphery. Core dreas include thoseolder, already industrialized and possibly .,postin-

dustrial" regions that contain the vast majority ofcorporate headquartem and continue to be themajor markets for world production (nothweslEurope, North America, Aust.alia, Japan). Theseni-pe phery includes rapidly industrializingareas whose economies are stiil dependenl oncore-region capital and technical knowledge. Theyplay a significant role in extending markets into theworld periphery. Mexico, Brazil, Spain, Egypt,Singapore, Taiwan, and the Republic of Koreawould be examples of semi-peripheral regions.And the world peripherJ,, compises what is left ofmarket economies. Predominantly agrarian, thepeople of the world periphery are poor, techno-logically backward, and politically weak,

Tbis analytical scheme must be deftly handled.It is a first approximation to a deeper understand-jng of world city structure. Above all, it is anhistorical classification. Over the span ofone or twogenerations, a country may change its position asit moves from perjphery to semi-peripheral status(ROK, Spain, Brazil), from semiperiphery to core(Japan), and even perhaps back from core regionstatus to the semi-periphery (creat Britain), orthe ultimate decline into peripheral obscurityllebanon lranl w'hrt m,LFc rhic hh^r^^, \attractive is the assumption that gl!!g!, situated jnany of the three world regions, will tend to havesignificant features in common, As the movementofteitcuEf countri-es iErougi-the threelevel hier-archy suggests, these features do not in aDy sensedetemine economic and other outcomes. Theydo, however, point to conditions that signincantlyinffuence a city's gowth and the quality ofurban life.

The world economy is thus no longer definedby the imperial reach of a Rome, a Venice, or evena London, but by a ljnked set of markets and )production units organized and controlled bytransnarionat capirat. \g[El9!fs_-4re__a.trq!9rialmanifestation of this control, and they occurexclusively core semi-peripheral ns

ere they serve as king an nancial centers,administrative headquarters, cente$ of ideologicalcontrol, and so forth. Without them, the world_spanning system of economic relations would beunthinkable.

, r'lii1.

19|'| ff1!9y1\ 1t9 99!1a y,9ltfThis conception of the world cjry as an tnsrru-

ment lbr the conrrol of production and marketbourgeoisie; behveen politically organized nationstates and transnational capital; and between thepeople of a given cjty and rhe national poljty,though this may be the weakest paft.

There is. lhen, nothing inevilable aboul eitherthe world ecoiromy or jts concrete materializationjn world cities. C_apit-al is jn conffict wirh itself andwirh lhe polirical rerrjtorjal entiries where ii musrcome to rest. There is no manifest destinv. yet theemerging world economy js an histori;al eventand tltjs allows us to formulate our central hypoth-esis: th.e nodc oIwo d systen intcgtation (fom ondttrenqth ol inregtution; spoial doninonce) will ollectin deterninate wals the ecanonic, sociol, spatiql andpoliticol sttucture aI world cities and the urbanizinoptocesses to which they arc subject

What we describe is not a Weberian ..ideal

type" ol d tully formed world ciry. Ali rhat werntend is to point to cenain 5tructural rendenciesin rl)e for maljon of lhose ciries lhat appear ro playa major role jn the organizalion ol world markelsand production. We have in mind a heuristjc forthe ernpirical study of world cjty formation.

the system. Rather, we suforces of contpetitjon, the rand lhe challenges posedmake the intersection ol \city a point of intense r

change. World city inregratiprocess; it jnvolves many irthat leave few aspects of j

create the arenas for conce

IV

The world cjry today is insay it is in movement. Pe.h,like rhis. Equilib um is norof large cities. Structural insin a variety of ways: dramatribution of employment, thdivis'ons, physical expansicareas, polittcal conffict We I

at all ol these to render mormation of the world cities iof their lile experience.

World cities are the c(

srobaGA;o;t Th;ii;itiiin[ in iiie miiure that givenin a dominant role with tl'te \the golden cities ofancjent ethemselves the wealth ofthethem. They become the i

accumulation ol capital aDC

buy." They are luxurious, spl(splendor obscures the po\wealth is based. The juxtalspatial; il is a functional relaticeach othcr

