globalisation and economic determinism

8/8/2019 Globalisation and Economic Determinism

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PapergivenatGlobalStudiesAssociationconference,ChallengingGlobalization,RoyalHolloway,London,September2009

GlobalisationandEconomicDeterminism

LukeMartell

Abstract

Therehasbeenareactionagainsteconomicdeterministexplanationsofglobalisation.

Thispapertakesanti-economisticargumentsinglobalisationstudiesandarguesthat

theyunwittinglyshowtheimportanceoftheeconomy,orfailtounderminethe

importanceofeconomicdeterminantsinglobalisation.Thepaperlooksatmeaningsthat

economicdeterminisminglobalisationstudiesisgivenandarguesthateconomic

determinationismorecomplexthanitismadeouttobe.Itispoliticallyimportantnotto

dismisseconomiccausalityasoutofdate,reductionistortoodeterministbecausestructuresofpowerandinequalityinglobalisationcomefromtheeconomy.Ifthe

determinantroleoftheeconomyispushedoutthenglobalisationismadetolookmore

benign,equalanddemocraticthanitisanditsdarkersidesareconcealed.

Thispaperarguesthatcriticismsofeconomicdeterminisminglobalisationstudiesarewrongto

reducetheroleofeconomics,andthateconomicsplaysabigroleinglobalisation.Iamfocusingon

criticismswithinthesociologyofglobalisation.Theargumentsheremaybemoreapplicableto

BritishandEuropeansociologythantosociologyinothercountries.IntheUSA,forexample,a

politicaleconomyapproachwithinthesociologyofglobalisationismorecommon(see,forinstance,Sassen,2007,2008).IntheUKandotherEuropeancountriesitismorelikelytobeseen

asoutofdateandcrude.Nevertheless,mydiscussiondoesnotapplyonlytosociologyortheUK

orEurope.Therehasbeendiscussionofaculturalturninthesocialsciencesgenerally(e.g.seeRay

andSayer,1999).

Argumentsagainsteconomicdeterminism

Marxismhasbeencriticisedforreducingtheshapingofhistoryandsocietytoeconomic

determinantstoomuch,andanti-economicdeterminisminglobalisationstudiesissometimespart

ofananti-Marxism.

Itisalsoareactionagainstthefirstwaveofglobalisationstudiesthatissaidtohaveseen

globalisationasasingularneoliberalphenomenonwiththesameeffecteverywhere.Inearly

analyses,globalisationissaidtohavebeenseenaseconomicallydrivenandhomogeneous,

sweepingaroundtheworldwithsimilarstrongeffectsinallplaces(Heldetal,1999).Anti-

economismispartlyacritiqueoftheallegedeconomicdeterminismandhomogenising

perspectiveofthiswaveinglobalisationstudies.Itisarguedthatnon-economicfactorsaremore

importantthanwasrecognisedbythefirstwave,andthatglobalisationisdiverseand

multidimensionalratherthanthesameeverywhere.

Thetendencytoanti-economisminthesociologyofglobalisationhasbeenidentifiedbyLarryRay.

Rayarguesthatmuchsociologyofglobalisationhasbeenhighlyculturallyinflectedandhasgiven


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toolittleattentiontothetransnationaleconomicprocessesthatshapeaglobalworld(2007,

p.16).Forhimprevioussociologicalapproaches,suchasdevelopmenttheories,wererathermore

intunewithglobaldevelopmentsthanisoftenthecasewithglobalisationtextsinsociology

(2007,p.14).Theseearlierapproachespaidmoreattentiontoeconomicsandlessdeveloped

countriesthansomeofthecontemporaryculturalsociologyofglobalisationthatismorefocused

onrichcountriesandeliteexperienceswithinthosecountries.Thisisironicsincesome

contemporaryglobalisationtextsarguethatoldersociologicalapproachesaretoounreconstructedtounderstandglobalisation(Beck2000,2006).

Thecritiqueofeconomicdeterminisminglobalisationstudiesisnotonlyaboutareactionagainst

Marxism,butisalsorelatedtoadvocacyofamorepluralistviewoftheworld.Ifglobalisation

cannotbereducedtoonesinglecausalfactor,suchastheeconomy,thenitismorediversethan

economicdeterminismsuggests.Beck,forexample,combinesanti-economismwithsupportfor

methodologicalpluralisminhiscritiqueofWallerstein.Heargues:thislineofargument...hastwo

strikingfeatures:itisbothmonocausalandeconomic.Globalisationisexclusivelydefinedinterms

ofinstitutionalizationoftheworldmarket(Beck,2000,p.33).

Morepluralistperspectivesonglobalisationargueanumberofthings:thatglobalisationi)has

differenteffectsindifferentplacesdependingonlocalcultures;ii)operatesatdifferentlevels,

culturalandpoliticalaswellaseconomic;iii)isnotdeterminedbytheeconomyatculturaland

politicallevels;iv)hasmultiplecausesbehinditotherthaneconomicones,ieculturalandpolitical

causestoo;v)andsomepluralistviewsemphasiseglobalisationasahybridandmixedphenomena

withinputsfrommanydifferentpartsoftheworldandnotjustwesternisedorhomogenising.In

short,pluralistviewsseeglobalisationasmixed,multidimensional,localisedinitseffects,and

multi-causal.Allofthisgoesagainstreducingglobalisationtotheeconomyoreconomiccausality.

OneexampleofthisapproachisHoltons(2008,pp.7-8).Ipickthisoutasitsummarisesthe

approachwell,notbecausehisanalysisisespeciallymoreproblematicthanothers.Infact,aswe

shallseebelow,Holton,tohiscredit,alsorecognisestheroleoftheeconomy.Holtonsaysthat

globalisationcannotbereducedtoeconomicglobalisationandisnotnecessarilydominatedbyit.

