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Guidance note 15 Impact of PEPs International Labour Office Towards the right to work A GUIDEBOOK FOR DESIGNING INNOVATIVE PUBLIC EMPLOYMENT PROGRAMMES

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Page 1: GN15 Impact of PEPs...2. Mapping out of the impacts of PEPs This mapping out can be done in the form of a set of ‘hypotheses’ about the potential trajectories through which the

Guidance note 15

Impact of PEPs

International

Labour

OfficeTowardsthe right to workA GUIDEBOOK FOR DESIGNING INNOVATIVEPUBLIC EMPLOYMENT PROGRAMMES

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Acknowledgements

This Guidebook – Towards the Right to Work: A guidebook for designing innovative Public EmploymentProgrammes – was developed by the International Labour Office (ILO)'s Employment Intensive InvestmentProgramme (EIIP). It is supplemented by an international course that has been developed with support from theILO's International Training Centre in Turin (ITC-Turin) for a mixed audience of policy makers and social actors,planners, and senior / middle-level officials from different national ministries and development agencies andprogrammes concerned.

The Guidebook and Course Development was managed by Mito Tsukamoto, Senior Specialist of the EIIP. The leaddevelopers of the course were Maikel Lieuw-Kie-Song and Kate Philip, in their capacity as internationalconsultants. Valter Nebuloni, Employment Policies and Skills Development (EPSD) Programme Manager from theITC-Turin, assisted with the course structure and learning methods. Mito Tsukamoto and Marc van Imschoot, bothSenior Specialists of the EIIP, reviewed and provided inputs on all the material. Diana P. Hopkins proofread andedited the material.

The EIIP would also like to acknowledge the main authors of the following Guidance Notes: Steven Miller fromThe New School in New York, USA (Youth employment and Urban Areas), Rania Antonopoulos from the LevyEconomics Institute of Bard College, New York, USA (Gender), Radhika Lal from the UNDP International PolicyCentre for Inclusive Growth, Brazil (Payment Systems) and Pinaki Chakraborty from the National Institute onPublic Finance and Policy, India for initial input on some selected modules.

The initial Guidance Notes were also peer reviewed by Sukti Dasgupta, Chris Donnges, Geoff Edmonds, NatanElkin, Christoph Ernst, Mukesh Gupta, Maria Teresa Gutierrez, Carla Henry, Bjorn Johannessen, Sangheon Lee,Marja Kuiper, Philippe Marcadent, Steven Oates, Naoko Otobe, Susana Puerto Gonzalez, Diego Rei, GianniRosas, Catherine Saget, Terje Tessem, and Edmundo Werna.

Finally, the EIIP would like to thank all those who participated in the validation workshop which was held inMay 2010 for their valuable inputs and feedback which helped to improve the course greatly.

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Guidance note 15

Impacts of Public EmploymentProgrammes

International Labour Office

A GUIDEBOOK FOR DESIGNING INNOVATIVE PUBLIC EMPLOYMENT PROGRAMMES

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Copyright © International Labour Organization 2012

First published 2012

Publications of the International Labour Office enjoy copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal CopyrightConvention. Nevertheless, short excerpts from them may be reproduced without authorization, oncondition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should bemade to ILO Publications (Rights and Permissions), International Labour Office, CH-1211 Geneva 22,Switzerland, or by email: [email protected]. The International Labour Office welcomes such applications.

Libraries, institutions and other users registered with reproduction rights organizations may makecopies in accordance with the licences issued to them for this purpose. Visit www.ifrro.org to find thereproduction rights organization in your country.

Towards the Right to Work: A guidebook for designing innovative Public Employment Programmes

ISBN: 978-92-2-126771-3 (print)ISBN: 978-92-2-126772-0 (web pdf)

ILO Cataloguing in Publication Data

Towards the right to work: a guidebook for designing innovative public employment programmes /International Labour Office, Employment Sector. - Geneva: ILO, 2012

ISBN 9789221267713; 9789221267720 (web pdf)

International Labour Office; Employment Sector

public works / employment creation / youth employment / green jobs / project design / labour-based /employment-intensive / employment policy / social protection

04.03.7

The designations employed in ILO publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice,and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on thepart of the International Labour Office concerning the legal status of any country, area or territory or ofits authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers.

The responsibility for opinions expressed in signed articles, studies and other contributions rests solelywith their authors, and publication does not constitute an endorsement by the International LabourOffice of the opinions expressed in them.

Reference to names of firms and commercial products and processes does not imply their endorsementby the International Labour Office, and any failure to mention a particular firm, commercial product orprocess is not a sign of disapproval.

ILO publications and electronic products can be obtained through major booksellers or ILO local officesin many countries, or direct from ILO Publications, International Labour Office, CH-1211 Geneva 22,Switzerland. Catalogues or lists of new publications are available free of charge from the above address,or by email: [email protected]

Visit our website: www.ilo.org/publns

Design and printing by the International Training Centre of the ILO, Turin – Italy

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Guidance note 15

Impacts of Public EmploymentProgrammes

Objective

The objective of this note is to provide policy-makers and practitioners with anoverview of the various key issues related to the potential impacts of publicemployment programmes (PEP) and to understand the nature and complexityof conducting a comprehensive impact assessment. This Note also provides aselection of results from past impact evaluations and provide an overview ofthe type of results that have been obtained at times to highlight some of theimplications for designing programmes to maximize their desired impact.

Introduction

Public Employment Programmes (PEP) have a wide set of impacts becauseof their multi dimensional nature and the multiple outcomes they create.This Guidance Note focuses on impacts, and the project outputs andoutcomes of PEPs, while Guidance Note 14 on Designing monitoring andevaluation systems in PEPs highlights the different steps that exist within anoverall monitoring and evaluation framework. All PEPs should createemployment, generate income for participants and create assets / and orprovide services. All of these in turn should generate a set of impacts at theindividual, household and community-level and depending on the scale ofthe programme at the local, regional or national level.