It is not a ne\4, stoty, ifeatures are new. As t{e afl(0dr8ej rar occur as uloworld city status several thjmind. The characteristics vmerely tendencies, not finticular citieiwili-bihibit parti,account we give of conditio.regions as they become \regalded as the best currentinstance, we have tried to reaspects ofintegration with gloare world cities in themselv

o.gantzatlon implies that the world economy, spa,tially afticulared through world cities, rs dialectic;llyrelated to the national economies of the counh.iesin which these cities are situated. lt pos s a inheLent contrcdi.tion lretu)cer the inteterts a[ lronst@tiottolcapilal and @se oJ porti(ulat nott()tt ;Mlcs lhat hovetltei au)n h istorico I t tuje.lor),,. World cjties are askedto_play a dual role. Essential to making the worldsafe for capital, they also anjculare given nationaleconomres, lvjth rhe world system. As such, lheyhave considerable salience Ior national policymakers who musr respond to poljrjcal imperativeithat are only coincidentally convetgent wltn rhernterests of the transnationals. World cities lie atthejunction between the world economy and theterritorial nation state

Finally,. the global economy is superimposedupon an international system of states. Nationstates have their own political f.eatr and ambitions.They lorm allidnces. and lhey exact tribute.rney musl prorect lheir Irontjers againsl actualand potential enemies. Wishing to ensure theircontinuing power in the assembly of nations, oreven to enlarge rheir power., they must provldetor a conlinuing flow of raw materidls and loodsuppljes.

On the other hand, dJthough lransnallonalcapttal desjres maxjmum lieedom lfom staleintervention in the movements ol.finance capital,inforntation, and commoditjes, it js vitally inter;stedlr],

ltavjng the state assume as large a parr as pos_

srbte ol the cosrs ol produclion. including lherelroduction ofthe labor force and the matntenanceof "law and order.,' It is clear, therefore, that theywould..benelll from a srraregy ro prevent a possi_bJe collusion among narjon stares djrecred againstthems€lves. Being essential to both transna onalcapital and national political interests, world citiesmay becohe bargaining counters in the ensuingstruggies

,TDey^are theretore also major arenas ,br politi_

cal confficl. How these confficts are resolved willshape the future of the world economy. Becausemany diverging inrers5ls u." invotved, jt is a mul_trtacered slruggle. There is, ofcourse, rhe classicallnstance ol the struggle belween cdpitat and labor.in,s remajns In additjon there is now a slrugglebetweeD transnatjonal capital and the national

In makjng the jnternatronaljzation of capitalcentral to ouf analysjs, we focus upon a combina_lion oI cornplex processes thal are indeterminate,conhadictory, and irregular. There is little disputeabour lhe tact of rhe t{orldwjde expansion of mar_ket relalions. Bul rhe cause the drjving tbrce _ o,ll)e inrernarionalizalion of capital js debated: IsrnternalionalizaLion merely a \vorking out ol rhernternal logic of capiralism? Or has labor in theindustrialized countrjes created a sjtuation wherecapjtal now nnds it more prontable to locate in theperiphery?

t

We proceed under thp ,ssurn!,1i^t thct bolh''wrndows - ro use David'-t]ai,"i, ,",,",,0u,rmage - contribLlte to the needed understanding ofthe global order. The contradjctions inherent in thecapiralist economy cnd the basic s(ruggle whichresLrlts ,rom rhe dominatjon of labor by capjtal arerne maJor lorces which account tor bolh thespatial and temporal irregularities of the worldeconomy. A cirys mode ot inte8rarton wirh theglobal economy cannot simply be undersrood byjdenriry,ing irs Iuncrional role in the adiculaljon of

'woRLD CrTY FORTvATTON' {ti:*

)litically organized nation

capital; and ben^/een tlle

and the national Polity,weakest paft.ng inevitable about either

ls concrete mateialization.s in conflict with itself and

,iiut-"niitl". wnere ii must

ro manifest destiny. Yet the

)my is an histoflcal evenl,rmulate our central hypoth-

systent inlegtotiott ([otm and

spaial dotnhance) will a[Ject

! econonic, social, spa al ond

o d cities and lhe urbani.ingare subject

: is not a Weberian "ideal

:d "wolld city." All that we

certain struclural tendencies

)se cities thal appear to PlaY'garlizatjon oj lvorld markets

:rave in mind a heuristic forI world city formation.