Itiscomplex,meaningthatitconsistsofmanyprocessesnotjusteconomicones,andthatsomeof

thenon-economiconesarenotdeterminedbytheeconomy.Forinstance,religions(suchas

ChristianityandIslam),culture(suchasmusicandvisualarts)andpolitics(suchasNGOs)have

forgedglobalisationanddonesowithoutthemselvesbeingsimplydeterminedbyeconomics,but

throughtheirownautonomyandforce.Formsofreligionandpolitics,forexample,havetheirown

non-economicvaluesandbeliefs.

ThejournalGlobalizationsmissionstatementsays:

Globalizationsisdedicatedtoopeningthewidestpossiblespacefordiscussionof

alternativestoanarroweconomicunderstandingofglobalisation.Themovefromthe

singulartothepluralisdeliberateandimpliesskepticismoftheideathattherecaneverbe

asingletheoryorinterpretationofglobalisation.Rather,thejournalwillseektoencourage

theexplorationanddiscussionofmultipleinterpretationsandmultipleprocessesthatmay

constitutemanypossibleglobalisations,manypossiblealternatives.

Thisdefinitioncombinesthetwofeaturesmentionedabove,anti-economismandmethodological

pluralism.RolandRobertsonisaleadingsociologistofglobalisationwhohasalsoemphasisedculturalovereconomiccausesbehindglobalisation,incombinationwithanemphasisonthe

localizationofglobalisationandhowthisvariesfromplacetoplace(Robertson,1992).Robertson


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(2009)hasarguedforculturalovereconomicexplanations,andPerkins(2009),commentingon

this,notesashiftawayfromeconomicallydeterministicexplanationsofglobalisationinfavourofa

greaterfocusonculturalglobalisation.

Holtons,Globalizations,andRobertsonsargumentsareimportant.Explanationsofglobalisation

shouldnotbereducedtotheeconomy.Theyshouldrecognisethevarietyofcauses,notjust

economicones,levelsofglobalisationbeyondtheeconomy,theautonomousimpactthatcultureandpoliticscanhaveontheeconomyandsociety,andthattheythemselvesarenotjust

determinedbytheeconomy.Howglobalisationisreceivedindifferentplaces,whethereconomic

orcultural,dependsonthecultureofthatplace.Thismeansthatittakesdifferentformsin

differentplaces.Globalisationisnotjustallaboutneoliberalismbutalsoculture,andnotjust

westernisationorhomogenisation.Anti-economismandviewsofglobalisationaspluralgo

together.

Seeingglobalisationinthesepluralwaysisvaluableandanantidotetomonocausal,over-

westernised,homogenisingviews,someofwhichfocusontheeconomyattheexpenseofculture,

orhaveasimplifiedviewofitseffects.Pluralisticviewsofglobalisationareanimprovementonearliersweepinggeneraltheories,lesspopularnowadays,whichseeglobalisationrollingoutina

similarmanneracrosstheworld.Tosayglobalisationismultidimensionalishelpfulandbringsout

itsmix.

Butitisimportantnottoseparateoffthepluralfactorsofglobalisation,focusingoneachasif

independentfromtheothersanddistractingfromlinksandcausalrelationsbetweenthem.And

wemustbecarefulnottopushouttheroleoftheeconomytoomuch.Givingapluralisticmixof

reasonsasanalternativetomonocausalityisnotbyitselfadequate.Therearedangersinseeing

globalisationasahybridmix,asifallpartsareequalininfluence,withoutseeingtheprimacy,

dominanceordeterminationofsomeoverothers.Oftensomecausesaremoredominantand

somehavemoreofaneffectonotherparts.Itisnecessarytolooknotjustatthepluralityoflevels

andcauses,butalsorelationsofdeterminationbetweenthem,andwhethersomearemore

dominantordriving.Manypartsofsocietyandcausesofglobalisationareinterlinkedandmy

argumentisthateconomicfactorscanoften,butnotalways,beseentobethedrivingones.

Anti-economicdeterministssupportingeconomicdeterminism

Onefeatureofanti-economisticargumentsisthatinmakingthemproponentssometimesmake

thecaseforeconomiccausationinglobalisationasmuchasunderminingit.Anexampleofthisis

D.K.FieldhousescriticismofeconomicallydeterministicexplanationsofBritishimperialism.The

latterwasaformofglobalisationthespreadingofeconomic,politicalandculturalformsacross

globalextents,followedbyongoingandreversegloballinksinthepostcolonialperiod.

OneexplanationfortheBritishempireisthatitwaseconomically-driven.Itwasbackedupby

militarypower,thestateandideology,butbasedinmotivationscentredoncommerceandtrade.

Therearedebatesaboutwhethertheeconomicsofempireweremoreaboutinvestmentortrade

ortheexpansionofcommercialorindustrialcapital.ButthehistorianofBritishimperialism,

BernardPorter,argues:Nooneanymoreseriouslydoubtsthatcapitalistpressureswerethe

primaryreasonforBritainsimperialexpansioninthenineteenthcentury(Porter,1996,p.xv).

Coloniesprovidedrawmaterialsandproducewhichcouldbeexported,cheaplabour,marketsfor

manufactures,andoverseasopportunitiesforfinanciers.ImperialismwasameansformobilisingglobalresourcesforBritainandforBritisheconomicexpansionism.


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Theexpansionoftheempirewasnotprimarilyculturallydriven.Thisdoesnotmeanthatthere

werenotattemptstospreadBritishorEuropeanculturethrough,forinstance,promoting

Christianity,theestablishmentofimperialeducationnetworks,orattemptstosocializelocalelites.

ButtheideathattheBritishweretryingtocivilizetheworldcanbeexaggerated.Themost

extensivespreadofeconomic,politicalandculturalnetworkswascreatedbytryingtomaintain

globaltradingandeconomicinterestsandwaslessinvolvedwiththeculturaltransformationof

colonies,exceptwherethatwasnecessarytoprotecteconomicinterests.Eventhenculturalsocialisationaffectedelitesmorethanordinarypeople.Thecapacitytoideologicallyincorporate

colonialpopulationswaslimitedbylocalresistance,theproblemofestablishingideological

penetrationonsuchabroadscale,andtherealisationthattolerationoflocaldiversitieswas

necessaryfortaxation,tradeandordertobemaintained.