Assessing all the impacts that PEPs have is therefore an elaborate andcomplex task. Because of this most PEPs do not manage to have acomprehensive impact assessment conducted, and instead tend to focus onsome key impacts linked to the primary objectives of the programme.Furthermore some outcomes like the creation of employment hasimplications and impacts in various areas and dimensions simultaneously.

Because of this complexity and the shortage of PEPs that have had allimpacts assessed in a comprehensive manner, there exists somecontroversy about the impacts of PEPs or the lack of data to assess them.Some academics question for instance why governments continue toimplement PEPs even though they believe that the evidence base of theirimpacts is limited1. In addition it is also recognized that PEPs can havenegative impacts if not properly designed and monitored leading to

Impacts of Public Employment Programmes • GN15

Towards the right to work 3

1 See for example some of the work of ODI and McCord (2013)

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unintended consequences and it is important that that this is also taken intoaccount when discussing the impacts of PEPs. Some argue that PEPs, andespecially public works (PWP), are a form of social protection measureoffering only temporary employment in times of crises (financial,naturaldisaster, post-conflict, etc.). Others will counter argue that PEPs can beused as an efficient way to provide productive employment using forexample national infrastructure investments in a more efficient way byoptimizing their employment content. We believe that both aspects are validin in each of their contexts.

This Guidance Note starts by mapping out, as comprehensively as possible, thepotential impacts PEPs can have. The second part of the note provides aselection of results from impact evaluations conducted on past and currentPEPs. These results provide an overview of the types of results that have beenobtained in practice, but they are not meant to be a comprehensive review. Thethird part of the note draws on some conclusions based on some results ofevaluations as well as the ILO’s experience and highlights some implicationsfor the designing of programmes to maximize their desired impacts.

This guidance note does not discuss the various methodologies that can beused to assess the various impacts. Some of these are discussed inGuidance Note 14 “Designing monitoring and evaluation systems” butmany of these methodologies are well established and readers areencouraged to refer also to other existing literature.

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GN15 • Impacts of Public Employment Programmes

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©TE

MPO

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Box 1: Past Reviews of the impacts of PEPs

Given the long history of Public Employment Programmes, there have beenvarious studies and reviews done in the past to understand the impacts of theseprogrammes and how these impacts can best be assessed. This Guidance Notecomplements this existing work and focuses on work done more recently. Forthose interested in engaging in depth and detail on the questions of what kind ofimpacts PEPs can have and how to assess these and some of the challengesencountered in doing the following reviews are recommended:

Of Nets and Assets, Effects and impacts of employment-intensive programmes -A review of ILO experience by Willem Keddeman, ILO Geneva Available on:http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@ed_emp/@emp_policy/@invest/documents/meetingdocument/wcms_asist_6866.pdf

Employment for Poverty Reduction and Food Security, edited by Joachim vonBraun, IFPRI 1995, Washington DC Available on:http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/publications/oc32.pdf Impact evaluationof labour-based housing construction in Nicaragua(http://white.oit.org.pe/osra/documentos/modelo_simulacion_impacto_macroeconomico_en_nicaragua.pdf)

A case study of the impact of selected access intervention in two ruraldistricts of Zimbabwe(http://www.ilo.org/public/french/employment/recon/eiip/countries/africa/zimbabwe.htm)

“L’Approche HIMO et les Investissements Routiers: Perspectives pour laCréation d’Emplois et l’Economie de Devises à Madagascar”, SETP no. 3(http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@ed_emp/@emp_policy/@invest/documents/publication/wcms_asist_6847.pdf)

Impacts of Public Employment Programmes • GN15

Towards the right to work 5

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2. Mapping out of the impacts of PEPs

This mapping out can be done in the form of a set of ‘hypotheses’ about thepotential trajectories through which the PEP impacts on individuals,households and communities, in social, economic and environmentalterms. These dynamics are complex and interlinked; in particular sincehuman development is at the core of both social and economicdevelopment, but also both greatly impact the environment. The mappingout is done in the form of a matrix and is provided in the table below. It isnot intended to suggest a clear ‘boundary’ between the various impacts, butto enable the exploration and elaboration of these different dimensions ofimpact. It is anticipated that in order to reflect these kinds of linkages andinterdependencies, impact assessment research will also have to straddlethese boundaries – and in practice, this translates into some repetitionbetween the three columns. Assessing these impacts generally requires acombination of quantitative and qualitative assessments. Commonqualitative assessments include interviews, focus group discussions as wellqualitative assessments of the assets created and services provided.Quantitative analysis include macro analysis on public spending on PEPs,sectoral data research as well as analysis of labour force, household surveys,longitudinal and cross-sectional studies, random control trial, peer groupstudies, etc.

In addition, while the impact areas are stated in positive terms, it isrecognized that the actual impacts in each area may in fact be neutral ornegative. The purpose of impact assessments is to evaluate theeffectiveness of past programmes in order to improve them in the future,but also evaluate and compare the potential impact of future programmes.The impact will be measured in detail, meaning by target groups, anddifferent types of effect, direct, indirect and induced effect, as well as shortto long term effects – including the potential for unintended and/or negativeconsequences. Often, macro models are combined with micro informationprovided by concrete PEPs.

In this sense, determining the impacts is an empirical question and thereare limitations to the extent to which a theoretical framework can be used topredict the consequences of a PEP. For this reason, the results from impactassessments should be treated with caution. A clear understanding of theassumptions made is required and where impacts could potentially benegative various assumptions should be tested to see if the model canaccount for these.

Furthermore, depending on the programme objectives and design, as wellas the local economic and social contexts, it may be expected that someimpacts will be greater or more important than others. Particular impactsmay therefore be prioritized for more intense and rigorous monitoring andevaluation, while others may be monitored and tracked to only a limited

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GN15 • Impacts of Public Employment Programmes

6

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degree. It is useful however to try as much as possible, to monitor a widerange of impacts as there may be unexpected or unintended impacts thatbecome more important than expected as the PEP progresses.