]rnationalization of caPjtal

i, we focus upon a combina_

rsses that are indeterminate,rgular. Tbere is little disPute

vorldwide expansion of mar-

:ause - the driving force - of)n of capital is debaled: Is

rerely a working out of lhe

talism? Or has labor in the

:s crealed a situation $,here

Jre prcfitable to locate in the

r the assumption that both

: David Harvey's felicjtous

the needed understanding of

rontradictions inherent in the

nd the basic struggle which

nation oflabor by caPital are

hich account for both the

. irregularjties of the worldrode of integration with the

rot simply be understood bY

nal role in the articulation of

the system. Rather, we suggest that the drivinS

forces of competition, the need for accumulation

and the challenges posed by political struggle

make the intersection of world economy/world

city a point of intense conflict and dynamic

change. World city integration is not a mechanical

process; it involves many interconnected changes

that leave few aspects of its life untouched and

create the arenas fol concerted action

world cjty today is jn transition, which is to

it is in movement. Perllaps it has always been

this. Equilibriunl is not part of the experience

large cities. Slructural instability manifests itself

(

variety of 14,ays: dramatic changes in the dis-

ln e

ons

rded as the best current hypothesis ln every

nce, we have trjed to relate it back to specific

ofintegration with Slobal economy. Not only

is no dennite cut-off point with other cities that

belong to the same system but are not so tightly

integrated with the global econorny have only a

national/subnational span of control' or are inte_

Srated primarily on a basis of dependency ln a way,

the world economy is every{here, and many of tlle

features we will describe may be fbund jn cities other

than those we are discussing here

The world city "approach" is' in the first

instance, a ! elhodology, a point of depafture, an

initial hypotbesis. It is a way of asking questions

and of bringing foot loose Iacts into relation wedo not lrave an all-embracing theory of $'olld city

formation.

Economic restructuring

A primary {act about emerging world cities is

the impact which the incipient shifts in the struc-

tule oItheir employment will bave on the economy

and on the social composition of their population

The dynamism of the world city economy results

chiefly liom the growth of a primary cluster of-)highlevel business ser'r'ices which employ a

large number of professionals - the transnational

elite - and ancillary staffs ol clerical personnel The

activities are lhose which aie coming to define

the chief economic functions ol the world city: - .

managemenl, Lanking ond lnonce' legol scfliccs

account[ng, lechnrcol consu ing, teleconmunicalions and :'compu1tn8, nttet ttuttutt0t tt u tt tyot tut t!ttthigher educalion.

A seconclary clustel of employment, also in

rap'd ascendancy, may be defined as essentially

sewing the first. lts demand is largely derived,

and it employs proportionately a much smaller

number ol professionals: real eslole, conslruclion'

activilies, holel seruices, rcstaurcnK, Iux ry shopping,

enrc ainhent, privale palict2 and domeslic se ices..

A more varied mix than the primaly cluster' its

fortunes are closely tied to it Although most

jobs in this cluster are pennanent and reasonably

well-paid, lhis is not lrue for domesri' services

which is the most vulnerable employment sector

and the most exploited.A teftiary clLlster ofservice employment centers

on inlefinlional lourism. To a considerable exient

this overlaps with the secondary cluster (hotels,

restaurants, luxury shoppinS, enlertainment)' and

of employment, the pola zation of class

ons, physjcal expansion and decayinS older

political conflict. We shall have a quick look

I of these to render more speciRc how the for-

ion of the world cities is afecting the quality

r li[e experienceWorld cities are the control centers ol the

obal ecbnomy. Their status

measure that given regions are integrated, of course, is evolv_

inanL role with the world system And like

golden citjes ol ancient empires, they draw into

elves the weallh of lhe world.that is ruled by

They become the major points for the

lation of capilal and "all that money can

" They are luxurious, splendid cities whose very

al;it is a functional relation: rich and poor define

othert is not a new slory, and yel its particular

ures are new. As we attempt to describe the

nges that occur as urban regions shive for

rld city status several things musl be borne in

lv tendencies, not final destinalions Par-

i cities will 6xhibit parlicular features s!ill the

unt we give of conditions prevaiUng in urban

endor obscures the poverty on which their

is based. The juxtaposition is not merely

)

nd. The characteristics we are desc bing are

as rhey become world cities mdy be

world cilies in themselves not uniform' there

s& JOHN FRIED[IANN AND GOETZ WOLFF

i0

Uke that cluster, it is tied to the performance of theworld economy.

The growth ol the nrst three clusters is takingplace at the expense oJr manufocturing employmenl.Although a large cluster, its numbers are graduallydeclining as a proportion ol all employment. Someindustry serves the specialized needs ol localmarkets, while other sectors - in Los Angeles, forexample, electronics and garment industries - arechoosing world city locations because of the largeinnux of cheap labor which helps to keep theavelage cost of wages down, The future of manu,facturing employment in the world city js notbright, bowever. The next two decades willsee therapid automation and robotization of many jobs.While factories will still be producing and earninglarge and perhaps even rising profits, they wjll belargely devoid of working people.