Hobson(1902)isonewhoarguedthatimperialismwasnotaboutcivilisinglocals,butthatcivilising

claimswereusedasajustificationforexploitingthemastoolsandtheirlandforrawmaterials.

Theywereamethodforlegitimatingimperialism.IncountrieslikeIndiaandChina,heargues,

cultureswereassophisticatedasthosecomingfromtheimperialistWest.Empirewasmoreabout

economythanexportingculture.ForHobson,financierspromulgatedeconomicmotivationsforempiremorethanothersortsofcapitalists.Economicswasnottheonlymotiveorfactor.Andthe

economicmotivesofcapitalistswerenotalwaysaccompaniedbyneteconomicbenefitsforthe

nation,becauseofthecostsofmaintainingempire.Butnoneofthesequalificationstakeawaythe

importanceofeconomicsasakeymotivatingforce.

Fieldhouse(1973)attemptedtoprovideacounter-argumenttoeconomicallyreductionist

explanationsforBritishimperialism,fromMarxismespecially.Fieldhousearguedfornon-

economicandlessEurocentricexplanations.Thenon-economiccausesofimperialism,he

suggested,werepolitical.Imperialismwaspursuedtomaintainpoliticalauthorityabroad,power,

prestigeandsecurity,orjingoisticattitudesathome.Thenon-Eurocentricangletothisisthat,for

Fieldhouse,attemptsatimperialismwereoftenresponsestoproblemsinperipheriesthat

requiredgreaterintervention,asmuchasbasedinimperativesoriginatingfromtheimperial

country.

Butdespitehiscriticismofeconomicarguments,Fieldhouseaddstoorbalancesthem,orshows

howtheyaremorecomplex,ratherthanunderminingthem.Hesaysthatmanyofthepolitical

issuesintheperipheriesthatledtoextensionsofimperialismarosefromoriginallyeconomic

expansionsbasedontrade.Itwaswhereimperialpowersalreadyhadsucheconomicinterests

thatotherreasonsforinterventionthatwerenotdirectlyeconomicarose.Fieldhousesumsthisup

likethis:

Economicfactorswerepresentandinvaryingdegreesinfluentialinalmosteverysituation

outsideEuropewhichledultimatelytoformalempire;andthespecificvalueofmanyof

theseterritoriestoEuropeanslayintrade,investmentopportunitiesorotherformsof

economicactivitytheoriginaleconomicissuehadtosomedegreebecomepoliticizedand

thereforerequiredanimperialsolution(1973,p.475-6).

Inshort,anattempttoprovideacorrectivetoEurocentricandeconomicexplanations,byrightly

emphasisingperipheriesandpoliticalfactors,makesclearthatEuropeaneconomicobjectives

underlaysuchnon-Europeanandnon-economicactions.Politicalsolutionswererequiredto

problemsofwhatwereeconomicallymotivatedinterventions.


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ImentionedaboveHoltons(2008,p.7-8)argumentforanon-economisticunderstandingof

globalisation.However,insettingthisoutHoltonsaysanumberofthingsthatgiveconsiderable

powertotheeconomyinglobalisation.ThisshowsacreditableopennessinHoltonsargumentto

economicfactors.ButImentionithereasanexampleofanargumentagainsteconomismwhich

alsogivesalotofemphasistoeconomics.Holtonarguesthatthereisfarmoretoglobalisation

thanglobaleconomicprocesses,economicpower,multinationalcompaniesandfreetrade,but

alsothattheseareveryimportant(p.7).HearguesthatNGOslikeMdecinsSansFrontiresandGreenpeaceInternationaltakedirectactiontoredresssocialandeconomiccrisesthat

corporationsandnation-stateshaveofteneitherresistedorbeenslowtoaddress.Soeconomic

factorsareseenasimportantintheactionofthesegroups.Holtonarguesthatwhilereligious

movementsorpoliticalactivismoftenchallengeorresisteconomicglobalisation,orutilizesomeof

itstechnologicalinfrastructure,[this]doesnotmeanthattheyaresimplyresponsestoit(p.7).

Thisisagoodpointbutalsosuggeststhateconomicglobalisationandthetechnologyithashelped

toproduceareoftenbehindreligiousorpoliticalmovementsorthatthelatterreacttotheformer,

evenifthereisalsomoretoitthanthis.

Holtonarguesthatsomeareashaveafarmoredirectconnectionwitheconomicglobalisation(p.8)andgivesmigrationandtheuseofInformationTechnologyandNewCommunication

Technologiesasexamples.Hesaysthatmuchmigrationiseconomicallymotivated,forinstanceby

thesearchforworkorbetterconditionsinrichercountries,whichhaveaneconomicneedfor

migrantworkersandthecapitaltopayforit.Similarly,hesaysthattheinternetandNCTsare

drivenbyeconomicinstitutionsonthepartofbusinessesandconsumers,forinstanceadvertising

orecommerce.

NoneofthisistodenyHoltonsargumentthatglobalisationisaboutmorethaneconomics.Buthe

alsosuggeststhateconomicsisanimportantpartofaspectsofglobalisation,frompolitical

movements,tomigrationandnewtechnologyandmedia.Argumentsthatsetouttocaution

againstgivingtoobigaroletotheeconomygiveitquiteasignificantroleinpractice.

Economicargumentsthatarenotascrudeasanti-economicdeterministssay

Soonewayinwhicheconomicdeterministexplanationsofglobalisationholdupisthatcritics

reinforcethemwhenquestioningthem.Thereisnotspacetomentionallinstancesofthis,butI

havegivensomeexamples.Anotherreasontostandbyeconomicdeterministexplanationsisthat

theyarenotascrudeandproblematicascriticismssuggest.