For instance, PEPs may have impacts on local wage rates and workingconditions which may not be a stated objective of the PEP, but can turn outto be an important impact that stretched beyond those directly employed bythe programme (Ghose 2011).

The elements captured in the matrix below are drawn from experience onvarious PEPs and represent the current set of possible (and plausible)‘hypotheses’ about the kinds of impacts a PEP can have ; but these are notexhaustive and may well be expanded and/or adapted in response tospecific programme design features and monitoring and researchoutcomes.

The matrix examines social and economic impacts of PEPs. The impacts aregrouped along the three main areas of outcomes of PEPs as well as a fourtharea of impact on institutions. They are

� The impacts of participation in work

� The impacts of the income earned

� The impacts of the assets and services delivered

� The institutional impacts of the programme.

When it comes to the assets and services delivered, there is a thirddimension of impact assessment, which is the environmental impact.Although partially integrated here it will also be addressed as a separatecross-cutting issue.

Also when one considers the number and range of possible impacts, thedifficulty with trying to assess the total impact of PEPs becomes apparent.While such an approach has been advocated in the past (Keddeman 1998,Chipika 2005), no practical way for doing so has as of yet been developed.

Impacts of Public Employment Programmes • GN15

Towards the right to work 7

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Towards the right to work

GN15 • Impacts of Public Employment Programmes

8

A.Pot

entia

lsoc

iali

mpa

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entia

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nom

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form

atio

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acce

ssot

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over

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s•

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engt

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dign

ity,

self-e

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–‘s

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cts:

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bour

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mun

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cond

itio

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drigh

tsat

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k•

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trib

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soci

alco

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on•

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uction

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ime

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ajor

ain

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ting

fact

orto

info

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self

empl

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ent)

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rate

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ein

vest

men

tin

land

and

asse

ts•

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uction

incr

ime

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dual

/hou

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ld/

com

mun

ity:

•Cou

ldha

vene

gative

effe

cts

ifno

tpr

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lyde

sign

edan

dm

onitor

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ldha

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eating

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ate

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tali

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cts

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Impacts of Public Employment Programmes • GN15

Towards the right to work 9

A.Pot

entia

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vert

yB

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rem

ploy

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t(f

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port

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tation

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vide

sca

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ort

info

rmal

self

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cts

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eating

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ate

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lient

infr

astr

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re,

asse

tsan

dse

rvic

es

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Towards the right to work

GN15 • Impacts of Public Employment Programmes

10

A.Pot

entia

lsoc

iali

mpa

cts/

impa

cts

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vert

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faci

litat

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odpr

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tion

(sub

sist

ence

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ltur

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ential

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ovem

ent

inh/

hhe

alth

outc

omes

(and

ther

efor

ela

bour

prod

uctivi

ty)

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pact

son

allo

cation

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tsre

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edby

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ehol

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mun

ity

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ise

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and

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cal

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omy:

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ood

prod

uction

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pact

son

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hase

s–

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cts

onlo

calr

etai

lser

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s–

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cts

onlo

calp

rodu

ctio

n–

Impa

cts

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ngs

and

inve

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ent

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rum

ents

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mal

and

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rmal

)•

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cts

onle

velo

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cts

onlo

call

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rm

arke

ts:

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nsu

pply

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and

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On

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vels

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nge

nder

pay

diff

eren

tial

s.•

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blin

gfo

rms

ofco

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Impacts of Public Employment Programmes • GN15

Towards the right to work 11

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GN15 • Impacts of Public Employment Programmes

12

A.Pot

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2.1 The impacts of participation in work

Participation in work is one important reasons for the implementation ofPEPs. The impacts of this can be important, especially where there ischronic un(der)employment and where there are many people who havenever worked, held some type of job or are discouraged workers no longerseeking a job. In general however, most of these impacts are difficult toassess and quantify.

Impacts of participation in work are generally positive as they provide workexperience, impart basic skills and enable participants to contributepositively to their environment. However in households with limited laboursupply, they may lead to increases in child labour, whether on theprogramme or within the household (See Box 3 below). And they can benegative if work is experienced as abusive or exploitative. For example oftask sizes are set very high, workers may have to work excessive hours inorder to complete a task. Partial late or non payment of wages can also bedetrimental to the impact of the participation in work as it further shapesperceptions of abusive employer-employee relationships.

At a broader level (community and beyond), participation in work can alsohave effects on working conditions and standards at work through a“spillover” effect. If working conditions and rights at work in the PEP arebetter than other forms of employment this can push up similar conditionselsewhere. For instance if working hours are fixed in the PEP or they areissued with contracts, they may demand such measures in other types ofemployment as well.

2.2 The impacts of the income earned

The income earned are generally the main motivation for participation inPEPs and for government to implement them. However the income can beused in several ways, and the amount, regularity, predictability andtimeliness of the income are all important factors in determining the typesof impacts the income will have.

Generally when assessing the impact of the income earned the focus is onhow it is spent. Income is mostly spent on consumption (food andnon-food), household investments, paying debt and bills, productiveinvestments, schooling and health, savings. Splits vary, and depend onmany factors amongst which wage level of the PEP, other income, whenincome is received, household composition.

Income also have aggregate impacts by stimulating local demand. If thereare supply side constraints at the local level, and not addressed through thePEP, this increase demand may result in increased imports rather thanincreased local production. However if this increased demand can be metby local production and services, local impacts will be even greater through

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local multiplier effects. This increased local demand may in turn increaselocal labour demand and further increase local employment – the positivespiral of domestic market expansion much sought to feed global demandtoday.

2.3 The impacts of the assets and services delivered

The impacts of the assets and services delivered to the programme aregenerally local, but they may still benefit participants differently fromnon-participants. In particular investments in land and water may affectnon land owners disproportionally. It is interesting to look at overall localimpacts as well as the impacts on participants of the programme or thepoorest members within the community.