Government services constitute a nfth cluster.They are concerned with the maintenance andreproduction of the world city, as well as the pro-vision of cedain jtems of collective consumptionlthe planning and regulation of urban land use and(-expansion; the provision of public housjng, basicutilities, and transportation sewices; the maintenanceof public order; education; business regulation;urban parks; sanitaiion; and public wellare for thedestitute

Because of the uniqueness and scale of worldcities, and because they are often considerednational showcases, rhe government sector tendsto be larger here than elsewhere. And because itis a political and, for the most part, te_qll{lic-allybackward-seqtpr, with uncertain criterja of adequateperformance, it tends to be bloated, employinglarge numbers ofpeople at relatively Iow levels ofproductivity and wages. Moreover, because theworld city extends over many poiitical jurjsdic-tions that are contiguous with each other, there ismuch overlap and redundancy in employment.During periods of depression, government willoilen be the employer of last resort. Its internalrhythm tends to be counter-cyclical.

A sixth and, at least in some cities, numericallythe largest cluster, embraces the "inbtmal," "foat-tng," ot "streel" econony which ranges from thecasual seir,,ices of day laborers and shoeshine boysto fruit vendors, glaziers, rug dealers, and modestartisans. Frequently an extension of the hou6eholdeconomy, most infornal activities require little or

no overhead (though they do require start.upcapital). They demand long hours, and the returnsare low and unceftain. They oller no security tothose who work in them. New arrivals to the cityofter1 find their 6rst job in the informal sector,and many ofthem stay there. When times are bad,some makeshift income earning oppoftunities canalways be found in the informal sector for peoplewho are temporarily unemployed, Although infor-mal sector work may be a choice between inde-pendence and security for some, for many more jt

is the only rvay to survive in the city. The clusterof informal activities takes up the slack in the"formal" economy, and thus despite its marginalcharacter, it tends to be tolerated by the state.

Some informal activities are not as "unorga-nized" or "casual" as they might appear. Perhapsincreasingly, small businesses are subcontracted bylar8e, frequently multinational corporations who inthis way are able to lower thejr costs of operation.Informal businesses are usually beyond the reachofgovemment regulation. They don t pay minimumwages and their labor js often self-exploited. Muchof it is done by women and chjldren.

But essentially the informal sector existsbecause of the large inffux of people into theworld city from other cities and from the country-sjde, people who are attracted to the world city asto a honey pot. They don't all Rnd legitimateemployment. A signjncant number drjft into illicitoccupations which perhaps more than elsewhereappear to thrive in the large cityj thieves, pick-pockets, swindlers, pimps, prostitutes, drug peddlers,black marketeers.., the list can be extended withendless refinements.

Finally, there is the undenned category of thosewithoul a steady income: lhe full-time unem-ployed, who depend on family and public charityfor support. Excepting women, who manage theirhouseholds but are nol paid for thjs, and thereforedo not appear in the official statistics; their num-bers are surprisingly small in the order ot 5-10 percent of the labor force

Social restructuring

world city, and the city istheir lifestyles and occupatiocosmopolitan world that susponding to their own hjgh enaffluence. Members of thisnantly males between theBecause of their importanceclass well served.

The contrast with the rhirlation who make up the perthe world city could scarc(The underclass are the victimsout little hope to them in thethey came but also fails th(centers of the world econ(queuing for a job. They cro!the primary economy - thesettle in its interstices, barely tpersonal seFr'ices to the rudirty work of the city. Thedependent middle secto(employment, a steady inclegality; they do not have to.For all practical purposes, tunderclass lives at its sufler€

Many, though not all, oldifferent ethnic origin than tlthey have a different skjn coldifferent dialect or languafworkers give to many wol"third world" aspect: Puerto I

New York, Mexicans in L,

Francisco, barefoot Indiar"nordestinos" in Sao Paulo,.Algerians in Paris, Turks inSingapore.

There is a city that serv{suited lo their own condition i

and needs, as is the city oPhysically separated from ar

than the citadel of the rulingofthe poor. Both cities live unof violence: the upper city i

security forces, while the lo\victim of its own incipient vrepression. The typical worl(fot both the crime rate and trise.

Racism reinforces class (

good deal of ethnic and ra(

(

l! '

The primary socialfact about world city formationis the polarization ol jtg....s-ocjal class divisions.Transnalional elires are lhe dominant cl;ss in (he

:y do requil.e staft_up

I hours, and the returnsrey offer no securjty toVew arrivals to the cityn the informal sector,'e. When times are bad,rning oppotunjtjes can)rmal sector for peoplelloyed. Although infor-choice between inde-

rome, for many more itin the city. The clusterr up the slack in thels despite its margjnalerated by the state., are not as "unorga_nigbt appear. perhaps

s are sLrbcontracted byal corporations who jnrejr costs of operation.ally beyond the reachey don't pay minimumn self-exploited. Muchchildren.brmal sector exists( of people into tbernd from the country,rd to the world city as't all find legirimateumber drift into illicitDlore ihan elsewheree city: thieves, pick-;titutes, drug peddlers,ran be extended with

led category of thosethe lull-time unem-ly and public charityn, who manage their)r this, and thereforestatistics; their num-he order of 5-10 per

r','orld city formationrial. class divisions.)minant clas;-ln the

world city, and the city is arranged to cater totheir lifestyles and occupational necessities. Il is acosmopoljtan world that surounds them, corre-sponding to their own high energy, rootlessness, and

amuence. Members of this class are predomi-

nantly males between the ages of 30 and 50.