Seeingtheeconomyasoftendominantdoesnothavetoimplyconclusionsthatcriticsattributeto

thisperspectiveorthatmayseemimplicitinit.EconomicexplanationsinthewayIamarguingfor

themdonotmean:

1)thattheeconomyitselfisnecessarilydeterminant;

2)thateconomicforcesareimpersonalstructures,asopposedtodrivenbyagentswithchoice;

3)thatpoliticalandculturalfactorsdonotalsohavecausalpowerwithinthecontextofeconomic

causality;

4)thateconomicforcesarealwaysdeterminant;

5)thateconomicdeterminismleadstohomogenisation.

Theseareimportantclarifications,withinthecontextofeconomicmotivationsbeingprimarycausesbehindglobalisation.Iwilllookattheseinturn,andinthenextsectiongivesomeconcrete

examples.


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bepushedin.MaintainingthesortofeconomicdeterminismIamarguingforheretellsusabout

causes,directionsandpoweringlobalisation.

Hereisasummaryofsomeofthekeyargumentsabouteconomicdeterminationsofglobalisation

madesofar,ortobemadeshortly:

1.Beingpluralistaboutthemulti-causalitybehindglobalisationisgoodbutnotgoodenough.Weneedtolookatrelationsbetweenpluralcausesandseewhicharemoredominantorhaveacausal

effectonothers.

2.Empiricalevidence,ratherthantheoreticalpresuppositions,showseconomiccausalitybehind

globalisationinareassuchasculture,migration,politicsorwar.Iwillcometoempiricalexamples

shortly.

3.Economicdeterminismdoesnotmeanthattheeconomyitselfisnecessarilydeterminant.

Economiccausesmayoperatethroughotheragenciesandspheres,suchascorporationsor

governments.

4.ItisnottheeconomyIamsayingisdeterminant,buteconomicmotivations.

5.Itisnottheeconomyasanimpersonalstructurethatisdeterminant,butactiveagentsmakingeconomicallymotivateddecisions,althoughthesemaybeaffectedbystructuralfactorssuchas

capitalism,investmentandinequality.

6.Thateconomicmotivationsareoftenprimarydoesnotmeantheyaretheonlycausalfactor.

Theremaybeothercausesatthesametime.

7.Italsodoesnotmeanthattheyarealwaysdeterminant.Sometimesotherfactorswillbemore

important,forexample,cultureorbeliefs.

8.Economiccausalitydoesnotmeanthatglobalisationwillbehomogeneous.Differentdecisions

arepossibleonthebasisofthesameeconomicmotives,andlocationandpoliticalandcultural

factorsmayleadtodifferentiationinthewayglobalisationturnsout.

9.Thattherearesuchcomplexitiestoeconomicexplanationsofglobalisationdoesnotmeanthat

thereisnotstilleconomiccausalityandthatitisnotimportanttoidentifyit.Seeingtheeconomic

causesbehindglobalisationhelpsustoknowitsdeterminants,toexplainit,understandtheagents

andinterestsinvolved,whoaremostpowerful,makepredictions,understandtherelativeweight

andmutualeffectsofdifferentcausalfactors,andhaveamoreexactunderstandingthanone

whichseesglobalisationjustascausedbymultiplefactors.

Evidenceforeconomicdeterminants

Itisimportantnottomakejusttheoreticalargumentsfororagainsteconomics.Whatis

determinantinglobalisationisanempiricalquestion.Weshouldlookatempiricalevidencetosee

ifthecaseforeconomiccausalitystandsorfalls.Lookingatconcreteevidencethereareexamples

ofeconomiccausality.

Intheglobalisationofmediaandculturethereisculturalheterogeneityandhybridity,ratherthan

justaglobalhomogenisationofculturethatsomeeconomisticapproachespropose.Culturehasits

ownautonomousforcethathasanimpactalongsideeconomics.Forinstance,religiousideasarea

causalforceinsocieties,aswellaseconomicmotives.Phenomenalikebloggingallowideastobe

spreadwithoutcorporateorpoliticalbacking.Buttheseformsofculturedonotdisplace

homogenisationandinequalitiesofmediaandcultureconstitutedbycorporatepower,butexist

alongsideandwithinsuchstructures.Alongsidebloggingandculturalhybridityexistthe

dominationofHollywoodfilmandthemonopolisationofmediaindustriesbyarelativelysmallnumberofbigcorporations.Cultureoftenspreadsthroughtheattempttobuyandsellittomake

money,i.e.inresponsetoeconomicincentives.(SeeMcPhail,2006).


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Warisoftenabattleovertheresourcesneededtostayaliveordrivetheeconomy.Warslike

thosethathavebeengoingonforyearsinSudancanbedescribedasethnicorreligiousconflicts.

Theysometimesdohavesuchdimensions.ButinthecaseofSudan,conflictshavealsobeenover

decliningresources,reducedasaresultofclimatechange,itselfcausedbyeconomicgrowthinthe

northernhemisphere.Sowarhasabasisineconomicfactorssuchasgrowth,materialinterests

andeconomicresources.

Politicsisdrivenbytheattempttomaximisethewealthofsociety,amongstotherthings.The

stateoftheeconomyisamajorfactoreffectingvotersindemocracies,andtherevenuethe

governmenthastospend.Soitpreoccupiesgovernments,notsolely,butasakeyfactor.Material

interestsundermineglobalcosmopolitandemocracy.Agreementsoverworldtrade,climate

changeandnuclearproliferationbreakdownoverstateswishingtomaintaintheirowneconomic

andmaterialinterests,forinstanceinprotectionism,producingcarbonemissionsandmaintaining

nuclearweapons.

Iwillfocusontwoexamplesinparticulardiscoursesofglobalisationandmigration.Theseprovidestrongexamplesofthecaseagainsteconomisticexplanationsofglobalisation.