Where programmes deliver and maintain infrastructure, the impacts can beassessed in the same way that infrastructure assets are generally assessed.The challenge with PEPs is that often many of the infrastructure assetsinvested in are of a small scale and it is not viable to conduct extensiveimpact assessment of such small projects. However investments in ruraland small scale infrastructure that are accessible to and usable by the poorhave generally been found to have both positive impacts on the poor andhigh rates of return. The key question for the impact of the assets created bymost PEPs is therefore not whether or not these types of assets have apositive impact. There is ample evidence that investments in this type orinfrastructure makes economic sense. The main question is rather whetherthe assets are completed to the required standards in a manner that is costeffective2.

While in general PEPs have focused on public investments, there are anincreasing number of programmes that allow for investments to be made inprivate assets of the very poor. This opens a new avenue for investments thatcan make direct impacts on the poor. While there is potential for abuse, thiscan be limited if the rules of engagement and monitoring and auditing areclear.

There are also several ways to evaluate the potential impacts of PEPs, throughfor example the use of Dynamic Social Accounting Matrices (DySAM). In arecent study, the potential impacts of re/aforestation was modeled inMozambique to enable policymakers to understand the range of social,economic and environmental impacts such a programme could have andweigh such an intervention against other policy options (Ernst and Iturriza2011).

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2 In terms of cost effectiveness, it is also worth noting that in many PEPs it is justifiable to alsoconsider the wage payments as an income transfer to the poor and not only as a cost for thedelivery of assets. If this approach is taken, PEPs are a highly cost effective approach forproviding assets of providing environmental services. See also Lieuw-Kie-Song 2009 for adiscussion on this with regards to programems that provide environmental services.

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2.4 The institutional impacts of the programme.

The institutional impacts of the programme are generally not a specificobjective but they can be substantial. They can create specific responsibilitiesalong with budgets and activities for local government structures that oftenhave only limited budgets and responsibilities.

Institutional impact comes through having to build the capacity to manageand implement the programme. At the same time they also requireorganization and capacity building in terms of demonstrating participatoryplanning and contracting, transparency, lack of corruption, financialmanagement etc.

The institutional impact will also vary with the level decentralization of theprogramme. This will also depend on the size of the programme and thecountry where it is being implemented, but the importance ofdecentralization to make the programme responsive to local priorities andconditions is also an important increasingly recognized feature.

Interaction with other government programmes can also improvecoordination and integration within government. This can also put pressureon delivery of other linked services, especially when PEP participants cometo expect other linked services, but there are lacking behind. and can alsocreate resentment and decrease the support for the programme.

On the negative side, these programmes can also increase the opportunitiesfor corruption and patronage, as they create potential opportunities for abuseof programme funding and power to allocate work to individuals in return forpolitical favours. However, the programme should also be designed in a wayto reduce the potential for corruption (see Guidance Note 10).

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Box 2: Methodologies for assessing impacts

Given the wide range of possible impacts indicated above, there is no standardapproach to measuring the impact of PEPs. The methodologies used are oftensimilar to those used for the assessment of impact of other interventions suchas infrastructure investments, social protection measures, active labourmarket policies etc. Guidance Note 14 provides examples on how to actuallydesign evaluation systems and impact assessments.

The field of impact assessments is constantly evolving and in recent years someadditional methodologies mentioned below have emerged to assess the impactsof interventions like PEPs to complement those already in use. In addition it isimportant to mention that there are ongoing debates about what kind ofmethodologies should be used for PEPs and there is no consensus on how thesecan best be approached. Practically all approaches have their advantages anddisadvantages, they may reflect political preferences, and readers are referredto, for example Keddeman (1998), who discussed the importance ofcomparative studies of equipment and labour based approaches to asses costeffectiveness, before and after studies and with and without studies and Chipika(2005) who discussed Rapid Assessment of Poverty Impacts (RAPI) andproposes different approaches for project level assessments. Othermethodologies that have gained popularity recently and are now being used onPEPs or aspects of PEPs are Value for Money (VFM) assessments (DfID 2011and DfID 2013), Theories of Change and Random Control Trials3.

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©Aid

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3 For more information and various publications on Theory of Change, go towww.theoryofchange.org, on Random Control Tries go to: www.povertyactionlab.org andhttp://www.poverty-action.org

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3. Some selected results from impact assessmentsof PEPs since 2000

Programme Summary of results Notes

Jefes e Jefasde Hogar(Head ofHouseholds)(Argentina)

Reduces poverty and prevents households fromfalling into poverty (Galasso E. and Ravallion M2003)Some of the benefits and impacts on womenreport are working in mother-friendly jobs,getting needed training and education, helpingthe community, and finding dignity andempowerment through work (Tcherneva andWray 2007)

Large scale programme(2 million households in 2002)in response to financial crisis.Provided ongoing and long-termpart time employment. A widevariety of work activities wereallowed including services andtraining.