Because oftheir impoftance to the city, they are aclass well sewed.

The contrast with the third (or so) of the popu-

lation who make up the permanent underclass ofthe world city could scarcely be more striking.The underclass are the victims of a system that bolds

out little hope to them in the periphery from whichthey came but also fails lhem in the very nervecenters of the world economy where they arequeuing for a job. They crowd along the edges ofthe primary economy - the "formal" sector - orsettle in its interstices, barely tolerated, yet providingpersonal seNices to the ruling class, doing thedity work of the city. The ruling class and its

dependent middle sectors enjoy permanent

employment, a steady income, and completelegalityj they do not have tojusti$/ their existence.For all practical puposes, they are the city. Theunderclass lives at its sulferance.

Many, tbough not all, oi the underclass are ofdifferent ethnic origin than the ruling strata; often,they have a different skjn color as well, or speak adifferent dialect or language, These immigrantworkers give to many world cities a distjnctly"third world" aspect: Puerto Ricans and Haitians inNew York, Mexicans in Los Angeles and San

Francisco, barefoot Indians in Mexico City,"nordestinos" in Sao Paulo, Jamaicans in London,Algerians in Paris, Turks in Franklurt, Malays inSingapore.

There is a city that seFr'es this underclass, as

suited to their own condition if not their preferences

and needs, as is the city of the "upper circuit."Physjcally separated from and many times largerthan the citadel of the ruling class, it is the ghetto

ofthe poor. Both cities ljve under the constant threatof violencer the upper city is guarded by privatesecurjty lorces, while the lower city is the doublevictim of its own incipient violence and ot policerepression. The typical world city siiuation is thus)fot both the crime rate and police expenditures tonse.

Racism reinforces class contradictions, and agood deal of ethnic and racial hostility is found

within the working class itsell Under conditionsof tigbt labor markets, "foreign" workers, whctherundocumented or not, frequently occasion racist out-

bursts, as "national" workers (particularly amongthe underclass) struggle to preserve their limitedterrain for livelihood. Street gangs of differentethnic origin, and the pitched battles betweenthem. especially in the United States, are a majormanifestation of this violence.

Yet racial conflict is only one lacet of thegeneral increase in violence that is brougbt on byclass polarization. Terrorism, kidnapping, streetdemonstrations, and rioting are other commonforms. There is an undeniable fascination withviolence among residents in the world city whichis picked up and amplified by the popular media.Yet for all lhe tumoil, world conflicts are nota sign of an impendin8 rer-olutionl A good deal

oltlie iiiolencd batuis within the working class itselfand is a measure of its internal divisions. Theworld city is in any event immuoe to revolution-ary action. Lackin8 a political center, it can onlybe rendered irrelevant - at the present time a

rather unlikely occurrence.Confronted with violence, the nation state

.esponds in coin. Given the severily ofits nscal con'straints, in the face of constantly rising costs, itresorts lo the simplest, least imaginative alternativelthe applicalion of brute force. The response is

acceptable to the new ruling class who generallypreler admjnistrative to political solutions. Butpolice repres6ion can at best conlain class violence:it cannot eliminate or signiRcantly reduce it.Violence is here to stay,

Physical restructuring

Over the next generation, world cities can be

expected to grow to unprecedented size. By the end

of the century, the typical world city will have tenmillion people or more. Much of the increase willhave come from migration. Obviously, a population

that rivals lhat of a medium sized country bytoday's standards can no longer be considered a

ciiy in the traditional sense. Il is an -ulrbanizedregion, or an :yfp-il__!-glq:-.ln the case of l-os

-AngCles, for example, the pertinent economicregion has been defined as having a radius ofabout 60 miles (roughly 80 minutes commuting at

.WORLD CITY FORN,lATION' lnffi

g.$ ]OHN FRIEDN4ANN ANO GOETZ WOLFF

nolmal speeds): il represents the life space for

more than half the population of Calilornia!