DiscoursesofGlobalisation

Somediscoursetheoriesofglobalisation(e.g.CameronandPalan,2004)reactagainsteconomism.

Theyarguethatglobalisationisnotprimarilyaneconomicphenomenon.Whetheritishappening

economicallyornotisnotimportant.Thekeyissueiswhetherwethinkitishappening.Discourses

ofglobalisationcreateapictureoftheworldthatlegitimatessomethingsorleadsustobehavein

certainwaysinaccordancewiththeideaofglobalisation.Forinstance,wegoalongwithneoliberal

policiesbecausewebelievetheyarerequiredinaglobalisedworld,notnecessarilybecausethey

are.Itisdiscourseratherthaneconomicsthatisdeterminantandglobalisationisanideational

forceasmuchasarealmaterialone.Discoursestheoriesaresetupasasophisticatedstep

forwardfromoutmodedeconomicdeterminism.

However,asdiscoursetheoristBruff(2005)hasargued,discoursesofglobalisationareoftenbased

ineconomicinterests.Economicsmaybewhatbringsideastothefore.Economicexpansionism

createsglobalmediaandstructuresonwhichglobalimaginingsarebasedandfromwhichthey

develop.Thereisrealglobalisationbehindtheideaofglobalisation,asmuchastheidea

constitutingthereality.Corporationspromotediscoursesofglobalisationtoencouragepolicies

thatfavourthem,suchaslowertaxesandlooserregulationstokeepmobilecapitalinthecountry.

Governmentspromotediscoursesofglobalisationtojustifyneoliberalismthattheyhavean

economicorpoliticalcommitmentto.Soultimatelythediscourseofglobalisationcanberootedin

theattemptofcorporationsorgovernmenttopursuetheirinterestsandpower(apointalso

arguedbyauthorslikeColinHaysee,forinstance,HayandRosamond2002).

Bruffsaysthatwhetherglobalisationishappeningornotisnottheissue.Itiswhetherwebelieve

itisthatisakeythingthatinfluencesourknowledgeandbehaviour,andthisiscontainedin

discoursesofglobalisation.InsayingthisBruffismovingawayfromeconomicpicturesof

globalisationtoemphasiseideasmore.Buthealsosaysthatdiscoursesarelinkedtomaterial

interestsandagentsinsociety,ratherthanjustbeingfree-floatingandunrelatedtoeconomicand

politicalbases.Thereisaneconomicgroundingfordiscoursesofglobalisation.Theeconomicgroundingoccurswherediscoursesariseonthebasisofmaterialinterests.Theaimshouldbeto

lookatwhichgroupsandinterestsareinvokingtheideaofglobalisationfromsectionsofcapital


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America,andLatinAmericanmigrationtotheNorthernhemisphere.Theseexampleshavebeen

dominatedbyeconomicexpansionism,orthemovementofpeopleinsearchofbettereconomic

opportunities.Theyfrequentlyinvolvethepoorlookingforbettermaterialprospects,ortherich

tryingtoincreasetheirproductivityandprofits.Assuch,economiccausesofmigrationarealso

boundupwithinequality,somethingthatisacentralfeatureofglobalisationthatIwillreturntoat

theendofthispaper.Onthesametheme,therichcanmigratemoreeasilythanthepoor,for

economicreasonstodowithwealthandincome.

Furthermore,asmentioned,economicexplanationsforglobalisationneednotbeascrudeassuch

criticismsimply.Stressingeconomicmotivationsdoesnotnecessarilymeanthattheeconomyis

thecauseofglobalisation.Thefacilitatingofglobalisationbygovernmentsorstatescanbe

economicallymotivated,tofindlabourorcontributetoproductionandgrowth,forexample.In

situationslikethiseconomicfactorscomeinwithouttheeconomyitselfbeingdeterminant.

Globalisationcanbeeconomicallydrivenbutbyagentsratherthanimpersonalstructuralforces,

andbyactorsoutsidetheeconomy,suchaspoliticalactors.Itmaybeeconomicmotivationsor

interestsratherthantheeconomythatarethekeyfactor.Economicexplanationscanhold

withouttherebeingacrudeeconomicreductionism.(ForadiscussionofeconomictheoriesofmigrationseeMasseyetal,1998).Whatarekeyfeaturesofeconomicexplanationsformigration

andhowisagoodeconomicexplanationdifferentfromcrudeconstructionsofit?

1.EconomicmotivationsarethekeyfactorIamstressingratherthantheeconomyitself.An

explanationbasedontheformerneednotimplythelatteraloneisnecessarilydeterminant.Atthe

sametime,ifstructuresarenotdeterminantthatdoesnotmeanthateconomicfactorsarenota

drivingforce

2.Afocusonmotivationsalsomeansthatactorsmakedecisionsratherthantheexplanationbeing

onethatinvolvesexternalimpersonaleconomicforcesorstructures.Soeconomicexplanations

arecompatiblewithagencyandcannotbewrittenoffasstructurallydeterminist.Itmaybethat

economicstructures,forinstanceinvestments,inequalitiesorthecapitalistbasisforeconomic

motivations,affectmigration.Butthereisalsoaroleforagencyinmotivationstomove,whether

onthepartofmigrants,governments,orotherpeoplewhomakedecisionsaboutthemobilityof

people.

3.Whileeconomicmotivationsareafactoritcanbenon-economicactorsthathavethem.For

instance,governments,householdsorindividualsareactorsinmigration,aswellastheeconomy

oreconomicentitieslikecorporations.Governmentsmightencourageimmigrationforthe

economicreasonthattheyneedlabour,orneedtaxpayerstosupportanageingpopulation.

Individualsorhouseholdsmaydecidewhethertotakeuptheeconomicopportunitiesof

migration.Migrantsocialnetworks,orsocialcapitalinimmigrantcommunities,alsoplayapartin

businessopportunities,housingandemploymentbeingprovidedforinwardmigrants.Socialor

humancapitalcanbeconvertedintoeconomiccapital.Economicexplanationscannotbe

dismissedforreducingeverythingtotheeconomybecauseexplanationsintermsofeconomic

motivesarecompatiblewithnon-economicactorsandnetworksbeingimportant.