Cash for WorkTemporaryEmploymentProgramme(Liberia)

The results showed a 21% decline in thepoverty gap from the baseline on a yearly basis(31% for the squared poverty gap), indicatingthat, while participants were still poor after theprogramme, they were substantially less poorthan they had been before it (Andrews et al2011)

Small programme providingonly once-off 40 days ofemployment per beneficiary(17 000 beneficiaries)

ProductiveSafety NetProgramme(Ethiopia)

“Finally, some initial evidence was presentedindicating that public employmentprogrammes can reduce child labour, althoughit was stressed that this is an area where it isespecially important to consider incentivesrelating to child labour in programme design.”(ILO World Report on Child Labour, 2013)Surveys and evaluations have indicated thatthe overall impact on households is positiveand has resulted in increased food security,reduced distress sales of assets and so fulfilsits safety net function. It also increased accessto education and health services, and despitethe low wages, some households have beenable to use some of their income oninvestments rather than consumption (Gilliganet al 2009)It was also found to have no disincentiveeffects on participants in terms of laboursupply and perhaps concerns around creatingdependencies on the programme areexaggerated – participants remain equallyeager to do work and explore opportunities tobetter their circumstances (Gilligan et al2009)Evaluations also found that especiallyinvestments in soil and water conservation hadvery high benefit cost ratios of up to 6.5(World Bank 2009)

Large scale programme(1.5 million households) thatprovides long-term, regular andpredictable income and foodtransfers to improve foodsecurity. Assets focus onrehabilitation of naturalresources

Workplacesand Stipends(Latvia)

The programme’s stipend mitigated the impactof job loss and, in the short term, raisedparticipating household incomes by 37 percentrelative to similar households not benefitingfrom the programme (Azam et al 2012)

Medium scale programme thatcreated 110 000 jobs over twoyears

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MahatmaGandhiNational RuralEmploymentGuarantee Act– MGNREGA(India)

“Initial evidence from Ethiopia and Indiaindicates that public employment programmescan reduce child labour, at least among somegroups of children.”(ILO World Report on ChildLabour, 2013)“The income from NREGS made verysignificant contribution to children’s well-beingsuch as reducing hunger, improving health andeducation” and “the study finds robust resultson child labour. It reduces child labour forboys by 13.4 per cent and for girls by 8.9 percent” (Dev S. M. 2011)In both Rajasthan and Kerala, fieldworkshowed that many women have beenpersuaded to come out of the house for paidwork for the first time in response to theNREGA programme. The main reasons citedfor this were convenience of working close tohome, no job search was needed and thegovernment is a trusted employer (Sudarshan2011)It would appear that MGNREGA in so far as ithas involved redistribution of income from thewell-off to the poor and has delivered a fairlylarge increase in money income to the ruralpoor, has indeed contributed to food priceinflation. And the food price inflation, in turn,has robbed MGNREGS of much of its potentialfor poverty reduction (Ghose 2011)

National EmploymentGuarantee Scheme for 100days of employment for everyrural household per year (55million households)Assets focus on rehabilitationof natural resources

ExpandedPublic WorksProgramme(South Africa)

The survey indicated that participation in bothprogrammes (Zibambele and Gundo Lashu)had a beneficial impact on all the dimensionsof poverty examined, whether measured byincome, asset ownership, access to services, orthe capabilities or psycho-social aspects ofpoverty. However, despite a higher wage, somebenefits were marginal in the case of theGundo Lashu programme, where the depth ofpoverty of the participants was less severe thanin the Zibambele programme. Also, thebenefits in the case of the Gundo Lashuparticipants were limited by the short durationof the employment (McCord 2004)The study revealed that the Community WorkProgramme has significantly expandedparticipants capability and hence theirfunctioning. Furthermore, participants of theCommunity Work Programme appear toexperience a mind shift; especially in theirviews about work; their socio-economic rights;their own contribution to the collectivewellbeing of their communities, and theimportance of living positive and healthylifestyles. The regular income has allowedthem to make judicious investment decisionswhich include investment in assets andsavings products (Vawda et al 2013)

Zibambele is a rural roadmaintenance programme thatprovide ongoing part-timeemployment targeted at thepoorest households. GundoLashu is rural roadconstruction programme thatprovide temporary full-timeemployment for the ruralunemployed. The CommunityWorks Programme is an areabased programme that providestwo days of work a week. Allthe programmes and otherform part of the EPWP, a multisectoral programme with avariety of sub-programmes,some providing temporaryshort-term employment andother providing long-termongoing work. (All programmestogether create about 600 000full time equivalent (FTE) jobsper annum)

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It is important to recognize that there is a likely bias when considering thedifferent results of different impact assessments. Because these assessmentsare costly, most detailed assessments are of large programmes. It is rarer tohave detailed assessments of small programmes. Because of the differentsizes of programmes, they have impacts which cannot be assumed to besimilar.

Box 3: Complexity of PEP impacts: Productive Safety Net Programme(PSNPP and Child Labour in Ethiopia

The quotation below from Woldehanna (2009) highlights how the impacts ofPEPs are interconnected and complicated. This study focused on the effectof PSNP and child welfare and found a complex picture of both negative andpositive impacts and concludes that they are positive in aggregate. Howevera study that only focused on the effects of PSNP on paid work by childrenmay have come to very different conclusions.

“Although the PWP component of PSNP increased the amount of time bothgirls and boys spent on paid work by 0.13 hours per day, it reduced theamount of time girls spent on child care and household chores by half anhour per day. The net effect is that children’s total hours spent on work arereduced. Moreover, PWP also increased the time girls spent on studying by0.25 hours per day. In terms of child welfare outcome, the effect of the PWPof the PSNP is much better than that of its predecessor, EGS (EmploymentGeneration Scheme). The positive impact of the PWP of the PSNP on paidchild work (0.13 hours per day) is half of that of EGS (0.26 hours per day).Moreover, EGS did not reduce the amount of time boys and girls spent onchildcare and household chores. Rather, it reduced boys’ time spent onschooling (0.36 hours less per day).”

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4. Learnings for programme design

This final part of the guidance note discusses some of the learnings forprogramme design that are emerging and some recent design innovationsthat can increase the impact of PEPs. The impact of specific measures isgenerally quite context specific. Care should therefore be taken in adoptingsome of these in other programmes – what might work well in one contextmay have unintended or negative outcomes in another. At the same timeadapting and adopting some of these measures successfully can lead tosignificant improvement of the impacts of the programme.

4.1 General Learnings

Programmes that provide a short duration of employment tend to have ashort-term impact on the income of participants. While this may seemobvious, it is worth restating it as one of the major criticisms that aretargeted at these programmes by those who see them primarily as socialprotection instruments. So if programmes want long-term direct impacts onincome of participants they need to provide longer-term employment. Thisshould however be separated from the long-term impacts that theinvestments in assets or the provision of services through the PEP may haveon the income of participants.