The urban field is essentially an economic con-

cept. Although it does not respond lo the traditjonal

poiitical concept of the city as civitas, it imposesjts own logic on the vestiges of the political city

whicb struSgles to surulve in thjs highly charged,

volatile materialization of capitalist energy The

urban field is expanding, more rapidly in most

cases than even the increase in population, but it

is expanding_un-eql!-l-ly, regardless of whether one

applies functional, social, or economic criteria

Underlying its kaleidoscopic spatial form is the

ever-shifting topography of land values which

qu'ckly and elnciently excludes all potel1tia] users

who are unable to meet the price of a given

parcel ol land. Of coulse, this method does not at

all correspond to any social need, least of all to the

need of what Joan Nelson (1979) has called

"access to power-"

The concentration of activities and wealth on a

world city scale imposes extraordinary strains on

the natural resources on which tbe continued

viability of the world cily depends To leed its

voracious appetite for water aDd energy (which tends

to grow at multiples oltbe increases in populatjon),

the city must reach lurther and lurther afield,

sometimes for hundreds ofntiles, across mouniains

and desefts and even national boundaries. As it does

so, it comes rnevitably into connict with compet-

ing interests and jurjsdictions.At the same time, and considering alone sheer

volume, the world city faces enormous problems

of waste management. Pollution at levels of con-

centralion dangerous to human health pose a

constant and growing threat. Huge areas musl be

set aside for low-intensity uses ol the land, such

as ailpolts, \/ater-treatmeDt facjlities, solid waste

disposal, agriculture and dairying, and urban mass

This enormously varied complex of activiliesmust be knitted together thtough high-speed

transpoft devices and linked to the outside worldthrouglr a system of international transport termi-nals and telecommunications capable ofsel',7ing the

entire regjon. And of course it must have a basic

infiastructure ofutilities that serves the housing arld

industrial needs of the city. At a scale of 10 or20 mi)lion people each, and an area of several

hundred square miles, these common basic needs

of the world city can be satisfied only \4'ith the

considered appljcation of higb technology But

high technology renders the city more vulnerable:

tbe growing reliance on ever more soph'sticated

methods may be countetproductive in the end. lts

costs will escalate even as the quality ofits seruices

deteriorales.ln its intemal spatial structure, the world city may

be divjded, as we suggested in the preceding seclion,

into the "citadel" and !.!.9- :gLe-tlgr " Its geography

is typically one of inequality and class domination

The citadel seryes the specific needs ol the

transnational elites and their immediate retinues who

rule the city's economic life, the ghetto js adapted

lo the circumstances of the permanent underclass

With its towers ofsteel and glass and its fanciful

shopplnS malls, the Citadel is the city's most vulner-

able symbol. lts smootlt surfaces suggest the sleek

rmpersonality of money power. lts inter;or spaces

are ample, elegant, and plush ln appropriately

secluded spaces, the transnational elites have builltheir residellces and playgrounds: country clubs and

bridle paths and private beaches,

The overcrowded ghettos exist jn the far shad-

ows of the Citadel, where it is turther divided into

racial and ethn'c enclaves; some areas are shanty

towns. None are wellprovided wjth public seNices:

garbage does not get collected, only the police in

their squad cars are visibly in evidence ln many

places, ghetto residents are allolved orrtside their

zones only during rvorkjng hours: their appearance

in the Citadel after dark creates a small panic.

Witb its dozens of apartheid Sowetos' Soutll Africa

is perhaps the extreme case of a country whose

elites are gripped in fear of their underclass, but

political manifestations of this fear are found to a

degree in nearly all world cities. Not long ago, ihe

papers in Los Angeles were filled with horror

slories of "marauders" sallyjng lorth from the

black ghetto to the Citadel on the West Side to rob,

rape and kjll. They called it "predatory crime,"

The implication was clear| at ni8ht, ghetto residents

belong to the thettos. There, isolated like a virus'

they can harm only themselves.

Political contlict

Every restructuring impl'es conflict. And wllen

connict occurs in the public domain, it concems the

disidbution of costs and benef

advantage for the nexl ror

Focused on the world city, p(

tidimensional: it is also at thas if all the world's lines of for{

and the contradictions in L

capital are magnified on a

with that of the world cityof counter-forces, comPlex fr

destabilize the system, and l(

sudden)y erupt into a world.The emergence of world ci

motjon that restructure Pe(the economic space that i

Economic space obeys theprofit-motivated and indiviare lerritorial they are tloccLlpy, in which their dr€

lives unfold. They are thus th

about. For the dorninant

space, life space is nothinfirrational residue of a nlorYet it can neither be deni

Every economic space overli

space, and without this,

would perish. On the otherare collectively the sovereiBl

spaces, the space of econortheir physical survival.