4.Economicexplanationsdonotneedtoassumeindividualrationaleconomicactorsasinrational

choiceorneoclassicalexplanations.Actorscanincludestatesandhouseholds.Andan

economicallymotivateddecisionmaynothappenonlyinresponsetotheeconomicmotivations.A

decisionbyafamilymembertomigratetoseekahigherwagecanalsobeaffectedbyemotionalfamilybondsorpoliticallyenablingfactors,forinstance.Familybondsmightputthemoff

migratingormakeiteasieriftheseareweak.Soaneconomicallymotivateddecisionneednotbea


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rationalindividualchoicealone.Atthesametime,thefactthatmigrationisnotjustarational

individualdecisiondoesnotmeanthatitisnoteconomicallymotivated.

5.Thateconomicgaincanbemadefrommigrationbecauseofeconomicdifferencesbetween

countriesisnotasufficientbasisonwhichtopredictmigration.Economiccausescannotbe

measuredinobjectivecriteriaalone.Sometimespeopledonotmovewheneconomicgainscanbe

made.Buteconomicexplanationscannotbedismissedbecausethereisafailureofactorstomigrateineconomicallyadvantageoussituations,asthereareotherintermediaryfactorsinvolved.

Often,say,wagedifferentialsarethere,andareakeydrivingforcebehindmigrationdecisions,but

theyhavetobeperceived,andseentobedecisiveagainstotherfactorssuchasthecostsof

uppingrootsormigrationbeingpoliticallypossible.Atthesametime,thatitismorecomplexthan

canbepredictedfromcomparativeeconomicindicatorsalonedoesnotmeanthateconomic

factorsarenotstillthemotivatingforceinsuchsituations.Onceotherfactorsaretakeninto

accountitcanstillbethepossibilityofabetterwagethatisthemainmotivatingfactortomove.

6.Economicmotivationsarefilteredthroughotherfactorssuchaspoliticalobstaclestomigration

andnetworksthatfacilitatemigration.Soeconomicmotivationsdonottranslateautomaticallyintomigration.Theyhavetobeperceivedandarealsoaffectedbyfactorssuchasfamilyand

communityroots,governmentpolicieswhichencourageorinhibitemigrationorimmigration,

networksformigration,demographicfactors(suchasanageingpopulationinreceivingcountries),

costsandrisksofmigration,proximityanddistance,colonialorpost-coloniallinks,andchannelsof

investment.Stressingunderlyingeconomicmotivationsassignificantdoesnotmeantheyarethe

onlyfactororsufficientbythemselves.Atthesametime,theroleofotherfactorsdoesnotmean

thateconomicfactorsarenotsignificantandprevalent.Itshowsthattheyarefilteredthrough

intermediaryinfluences,butnotthateconomicmotivesarenotimportant.

7.Onceyoutakeintoaccounteconomicmotivationsandotherintermediaryfilteringfactors,then

atthelevelofindividualsandhouseholdstherearedifferentcircumstancesinthefaceofsimilar

economicmotivations.Consequently,wheretherearecommoneconomicmotivations,whether

migrationoccursornotwillvary.Ononelevelthismeansthatananalysisbasedoneconomic

motivationsiscomplex.Atthesametime,whileeconomicmotivationsmayleadtovarying

migrationdecisionsacrossindividualsandhouseholds,andthatyoucannotthereforeeasilyread

offoutcomesfromeconomicdataalone,thisdoesnotmeanthateconomicfactorsarenotkey

motivatingforces.Thatthereareavarietyofoutcomesbecauseofsuchotherfactorsdoesnot

meanthateconomicmotivationsarestillnotthedrivingforce.Itmeansthatwheretheyexistthe

outcomevariesbecauseofotherfactors.

8.Whereeconomicsisnotthemostproximateordirectincentiveitcanbeafactorunderlying

whatis.Forinstance,refugeesfromwarsmigratetoescapephysicaldangerratherthanbecause

ofeconomicmotivations.Butitispossiblethatthewarcouldbecausedbyeconomicmotivations

ormaterialinterests,forinstancethedesiretosecureaccesstopreciousresourcessuchasoil,

waterorfertileland.Insuchcaseseconomicmotivationsmaynotbethedirectcauseofmigration

butunderliethecausesthatledtoit.

9.Economicmotivationscanbelinkedtoavarietyofeconomiccircumstances.Theymayinvolve

pushfactorsinthecountryoforiginorpullfactorsinthereceivingcountry.Theycanbelinkedto

wagedifferentialsbetweencountries,employmentopportunities,thepossibilityofremittances,

orgeneraleconomicbuoyancyorprospectsinsendingandreceivingcountries.Soeconomicexplanationscannotbedismissedif,forinstance,wagedifferentialsbetweencountriesdonot


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leadtomigrationfromonetoanother.Thereareothersortsofeconomicfactorsthatare

motivatingfactors,notjustobviousonessuchaswagedifferentialsoremploymentprospects.

10.Furthermore,thequestionofdegreeandextentisimportant.Whetherdifferenteconomic

opportunitiesbetweencountriesbecomeafactorinmigrationdependsnotjustonthemexisting,

butalsoonthedegreeofdifference.Migrationisarisky,complexandcostlybusiness.Small

economicgainsmaynotbesufficienttomakemigrationlikely.Migrationforeconomicreasonsdependsalsoondegreeandextent.

Soeconomicmotivationsformigrationarecomplex.Economicexplanationscannotbedismissed

bymakingthemcrudeandsimplistic.Atthesametime,thateconomicreasonsformigrationare

complexdoesnotmeantheyarenotoftenbehindmigration.

Whyitisimportanttokeepeconomicsinthepicture

Ihavearguedthatitiswrongtodismisseconomicallydeterministexplanationsforglobalisation.