If a programme is to have impact on the poorest, it needs to reach thepoorest by providing them with income and/or useful assets and services.And while PEPs can perform well in reaching the poor, this often requiresdeliberate efforts not only through targeting measures, but also through theremoval of barriers such as lack of information or inability to participate inmeetings, that can prevent participation of the poorest in work and decisionmaking.

What is not monitored and measured tends to be ignored. For examplewhere construction of assets is involved, the completion of the works andtheir quality are critical for achieving long-term benefits. Programmes thattend to focus on maximizing the short-term benefits often fail to properlymonitor this and as a result the required quality is not achieved or projectsare not completed.

While PEPs are often implemented in a context of an overall excess laboursupply, this does not automatically hold for individual households. So thehouseholds of some of the poorest and most vulnerable can actually belabour constrained and this makes their participation in the PEP verydifficult and ideally they would be targeted through other income supportmeasures. PEPs can play a role in this context however by mobilizing excesslabour in some households to support those that are labour constrained.Programmes that provide care to orphan headed households or that improvethe agricultural land of labour constrained households are examples of this.

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While many programmes aspire to have effective participation of the poorestand or local communities in various aspects of the programme, this canoften prove to be difficult to achieve in practice and the desiredparticipation is often reduced to tokenism of consultation only. One way toovercome this is through the engagement of neutral facilitators whose role isto create conditions that enable participation and create ability of the mostvulnerable to influence outcomes.

4.2 Learnings on the impacts of the participation in work

Some measures that can assist in maximizing the impacts of employment are:

� Ensure that the working conditions and rights at work enhance thedignity of those working.

� Treat and respect the work done to ensure that the principle of a fairdays work for a fair days wage applies and the work component does notdegenerate into “make-work”

� Ensure that the programme supports formalization by for example,providing contracts, proof of employment, salary slips, and paymentsinto bank accounts

� Ensure that there is no stigma attached to the programme so that it isnot seen as a programme for the unemployable or for the destitute only.This may limit the possibilities of graduating from the programme or forsome to enter into it

� Where PEPs have as one of its objectives “to support entry into the labourmarket”, it is important that they are designed in a way to facilitate:

� Work to be relevant to the larger labour market

� Work-related skills whether technical, workplace behaviour or lifeskills to be cultivated

� Links to public employment services and other active labour marketpolicies are considered.

4.3 Learnings on the impact of the income earned

Some measures that can assist in maximizing the impacts of the incomeare:

� Ensure that those who worked are able to collect and have control overwages and income

� Ensure that payment is provided on time at clearly agreed upon timeand place

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� Especially for longer-term programmes structure payments so that theyare regular so participants can plan their expenditure

� Also make the income predictable by ensuring that people know whenthey will be offered work and when they will be paid for that work

� Why would the income benefit able bodied people more than disabledpeople?

� If work opportunities are limited, from amongst those who are able towork, target the poorest who will be able to benefit the most

� Consider building linkages to financial inclusion such as paymentthrough bank accounts and post offices and facilitating access to credit

� Minimize the cost of collecting payment: reduce travel time, limitwaiting, avoid surcharges and deductions if using third parties to makethe payments

4.4 Learnings regarding the impacts of the assets andservices delivered

Some measures that can assist in maximizing the impacts of the assets andservices provided are:

� Ensure that projects are completed and meet the required qualitystandards so that they are functional and produce the desired outputs

� Empower communities to select the most impactful assets: not onlyproviding the structures and processes to have the community makesuch decisions, but also through providing the technical knowledge tomake sure that these decisions are technically sound and consistent

� Confirm that systems are put in place to ensure that assets aremaintained. This requires capacity at the local level, as well asavailable resources and / or incentives. The assumption thatcommunities will voluntarily maintain assets has too often been overambitious, especially when the benefits of an asset are not equallyshared. It is rare for communities to be able to maintain a system onvoluntary maintenance

� Create space in the programme to enable it to adopt new ideas fromcommunities for work and projects. This may require the ability forsome negotiation on material / labour ratios and project choices andalso requires a high degree of community participation to ensure thatthese ideas have wide support within the community

� Allow for investments on private land and dwellings of the poorest orthose of the target group. While this potentially opens up the

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programme to possibly diverting work to benefit the most influential inthe community rather than the poorest; where such investments doreach the land of dwellings of the poor, the programme can increase itsimpact by providing two types of direct benefits to a specific targetgroup.

� While assets and projects that benefit the poor generally increase theoverall impact of the programme on the poor, there is a legitimatequestion as to what extent the assets and services should focusexclusively on the poor and that in order to ensure politicalsustainability, programmes should consider spreading these benefits4.Some have argued that there are also other political considerations, tofactor into this equation.

4.5 Learnings for overall and aggregated impacts andmultipliers

� Select assets and services that support the local economy and enhanceproductivity or efficiency

� Consider the environment and natural resources rehabilitation and / orprotection, and potential assets that could be better maintained and / ormade more climate resilient to withstand future natural disasters

� Procure programme inputs such as materials, tools, food and serviceslocally as much as possible so that the local economy is stimulatedthrough increased demand from the programme

� Build organizational capabilities at local level; community organizationsand participatory planning, contracting, monitoring / auditing systems

� Build linkages to other relevant programmes and interventions such assmall enterprise development, micro credit, agricultural extensionservices etc

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4 Dev (1995) argues for instance that one reason the Maharastra Employment GuaranteeScheme ran for 30 years- continues as part of the national employment guarantee schemeNREGA, is that the rural rich supported the programme because they also benefitted from theassets created by the programme.

