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    UNIVERSITYOF FLORIDALIBRARIES

    COLLEGE LIBRARY

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    Digitized by the Internet Archivein 2011 with funding fromLYRASIS IVIembers and Sloan Foundation

    http://www.archive.org/details/historyofancientOObrad

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    A HISTORY OF ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY

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    EAAr^vev aocf>iav ^rjTOvaivTlie Greeks look for wisdom,

    fl Cor. 1: 22'

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    A HISTORY OFAncient Philosophy

    IGNATIUS BRADY, o.f.m.

    THE BRUCE PUBLISHING COMPANYMILWAUKEE

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    NIHIL obstat:Fr. Lambertus Brockmann, O.F.M.Censor deputatus

    iMPRiMi potest:Fr. Vincentius Kroger, O.F.M.Minister provincfaJis

    NIHIL obstat:Joannes A. Schulien, S.T.D.Censor Librorum

    imprimatur:| Gulielmus E. CousinsArchfepiscopus MiJwauchiensisDie 25 Februarii, 1959

    1959 The Bruce Publishing Companymade in the united states of america

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    I

    Magistris Meis111. D. Stephano Gilson

    adhuc Dei gratia gloriose docentiac

    R. P. fr. Philotheo Boehner, O.F.M.iam Sorori morti obedienti

    in gratiarum actione

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    Foreword

    This is the first of a three-volume historyof philosophy projected by the Francis-can Institute. It is to be followed by asecond volume on Christian philosophyin the Fathers and Scholastics and by athird on modern and contemporary phi-losophy. Such a survey, it is hoped, willhelp the undergraduate student grow inphilosophical thought.As the first of such a series, this book

    contains a general introduction on thewhat, why, and how of the history ofphilosophy, with a brief glance at thewhole course of such history. Its contentis almost exclusively devoted to theGreek tradition, including the directheirs thereof in the Oriental Scholasti-cism of the Arabians and Jews, and leavesfor the second volume the history ofphilosophy as affected by Christian reve-lation. If this is a departure from theusual order of treatment, it seems fullyjustified.

    Since the book is intended for under-graduates, it makes no attempt at anexhaustive study of all the philosophersof antiquity. Rather, the heart of theirthought has been sought, with an effortto emphasize the organic development ofphilosophy. The text is not burdened

    with lengthy bibliographies; some sourcebooks are of necessity cited, when pos-sible in more recent editions and Englishtranslations (though the author has pre-ferred to attempt his own translations inquotations from individual philosophers )It presupposes, however, some knowledgeof the techniques or auxiliaries of phi-losophy and history, such as those setforth by Louis de Raeymaeker in hisIntroduction to Philosophy.

    Lastly, because the history of phi-losophy is here viewed primarily as thehistory of metaphysics and its immedi-ately subaltern disciplines, the authorreadily grants the possible complaint ofstudents that this is not an easy book.He hopes instead, however, that it offersthem a genuine challenge, to grow inphilosophical method and thought. Adecade and a half of teaching has con-vinced him that the material is not be-yond the earnest student who with theGreeks seeks something of the wisdomthat human reason can attain.Collegio S. BonaventuraQuaracchi-FirenzeFebruary 12, 1958

    vu

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    ^

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    Contents

    Foreword viiGeneral Introduction 1

    PART I: ANCIENT PHILOSOPHYSECTION I: ANCIENT ORIENTAL PHILOSOPHY . . 12

    I; Philosophies of the Ancient Mideast . . .13 1. The Hebrews. 2. The Mesopotamians. 3. TheEgyptians.

    II: Philosophies of the Ancient Far East . . .18 1. The Chinese. 2. Indian (Hindu) Philosophy. 3.Buddhism, 4. Persian Philosophy.

    SECTION U: GREEK PHILOSOPHY 26General Introduction 26The Fiist Penod: The Pre-Socratic Schools . . .30

    III: The lonians: Wisdom as the Truth About Nature . 33 1. Thales. 2. Anaximander. 3. Anaximenes.