Anti-economistscanunwittinglymakethecaseforeconomicdeterminism.Economicexplanationsforglobalisationaremorecomplexthansimplificationsmakethemappear.Andthereare

examplesofwhereeconomicsexplainglobalisation.

Therearereasonstodefendeconomicexplanationsofglobalisationbeyondthattheeconomyis

significantinglobalisation.Economicanalysesbringoutotherdimensionsofglobalisationthatare

important,thatadismissalofeconomicsconceals,suchasinequalityandpower.Economicfactors

needtobegivenasignificantplacetoensureanaccurateexplanationofglobalisation.Buttodo

soisalsopoliticallyimportant.

Economy,globalisationandlifechances

Ihavefocusedsofaroneconomicdeterminantsofglobalisation.Theeconomicsofglobalisation

arealsoimportantforunderstandingpeopleslifecircumstancesglobally.Thesecannotbe

understoodbyafocusonculture,althoughcultureisimportant,orbyafocusonculturethat

separatesitfromitseconomicdetermination.

Cultureisimportantandinteresting.Identityandculturalexperiencearebigpartsofourlives,and

consciousnessandcultureareforgedoutofglobalinputs,frommediatomusic,migrationand

food.Buteconomicsandpoliticsareimportanttoo.Cultureisaffectedbyeconomicandpolitical

factors.Forinstance,mergersanddiversificationinthemediaindustry,andgovernment

deregulation,impactonourculturalexperiencesasconsumers.Theyhavebroughttheworld

mediaintothehandsofasmallernumberofbigcorporationsfromtherichestcapitalistcountries.

Therolesofthepublicinterestanddiversityhavebeendiminishedbythesedevelopments.

Economicrestructuringandinternationalpoliticalpowerthatseemdistanthavebigconsequences

forourindividuallives.Theglobaleconomyanddistributionofwealthaffect,forexample,our

opportunitiesforemploymentandourmaterialcircumstances.Andwhichsideyouliveoninthe

constellationofglobalpoliticalpowershassignificantconsequencesforyourlifechances.

ThefactthatIliveinarich,developedcountry,oneofthecorepowersintheworld,andrelatively

democratic,peaceful,andfree,hasagreateffectonmylifecomparedtowhatitwouldbelikeifIlivedinapoor,developingcountry,oronewithlessdemocracyandfreedom,ormoreconflictand

violence.Alargeproportionoftheworldspopulationliveinplaceswithsomeorallofthese


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problems.ThatIcanwatchdigitaltelevisionandaccesstheInternet,culturalexperiences,does

notjusthaveeconomicandpoliticalbases.Italsopalesintoinsignificancenexttoeconomicand

politicalfactorsthatgivemeaprivilegedeverydayexperience.

Importantinequalitiesbetweenricherandpoorerpartsoftheworld,intermsoffactorssuchas

wealthandproduction,aredownplayedbyanti-economism.NorthAmerica,Europe,andSouth

andSouthEastAsiaproduceabout85%oftheworldsGrossDomesticProduct,andabout85%ofglobalexports(Dicken,2007,p.39).Thisleaves15%oftheseinCentralandSouthAmerica,Africa

andotherpartsofAsia.Atriaddominatestheworldeconomytotheexclusionofothers.Ifyou

focusoncultureanddownplayeconomicsinthenameofanti-economicdeterminismthe

significanceofthisinequalityandpowerisleftout.

Thenumberofpeoplebelowthe$1adaypurchasingpowerpovertylineexceeds1.2billion1.

Morethan1in5peopleintheworldareinpovertyonthisdefinition.2.8billionliveonlessthan

$2aday,about40%oftheworldspopulation(UNDP,2003).In2005,36percentofpeopleinless

developedcountrieswerelivingonlessthan$1adayand76percentonlessthan$2.The

proportionofpeoplelivinginpovertyisfallingslowlybutthenumberslivingbelowthe$1and$2lineswaslargerin2005thanin2000(UNCTAD,2008a,p.2).

TherehavebeenbigimprovementsinpopulousplaceslikeChinaandIndia.Butinsub-Saharan

Africapovertybelowthe$1linewas53.3%in1985and54.4%in1990.74millionmorepeoplein

theregionwereinpovertyattheendofthe1990sthanatthestart(UNDP,2003,p.41).

Thereareabout195countriesintheworld.54countrieswerepoorerin2003than1990.In21

numbersgoinghungryhadincreasedandin14thenumberdyingbeforetheageof5hadgoneup.

Inthe1980s4countriesexperiencedreversalsintheUNhumandevelopmentindex(which

measureslifeexpectancy,health,educationandstandardofliving).Inthe1990sthisgotworsein

21countries.Inthe1990sdevelopmentassistancefromtherichdeclined,debtinpoorcountries

increasedandthepriceofprimarycommodities,whichmanypoorcountriesexport,continuedto

drop.

InAfrica,aboutonethirdofpeopleliveinhungerandaboutone-sixthofchildrendiebeforethe

ageof5,somethingwhichisnotimproving.In1990youwere19timesmorelikelytodiebefore

theageof5insub-SaharanAfricathaninarichOECDcountry.By2003thishadincreasedto26

timesmorelikely.Becauseofpopulationgrowththenumbersinthesesituationsarealsogrowing.

In20004.5millionchildrendiedbeforetheageof5inSub-SaharanAfricaand3.6millioninSouth

Asiamakingup76%ofglobalmortalityby5thatyear.Lifeexpectancyatbirthis49.6insub-

SaharanAfricancountriesand79.4inhigh-incomeOECDcountries,withaworldaverageof68.1.It

isinthelow40sforcountrieslikeSierraLeone,Zambia,Mozambique,theCentralAfrican

Republic,Angola,Zimbabwe,LesothoandSwaziland.Insomeofthesecountries70%ofpeopledo

notliveuntil40andinmanySub-SaharanAfricancountrieslifeexpectancyisonthedecline

becauseofHIV/AIDS,otherdiseasesandfactorssuchasinjury(UNDP,2003and2008a).