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5. Concluding remarks

Impact assessment of PEPs is essential to make them more relevant andmore effective meaning that they reach their target groups and improvetheir livelihoods. Impact assessment tools can be used to evaluate pastprogrammes or to show the potential impact of future programmes andtherefore improve the design phase of PEPs.

It can perhaps not be emphasized enough, that in many cases the keyimpacts are those on the participants of PEPs and their households. Forthis reason, it is important that impact assessments actively involveparticipants of the programmes. The purpose of this participation shouldnot be limited to getting a better understanding and measure of theimpacts, but should also include receiving feedback that can inform howthese impacts can be deepened or improved through better programmedesign and implementation.

In order to make these assessment tools more relevant, it is therefore usefulto include micro data collected at the project level into the macroframework for calibration. It is crucial to understand the inter-linkagesbetween macroeconomic policies, its implications at the sectoral level andits effect at the micro level on groups of workers and households.

Finally as was mentioned earlier, one important reason for the limitednumber of comprehensive and detailed impact assessments is the cost andthe complexity associated with these. Even though the cost may bemoderate when compared with the total cost of a large PEP, the costs andassociated technical expertise required are still substantial and not easilymobilized. Added to this, are some of the complexities and uncertaintiesassociated with these assessments as mentioned above as well as the needto measure some aspects over a longer period of time, often years. Thecombination of these factors makes it difficult to mobilize sufficientresources for a comprehensive impact assessment.

There has been increasing criticism about the need to show evidence in theimpact of public employment programmes especially of “public works”.Such assessments would most likely require collaboration among donorsand research institutions in order to mobilize both the financial andtechnical resources to make such assessments possible, and a concertedeffort among those with interests in such assessments to collaborate onsuch comprehensive assessments would most certainly be welcomed.

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References

� Andrews C.; Backiny-Yetna P.; Garin E.; Weedon E.; Wodon Q. andZampaglione G. 2011. Liberia’s Cash For Work Temporary EmploymentProject: Responding to Crisis in Low Income, Fragile Countries, SocialProtection Discussion Paper No. 1114, World Bank, Washington DC, USA

� Azam M.; Ferré C.; and Ajwad M.I. 2012. Did Latvia’s Public WorksProgram Mitigate the Impact of the 2008-2010 Crisis? DiscussionPaper No. 6772, IZA, Bonn, Germany

� Chipika S. 2005. A study to assess the Evidence Base andMethodologies for Poverty Reduction Impact Assessment inEIIP/ASIST- Africa Programme, ILO/ EIIP ASISIT Programme, Harare,Zimbabwe

� Dev S. M. 1995, India’s (Maharashtra) Employment Guarantee Scheme:Lessons from Long experience, Chapter 5 in von Braun J. (Ed) 1995Employment for Poverty Reduction and Food Security , InternationalFood Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), Washington DC, USA

� Dev S. M.;2011. NREGS and Child Well Being, Indira Gandhi Instituteof Development Research (IGIDR) Mumbai, India

� DFID 2011, DFID’s Approach to Value for Money (VfM), Departmentfor International Development, London, UK

� Ernst C. and Iturriza A., 2011, Tackling deforestation in Mozambique:Reconciling the social, economic and environmental agenda, 14th ILORegional Seminar for Labour Based Practitioners, Accra, 5-9September 2011

� Galasso E. and Ravallion M.; 2003. Social Protection in a Crisis:Argentina’s Plan Jefes e Jefas, Policy Working Paper No. 3165,November 2003, World Bank, Washington DC, USA

� Ghose A.K. 2011 Addressing the employment challenge: India'sMGNREGA Employment SectorEmployment Working Paper No. 105Employment Analysis and Research Unit, Economic and LabourMarket Analysis Department, ILO Geneva

� Gilligan D., Hoddinott J., Kumar N. and Taffesse A., An ImpactEvaluation of Ethiopia’s Productive Safety Nets Program, InternationalFood Policy Research Institute, Washington, D.C, June 30, 2009

� Keddeman, W.; 1998 Of Nets and Assets, Effects and impacts ofemployment-intensive programmes - A review of ILO experience,Development Policies Department, ILO Geneva, Switzerland

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Further Reading

� ESAU Working Paper 8, Cape Town South Africa and OverseasDevelopment Institute London, UK

� Lieuw-Kie-Song M, 2009, Green Jobs for the Poor: A PublicEmployment Approach, Poverty Reduction Discussion Paper 2009-02,(UNDP, New York)

� McCord A. 2004. Policy Expectations and Programme Reality: ThePoverty Reduction and Labour Market Impact of Two Public WorksProgrammes in South Africa, Economics and Statistics Analysis Unit(ESAU) Public Works Research Project SALDRU, School ofEconomics, University of Cape Town

� McCord A. 2013. Public works and social protection in sub-SaharanAfrica: Do public works for the poor?, UCT Press, Cape Town

� Sudarshan, R.; 2011. India’s National Rural Employment GuaranteeAct: women’s participation and impacts in Himachal Pradesh, Keralaand Rajasthan, CSP Research Report 06, IDS Centre for SocialProtection, Sussex, UK

� Tcherneva P.R. and Wray L. R. 2007. Public Employment andWomen: The Impact of Argentina’s Jefes Program on Female Heads ofPoor Households, Working Paper No. 519, The Levy EconomicsInstitute of Bard College, Annandale on Hudson, NY, USA

� Vawda S.; Prinsloo M.; Mostert A. and Mazibuko N.; 2013, The SouthAfrican Community Capability Study The Community Work Programme,Centre for Democratising Information (CDI), www.cdi.org.za

� von Braun J. (Ed) 1995 Employment for Poverty Reduction and FoodSecurity , International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI),Washington DC, USA

� Woldehanna T.; 2009. Productive safety net programme and children’stime use between work and schooling in Ethiopia, Young Lives WorkingPaper No. 40, Department of International Development University ofOxford, Oxford : www.younglives.org.uk

� World Bank and Government of Ethiopia (2009). Impact Assessmentof the PSNP Public Works Programme. Nairobi, prepared by MAConsulting.

