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2/4/2015 Good returns for Chinese Indonesians http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2014/09/15/goodreturnsforchineseindonesians/ 1/4 New Mandala New perspectives on Southeast Asia Home Thailand Myanmar Indonesia Malaysia Laos Cambodia Singapore Book Reviews RSS Feed Twitter Twitter How to contribute to NM About Good returns for Chinese Indonesians By Chong Wu Ling, Guest Contributor – 15 September 2014Posted in: Indonesia Deputy Jakarta Governor Basuki ‘Ahok ‘Tjahaja Purnama. Things are looking up for Chinese Indonesian political candidates, but it all depends on where and at what level they run, writes Chong Wu Ling. Today, as opposed to the Suharto era, Indonesia’s ethnic Chinese minority are free to participate in electoral politics and run for public office. I’ve crunched the numbers of Chinese Indonesians elected as national parliamentarians in the 1999, 2004, 2009 and 2014 elections. Looking at the figures there is one clear pattern; they are much larger than the sum total of ethnic Chinese elected as regional or local government heads. In 1999, there were seven Chinese Indonesians elected into the national parliament. The number increased to 13 in 2004 and reached 15 in both 2009 and 2014. These parliamentarians were mostly elected in constituencies with high ethnic Chinese populations such as Jakarta, West Kalimantan and Bangka Belitung. But there were also several Chinese national parliamentarians elected in locations with low ethnic Chinese populations such as West Java, Central Java Announcement Want to work for New Mandala? 06 January 2015 9:15 AM | 2 Comments New Mandala looks to appoint a parttime Postdoctoral Fellow and Editor. Applications close 5 February 2015. Read More Recent Posts On “supersessionism”: Abrahamic faiths in history Aung San Suu Kyi in 2015 Detention without trial: Going beyond Coldstore? Soldiers with democratic hearts? Defending Indonesia’s anti corruption fighters Myanmar in transition Jokowi’s National Police Chief debacle Reply to Dr Poh Soo Kai’s rejoinder Jokowi: The First Hundred Days Review of Burma’s Spring Review of Storytelling in Search... Search Recent Comments Islam, a religion of peace (29 ) Peter Cohen : Given that Raymond Ibrahim, an Egyptian American Coptic Christian, suffered... Andrea : If people are interested in a divergent view from that espoused by Timothy Daniels then... On “supersessionism”: Abrahamic faiths in history (3 ) Peter Cohen : Plan B, Not so fast. Let us recognize the 50 % of the Kurdish Peshmerga that are... plan B : Peter You and I and most commentators here are in agreement of Muslims of authorities... Peter Cohen :

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2/4/2015 Good returns for Chinese Indonesians

http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2014/09/15/good­returns­for­chinese­indonesians/ 1/4

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Good returns for ChineseIndonesiansByChong Wu Ling, Guest Contributor– 15 September 2014Posted in: Indonesia

Deputy Jakarta Governor Basuki ‘Ahok ‘Tjahaja Purnama.

Things are looking up for Chinese Indonesian political candidates, but itall depends on where and at what level they run, writes Chong Wu Ling.

Today, as opposed to the Suharto era, Indonesia’s ethnic Chinese minority arefree to participate in electoral politics and run for public office.

I’ve crunched the numbers of Chinese Indonesians elected as nationalparliamentarians in the 1999, 2004, 2009 and 2014 elections. Looking at thefigures there is one clear pattern; they are much larger than the sum total ofethnic Chinese elected as regional or local government heads.

In 1999, there were seven Chinese Indonesians elected into the nationalparliament. The number increased to 13 in 2004 and reached 15 in both 2009and 2014.

These parliamentarians were mostly elected in constituencies with high ethnicChinese populations such as Jakarta, West Kalimantan and Bangka Belitung.But there were also several Chinese national parliamentarians elected inlocations with low ethnic Chinese populations such as West Java, Central Java

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Want to workfor New Mandala?06 January 2015 9:15AM | 2 Comments

New Mandala looksto appoint a part­timePostdoctoral Fellowand Editor.Applications close 5February 2015.

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Islam, a religion ofpeace (29)

Peter Cohen:Given thatRaymondIbrahim, anEgyptian­AmericanCopticChristian,suffered...Andrea: Ifpeople areinterested in adivergent viewfrom thatespoused byTimothyDaniels then...

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Peter Cohen:Plan B, Not sofast. Let usrecognize the50 % of theKurdishPeshmerga thatare...plan B: PeterYou and I andmostcommentatorshere are inagreement ofMuslims ofauthorities...Peter Cohen:

2/4/2015 Good returns for Chinese Indonesians

http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2014/09/15/good­returns­for­chinese­indonesians/ 2/4

and East Java.

They contested under the flagship of popular mainstream political parties suchas the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI­P), the National MandateParty (PAN) and the Party of Functional Groups (Golkar). These arereligiously open parties.

This implies that it is possible for a Chinese Indonesian to be elected as anational parliamentarian in a constituency with low ethnic Chinese populationsif he or she is affiliated to a popular mainstream secular party. To get intoparliament, Chinese Indonesian candidates need to pick a solid electoralmachine.