It is thus very clear that i

t\ro kinds of space is bol

conflicts. ln Practice, bec

cufients bear down on tconnicts are often hard lo is

they have a history and a fu

in place, and the system of$transmitlal from continentil may not be very enlighteaccurate to speak of therturbulence.

There are tbe conflictsrestructuring of ecoDomic I

from one place to resurreclentirely new kinds of job z

for which older workers are

racial and ethnic conflicts,access to the few Sood joovel jobs that are less desirabundant. There are strug[

and the national periphery

"WORLD CITY FORMATION'Fft.:&

be satisned only with rheof high technoioov RDr

s the city mot.e vulnerabie:n ever more sophjsticated:eloductive in tbe end. Itsrs the quality of its services

tructule, the world citV maved in rhe precedjng sefijo;.re "B[e!r!: trs geographyrlrty and class domination.) specific needs of theeir immediate retinues wholjfe, the ghetto is adaDtedhe permanent underclassI and glass and its fancifulrl is the city's ntost wlner-;ufaces suggest the sleek)ower_ hs intedor spacesplush. ln appropr iately

rnatronal elites have builr:ounds; country clubs and)eaches.

tos exist in the lar shad_it is lurther divided into: some areas ale shantvded wirh public servjce;::cted, only the police iny in evidence. In many'e allowed oLrtsrde theirhours: thejr appearancecreates a small panic.

C Sowetos, South Africase of a country whose)f their underclass. but:his fear are found to ajties. Not long ago, theere filled with horrorllying forth from then the West Side to rob,jt "predatory crime.,night, ghetto residents

?, isolated like a virus,ves

conllict. And whenomain, jt concems the

distribution ofcosts and benents, and who shall gainadvantage for the next round of the struggle.Focused on the world city, poljtical conflict js mul-tjdimensionai; it is also at the heart of the matter,as ifallthe world's lines offorce came together here,and the contradictions in the sell expansion ofcapital are magnjfied on a scale commensuratewith that of the world city jtseil. ln the absenceof counter-forces, complex feedback loops tend todestabilize the system, and localized conffjcts maysuddenly erupl into a worldwide crisis.

The emergence olworld cities sets processes intomotion that restructu.e people's ljfe spaces andthe economic space that intersects with them.Economic space obeys the logic of capital: it isprofiFmotivated and individualjzed. LLft sluqggare territorjal:_ they are fhe areas that peopleoccupy, in \a'hich their dreams are made, theirlives unfold. They are thus the areas they really careabout. For the dominant acLors in economicspace, lile space js nothjng but a hjndrance, anjrrational residue of a more primitive existence.Yet it can neither be denied nor circumvented.Every economic space overlaps with an existing ljfespace, and wjthout this, economic enterprjsewould perish. On the other hand, for people whoare collectively the sovereign jn their respective ljfespaces, the space of economic Iogic is rhe basis fortheir physical survival.

It is thus very clear that a restructuring of thesetwo kinds of sna.e ic h.rnd r. oFne,ara daan

confficts. In practice, because so many crosscurrents bear down on them, the reasons forconffjcts are olten hard to isolate. Conflicts persist;they have a history and a future, they interconnectin place, and the system ofworld cities ensures theirtransmittal fiom continent to continent. Thoughjt may not be very enlightening, it might be moreaccurate to speak of tbem as a form of socialturbulence.

There are the connicts over livelihood, as therestructurjng of economic space draws jobs awayfrom one place to resurrect them in another, or asentirely new kinds ofjob are suddenly ascendantfor which older workers are not qualified. There areracial and ethnic confficts, as workers battle overaccess to the few good jobs there are, and evenoverjobs that are less desirable but relatively moreabundant. There are struggles between world cityand the national periphery over the political auto-

nomy ol perjpheral regions, as the periphery seesits collective life chances systematically denied bythe imperial interests ofworld crty cores. There areconfljcts over the spaces wjthin the city, as peopleseek access io housing they can afford, defendtheir neighborhoods from the intrusion ol capital-i6t logic, or merely stl'uggle for turf to enjoy the free-dom of following lifeways of their own. There arethe political campaigns launched by concernedcitizens to protect and enhance the quality oftheirlives as they perceive it: in struggles lor the envi-ronment, against nuclear power, for child carecenters, for the access of handicapped workers inpublic facilities.. . struggles and campaigns whichare incapable of being separated from the peculiarsetting of world cities. Or there are the bitter andtenacious stluggles of poor people, workers whobelong to one class fraction or anotlter, for greateraccess to the condjtions for social powerj the rightto organjze, to demonstrate, io call to account, togain control over the conditions of tbeir work, tokeep their bodies healtlry, to educate their childrenand themselves to higher incomes, to sources of themeans lor livelihood.