Acriticalapproachtoglobalisation

Thesefiguresshouldbelookedatinthecontextofcommentarieswhicharedismissiveofanalyses

ofglobalisationthatfocusoneconomicsandinequalityforbeingoutoftouch,reductionistortoo

1 This means they can afford in their own country what $1 would buy in the USA. It does not indicate that they have the exchange

rate value of $1 a day to spend.


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negative.Thealternativepictureofglobalisationsuchcommentariesputforwardisofthespread

ofglobalhumanrightsandculturalcosmopolitanism.Theyseeglobalisationasapositive,

equalising,anddemocraticprocessbringinganinterminglingofculturesinanew

cosmopolitanism,andthegeneralisationofprogressivevaluessuchasuniversalhumanrights.

(See,forexample,Delanty2009andHolton2009ontypesofcosmopolitanism,includingthis

positiveculturaltypeaboutwhichDelantyismorefavourableandHoltonmorequestioning).

Itispossibletocometosuchoptimisticconclusionsbyfocusingoncultureinseparationfromthe

economy.Suchapproachesoftenalsofocusonelitesinrichcountries,attheexpenseofother

strataandpoorercountries.Butwhenyoubuildeconomicinequalitiesintothepicture,aworldof

cosmopolitanism,culturalhybridityandthespreadofrightslooksdifferent.Themesofpower,

inequalityandconflictcomebacktothefore.

Rejectingeconomicexplanationsofglobalisationastooeconomisticunderminesanunderstanding

ofthecausalroleofeconomicinequalityandpoweringlobalisation.Thisleadstoanimageof

socialrelationsthatdoesnotshowhowtheyareunequalandpower-ladenbecauseofeconomic

andpoliticalstructures.Ifglobalsocietyislookedatseparatelyfromeconomicandpoliticalrelationsthentheeconomicandpoliticalpower,inequalityandconflictthataffectsitis

overlooked.Thismakesglobalisationseemmoreequalandbenignthanitreallyis.Aswehave

seen,itcanaffectourunderstandingofeconomicallydeterminedphenomena,suchasmedia,

politics,war,discoursesandmigration.

Somesociologiststakeintoaccountpoliticaleconomybutseparatetheirstudiesofcultural

globalisationfromtheirobservationsonpolitical-economicrelations.Consequentlytheir

awarenessofconflict,inequalityandpowerinpoliticsandeconomicsbecomesseparatedfromthe

moreoptimistic,equalandcosmopolitanpicturetheyhaveofculture.Beck,forinstance,argues

againsteconomicdeterminismandforcosmopolitanismasinevitable,yetalsooutlinesseparately

howthemobilityofcapitalhasunderminedthepowerofthestateandlabourinGermany,avery

economicanduncosmopolitanphenomenon(seeBeck,2000,2006).NederveenPietersehas

writtenontheglobalhybridisationofculturebutalsoelsewhereabouttheroleofAmerican

powerintheworld,somethingthathasveryunhybridimplicationsforculture,andamajorrolefor

economicsandpolitics(NederveenPieterse,2004a,2004b).Bourdieu(1998,2003)ontheother

hand,incorporatespoliticaleconomy,andsoalsopower,inequalityandconflict,intohissociology

ofglobalisationnotonlyintohisstudiesofeconomicsandpoliticsbutalsohissociologyofthe

mediaandculture.

Afocusoncultureandareactionagainsteconomism,leavingouttheeconomyandtheway

economicmotivations,economicpowerandinequalitystructureglobalisation,givesanover-

benign,harmoniousandequalisedpictureofglobalisation.Theconsequenceofculturaland

cosmopolitanapproachesthatseeglobalisationinthislatterwayisthatglobalisationbasedon

powerandinequalityisdownplayed.Aworldwithsuchproblematiccharacteristicsisvalidatedby

beingdefinedintermsofthemoreoptimisticcategoryofglobalisation.Notonlyispowerand

inequalityleftout,butpower-riddenandunequalglobalisationispositivelyendorsed,because

suchfactorsareexcludedfromthepicturebyanti-economism.

Imentionedatthestartofthispaperthatitisimportanttohaveapluralisticunderstandingof

globalisationthatdoesnotreduceexplanationstoeconomicorothersinglefactors.Atthesame

timeitwasarguedthatitisimportanttoseethelinksbetweendifferentfactorsinglobalisationandlookattheextenttowhichsomehavecausalpoweroverothers,ratherthanjustseeingallas

equal,separateorunaffectedbyoneanother.


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Thesearchforresources,trade,productionorinvestmentandthewealththatcanbemadefrom

thesehasbeenadrivingforceinglobalisation,frompremoderntrade,toEuropeanimperialism,

andglobalcapitalism.Oneresulthasbeenglobaleconomicinterdependencysuchthatsmall

occurrenceslikethe2007USsub-primecrisiscanhaveramificationsforeconomic,politicaland

culturallifeglobally.

Similarlyphenomenalikemediaandculture,politicsandmigrationarenotautonomousfrom

economics,oftenbeingmotivated,unequalorstructuredbypoweroneconomicbases.Todismiss

economicexplanationsastooeconomisticleadstosuchcauses,powerrelationsandinequalities

beingmissedout.Ifyougotoofaringuardingagainsteconomicdeterminismthenyouleaveout

thewaytheseeconomicfactorsdeterminepeopleslifechances.Anti-economicdeterminismruns

theriskofhidingpowerandinequalityandendorsingaglobalisationstructuredbythese,asifitis

not.Acriticalsociology,whichshowsrelationsofpowerandinequalityinsocietyneedsto

maintainanawarenessofwhereeconomicfactorsdetermineglobalisation,evenifcriticsdismiss

suchanapproachasold-fashionedandpastitsday.

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