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Checklist

IMPACT OF PEPS

Respond to the following questions �

Many public employment programmes (PEPs) are multifaceted, butwhat is the main priority, the secondary priority, etc? (e.g. increasingemployment content, social protection coverage and incomesecurity, asset creation or budget-based)

What were the main reasons for developing a PEP? (e.g. as part ofan employment strategy, part of a social protection strategy, tocomplement and intensify employment component in national publicinvestment programmes (PIPs), to better respond to recurring crises,to climate change and environmental protection)

Has the programme been designed properly to have impact on thepoorest through not only targeting measures, but also through theremoval of barriers such as lack of information or inability toparticipate in meetings, that can prevent participation of the poorestin work and decision-making?

What are the intended social, economic, and environmental impacts(e.g. increased job creation, income security, asset creation,community and social works environmental rehabilitation andprotection, livelihoods)? Map out the impacts.

PEPs and potential impacts of participation on work on theindividual / household / community.

Ensure that the working conditions and rights at work enhancethe dignity of those working.

Treat and respect the work done to ensure that the principleof a fair days work for a fair days wage applies and the workcomponent does not degenerate into "make-work".

Ensure that the programme supports formalization by forexample providing contracts, proof of employment, salaryslips, and payments into bank account.

Ensure that there is no stigma attached to the programme sothat it is not seen as a programme for the unemployable or forthe destitute only. This may limit the possibilities ofgraduating from the programme or for some to enter into it

Where PEPs have as one of its objectives "to support entryinto the labour market", it is important that they are designedin a way to facilitate:

• Work to be relevant to the larger labour market• Work-related skills whether technical, workplace

behaviour or life skills to be cultivated

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PEPs and potential impacts of income earned on the individual /household / community

Ensure that those who worked are able to collect and havecontrol over wages and income

Ensure that payment is provided on time at clearly agreedupon time and place

Especially for longer-term programmes structure payments sothat they are regular so participants can plan their expenditure

Also make the income predictable by ensuring that peopleknow when they will be offered work and when they will bepaid for that work

If work opportunities are limited, from amongst those who are ableto work, target the poorest who will be able to benefit the most

Consider building linkages to financial inclusion such aspayment through bank accounts and post offices andfacilitating access to credit

Minimize the cost of collecting payment: reduce travel time,limit waiting, avoid surcharges and deductions if using thirdparties to make the payments

PEPs and potential impacts of the assets and services delivered onthe individual / household / community.

Where construction of assets is involved, the completion ofthe works and their quality are critical for achieving long-termbenefits. Programmes that then to focus on maximizing theshort-term benefits often fail to properly monitor this and as aresult the required quality is not achieved or projects are notcompleted

Ensure that projects are completed and meet the requiredquality standards so that they are functional and produce thedesired outputs

Empower communities to select the most impactful assets:not only providing the structures and processes to have thecommunity make such decisions, but also through providingthe technical knowledge to make sure that these decisions aretechnically sound and consistent

Confirm that systems are put in place to ensure that assets aremaintained. This requires capacity at the local level, as well asavailable resources and / or incentives. The assumption thatcommunities will voluntarily maintain assets has too often beenover ambitious, especially when the benefits of an asset are notequally shared. It is rare for communities to be able tomaintain a system on voluntary maintenance

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Create space in the programme to enable it to adopt newideas from communities for work and projects. This mayrequire the ability for some negotiation on material / labourratios and project choices and also requires a high degree ofcommunity participation to ensure that these ideas have widesupport within the community

Allow for investments on private land and dwellings of thepoorest or those of the target group. While this potentiallyopens up the programme to possibly diverting work to benefitthe most influential in the community rather than the poorest,where such investments do reach the land of dwellings of thepoor, the programme can increase its impact by providing twotypes of direct benefits to a specific target group

While assets and projects that benefit the poor generallyincrease the overall impact of the programme on the poor,there is a legitimate question as to what extent the assets andservices should focus exclusively on the poor and that in orderto ensure political sustainability programmes should considerspreading these benefits. Some have argued that there arealso other political considerations, to factor into this equation

PEPs and potential institutional impacts of the programme on workon the individual / household / community

Select assets and services that support the local economy andenhance productivity or efficiency

Consider the environment and natural resources rehabilitationand / or protection, and potential assets that could be bettermaintained and / or made more climate resilient to withstandfuture natural disasters

Procure programme inputs such as materials, tools, food andservices locally as much as possible so that the local economyis stimulated through increased demand from the programme

Build organizational capabilities at local level; communityorganizations and participatory planning, contracting,monitoring/auditing systems

Build linkages to other relevant programmes and interventionssuch as small enterprise development, micro credit,agricultural extension services etc.

Were there any unexpected or unintended impacts? Any lessonslearned from previous programmes and any findings that could beconsidered in the new programme design?

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Given that there is a wide range of possible impacts and no real onestandard approach to measuring the impact of PEPs, considerwhether if any other impact assessments, such as on infrastructureinvestments, social protection measures, active labour marketpolicies, etc could be more relevant.

Is the programme expected to only provide short-term impact on theincome of participants, and is this programme being used primarilyas a social protection instrument?

Or, is the programme expected to have long-term direct impacts onincome of participants? If so the programme should to be designedto provide longer-term employment.

PEPs could also have impact on the income of participants throughthe long-term impacts that the investments in assets or serviceprovisions could have.

Have the beneficiaries been actively involved in the design of theimpact assessment? The purpose of their involvement should not belimited to getting a better understanding and measure of theimpacts, but should also include receiving feedback that can informhow these impacts can be deepened or improved through betterprogramme design and implementation.

Has micro data collected at the project level been included into themacro framework for calibration? It is crucial to understand theinter-linkages between macroeconomic policies, its implications atthe sectoral level and its effect at the micro level on groups ofworkers and households.

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