AII these struggles are occurnng simultane-ously. They are centered on the restructuring pro-cess and in rhe contradictions that arise from rhernterlacrng ol economic and lite spaces. A5 sucl).Ihey revedl lo the astute observer the true lorcesat work in the wor'ld city and the actual distribu- l

tion ofpcwer. nlso, of coursc, thcy dctermine ihe-lultimate outcomes we observe. . . not only theoutcomes of the pafticular struggles being waged,but of the lbrm and direction which world cjtydeveiopment will take. For outcomes are not pre-determined. Broad tendencies may be ireversiblein the medium term, such as the integration ofthe world economic system under the aegisof transnatjonal capital. But within that historicaltendency, tllere are always oppoftunities foraction. lt is precisely at the sea.ring points ofpolitical conff'ct that opportunjties arise for a

concefted effort to change the course of history.Connicl between life space dnd economic

space poses ne\\r estions for the state. Morquthan ever, Ihe state is faced with multipl€ contra-dictions and djfRcult choices. Some would say thatthe state itself is threatened by the dramaticappearance of transnational power. On the worldperiphery, the choice may be the relatjvely simple

RlS JOHN FRIEON,lANN ANO GOETZ WOI FF

one between complete dependency (with all thatthis implies in terms of uneven development) andstone age survival. ln the semi-periphery, which has

already chosen a dependenl development path,

the problems of choice arc more complex. Morehighly articulated than in the peripbery, the statere8ects within its own structure many of theconfficts within civil society and the economy, as

class fraction is pitted against class fraction, terri-tory against class, workng class against capital, andcitizens against the state, and as these conflicts cometogether in successive waves oF"turbulence" in theworld city, the state is merely one more actor, try"ing to safeguard its own specific interests.

One such interest is the political integration ofits terrjtory. Semj-peripheral states are especiallyconcerned with regional inequalities, focal pojntsof regional revolt, regional resources develop-ment, and rural land reform. In countries such as

Mexico and Brazil, regional issues have beenmajor concerns ofstate action, and civil wars havebeen fougbt over them.

Regional questions recede in the territoriallymore integrated countdes of the world core area.Here the more important confficts tend to bebetween national and transnational fractions ofcapital, and the state becomes a major "arena" forthe conduct of this stl-uggle. Much of it is overspecific legislation and the budget allocation. In allthis turmojl, a major loser is the local state. Small,isolated without nnancial power, and encapsulated

within the world economy, it is barely able to pro-

vide for even the minimal services ils populationneeds. And yel, instead ol seekjng alliances withneighboring cities and organized labor, it leaves thereal decisions to the higher powers on which il is

itself dependent, or to the quasi-independentauthorities created by state charter that manage theinlrastructure of global capital-system-wide facili-

ties such as ports, airpods, rapjd transit, watersupply, communicalions, and electric power.

REFERENCES FROM THE READING

-l266f5, -i. (1984) Cities ond the Weahh of NaionsPtitciples oI Econonic /fe. New Yorkr Random

Ilouse.Keil, R. (1998) Las Angeles: Globalizotian,

Ufianization, ond Social Struqqles. Chichester and

New York: John Wiley & Sons.

Nelson, J. (1979) Access to PoweL Politics and rc

Urban Poot in Developing Cauntries.I'nnceton, NJ:

Princeton University Press.

Scott, A. and Soja, E. (1996) The Ciry. Los Angeles and

Urbon Theory ot lhe End of the Twenrieth Ceruury. Los

Angeles Universi!y ol California Press.

Soja,8., Morales, R. and Wolff, C. (1983) U|bdn

Restrucluring. An Anollsts of Sociol and Spalial

Change in Los Angeles. Los Angeles: Craduate

School ol Architecture and Urban Planning,

University ol Ca|fornia.

'uYh* \&eeirtr"

#er*u'*pr:re*f ;:n

John Friedmann

Editors'introductior

ln 1986, buoyed by the poformation, John Friedmannset of analytical proposiliortaxonomy has been subjeci{tion it created a powerful h{

of global;zed urbanization ir

ther consolidated, in the wa

and, in some cases, socialdirectly alongside Reading I

the core conlentions ol glc

and even venlures an inilial

Manuel Castells (1972) an(revolLltionized the study ofated a period of exciting a

Only in recent years, howev(been directly connected to tlnew approach sharpened inurban change; it also offereip6c1]v-of an economy wloblivious to national boundis to state, as succinctly.asthat link urbanization prgngI! .jgrg.es. The world cjlcall these loosely joined s

intended as a framework fca theory nor a universa:cilies, but a starting point f(