On the other hand, to date there have only been eight Chinese Indonesianselected as regional or local government heads. One of them, Yansen AkunEffndy (张锦坤), was elected as regent of Sanggau, West Kalimantan in 2003through the local legislative assembly.

The rest were elected in 2005 or later through local direct elections. This showsthat local direct elections favour ethnic Chinese candidates.

Candidates running for local direct elections must be nominated and supportedby political parties or party coalitions that gained at least 15 per cent of thevote or parliamentary seats in their respective electoral areas.

Most of the elected Chinese regional or local government heads werenominated and supported by well­established mainstream political partieswhen they contested in local direct elections. They were mostly elected asregents or vice­regents.

Only one of them was elected as mayor and another two were elected as deputygovernors (One of them used to be the regent of East Belitung).

Perhaps more importantly was the way these ethnic Chinese Indonesians wereelected.

At the parliamentary level, racial slurs are rare. But things are different at thelocal level where smear campaigns are rife.

For instance, Sofyan Tan (陈金扬), the only ethnic Chinese mayoral candidatein the 2010 Medan mayoral election, became the target of attack from his rivalswho urged Muslim voters to support the incumbent mayoral candidate on theground that it was against the teachings of Islam to vote for a kafir (infidel).

Before the polling day of the second round of elections, many Chinese voterswere intimidated by rumours and mobile phone text messages that warned thatif Tan was elected, there would be anti­Chinese riots in the city. Voters werescared off and Tan lost.

Nonetheless, Tan later contested for a seat in the national parliament this yearrepresenting North Sumatra 1 (Medan, Deli Serdang, Serdang Bedagai andTebing Tinggi). He and nine other candidates were elected out of 119candidates but his votes were the highest among all of the electedparliamentarians.

Playing deputy to an indigenous candidate seems to provide no respite fromsmear. Christiandy Sanjaya (黄汉山) and Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (钟万学),two ethnic Chinese deputy gubernatorial candidates contesting gubernatorialelections in West Kalimantan in 2007 and Jakarta in 2012 respectively, alsoexperienced similar racist and religious attacks and backlash during and afterthe elections.

It is worth noting that in both West Kalimantan and Jakarta constituenciesseveral Chinese Indonesian national parliamentarians were elected in post­Suharto elections without encountering rampant smear campaigns from theiropponents. What explains the different experiences for ethnic Chinesecandidates at the national and local levels?

If we take a look at the locations where Chinese Indonesian candidates havebeen elected as national parliamentarians or regional or local governmentheads, we notice that most Chinese Indonesian national parliamentarians andall Chinese Indonesian regional or local government heads were elected inareas that had voted for Joko Widodo (Jokowi) in this year’s presidentialelection.

Conversely, in Medan where Sofyan Tan lost in the mayoral election four years

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ago, Jokowi was defeated by Prabowo who gained 52.16 per cent of total votesin the city. Can we therefore say that there’s a correlation between ethnicChinese failure at the local level (and to a lesser extent, at the national level)and pro­Prabowo electorates? Maybe not yet, but there does seem to becorrelation between pro­Jokowi electorates and successful Chinese electoralcandidates in national or local elections, as the table below suggests.

The reluctance of some indigenous Indonesians to accept a Chinese Indonesianregional or local government head is due to three factors.

Firstly, regional or local government heads have relatively greater powercompared to national legislators. In decentralised Indonesia, mayors andregents have more power to directly control local resources and to revenues bytaxing the local population.

By contrast, parliamentarians only have the power to propose and pass laws.There’s less at stake for the indigenous majority that continues to see ethnicChinese as an alien minority group and hence candidates are less likely to facesmear campaigns. In other words, it is relatively easier for a ChineseIndonesian to be elected as a legislator than as a regional or local governmenthead because they have less power to shape their local electorates.

In addition, local elections are about presenting a mirror to local society, hencethe rise of putra daerah (local boy) politics. Ethnic Chinese do not ethnicallyreflect local populaces and as a result, local communities don’t want to berepresented by them.

Finally, we might observe that the success of Islamic parties in electoralpolitics has waned, challenged by internal competition and ideologicaldifference. Exhortations to vote for a Muslim (against a presumably Christian,ethnic Chinese candidate) reflect the growing anxiety of some Islamic partiesabout their relevance and electoral competitiveness.

Things are generally getting better for Chinese Indonesian electoral candidates.It is encouraging to see 15 Chinese Indonesians elected into nationalparliament this year. They account for 2.68 per cent of the total 560 nationalparliamentarians across the country, which is much higher than the percentageof Chinese Indonesians in the total population of Indonesia (1.20 per centaccording to the latest census in 2010).

We can be optimistic about the future of Chinese Indonesians in Indonesianpolitics.

Chong Wu Ling has just completed her PhD in sociology from the NationalUniversity of Singapore. Her research explores the role of ethnic ChineseIndonesians in shaping the democratisation process as well as their position inpost­Suharto Indonesia across business, politics and civil society.

Email Chong Wu Ling for a copy of her data on Chinese Indonesiancandidates.

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