    IV: The Pythagoreans 37 1. Historical Background. 2. The Pythagoreans andNature.

    ix

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    CONTENTSV: Wisdom as the Vision of Being .... 41

    1. Xenophanes the Poet. ^ 2. Heraclitus the Obscure./ 3. Parmenides the Great. 4. Followers of Parmenides.

    VI: Wisdom as a Rational Science of Things . . 551. Empedocles. 2. Anaxagoras. 3. Diogenes. 4.The School of Abdera.

    The Second Period: The Golden Age .... 68VU: The Days of Socrates 69

    1. The Sophists. 2. Individual Sophists. 3. Socrates. 4. The Minor Socratic Schools.Vni: Plato and the Academy ...... 80

    1. The Two Worlds. 2. The World of the Cave. 3.The Liberation. 4. The World of the Good. 5. TheReturn to the Cave.

    IX: Aristotle and the Peripatos 108 1. Philosophy and Life. 2. The Disciple of Plato. 3.The Science of Being. 4. The World of Man.

    The Third Period: Post-Aristotelian Philosophy . .139X: Epicureanism . 141XI; Stoicism 147

    1. History of the Older Stoa. 2, The Philosophy of theStoa.

    XII: Other Phases of Late Greek Thought . . .1551. The Skeptics. 2. The Eclectics.

    SECTION III: HELLENISTIC PHILOSOPHY . . .158XIII: Roman Philosophy 159

    1. Tlie Middle Stoa. 2. Early Roman Philosophers. 3.The Roman Stoa. 4. The Formation of Latin ClassicalCulture.

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    CONTENTS XIXIV: Jewish Philosophy 169

    1, Cultural and Historical Background. 2. The Philosophyof Philo.

    XV: Greco-Oriental Philosophy 177 1. Cultural Movements. 2. Plotinus. 3. NeoplatonicSchools.

    General Conclusion to Greek Philosophy . . . .189

    PART II: ORIENTAL SCHOLASTICISMSECTION I: ARABIAN PHILOSOPHERS .... 193

    XVI: The Transition 193 1. Aristotelianism in the East. 2. Early MuslimSpeculation.

    XVII: The Eastern Falasifa 197 1. The Early Philosophers. 2. Avicenna. 3. Al-Ghazzali.XVIII: The Falasifa of Spain 210

    1. Early Trends. 2. Averroes: Ibn Rushd.

    SECTION II: THE JEWISH PHILOSOPHERS . . .218XIX; Early Philosophers 219

    1. The New Movement. 2. Ibn Gebirol.XX; Moses Maimonides 222

    A Bibliography of Source Materials and Readings . . 227Index of Philosophers 239Index of Historians 245Doctrinal Index 251

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    A HISTORY OF ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY

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    General Introduction

    Histoiia, testis tempoium, lux veiitatis,magistra vitae Thus Cicero salutes his-tory, the witness of past times, the hghtof truth, the teacher of hfe.^ In historywe see man in action: we learn hisfoibles, his struggles, his ideals, his suc-cesses, and his failures. History shouldthus teach us human nature, how it acts,why it acts, what man must do to reachthe truth, what he must avoid, whatmakes for human happiness or humanmisery. Without history we remain intel-lectual children, with opinions but noideas.

    The importance, therefore, of the his-tory of philosophy becomes evident; it isalmost as important as the study of phi-losophy itself. It reveals to us the strug-gles men have endured in the conquestof truth as known by reason. It is thusan important factor in shaping one'sintellectual and philosophical knowledgeand general culture. As philosophers,therefore, seeking to know things by theircauses, let us examine the meaning ofthe history of philosophy in terms of itscauses.

    i. The WHY of the History of PhilosophyAs truth, philosophy has no history in

    itself, for truth is eternal and unchange-able. But it does have a history becausephilosophy exists in the minds of menwho are influenced by one another, bycrosscurrents of thought, the mental out-look or Weltanschauung of their age.And man is a philosopher because he isa rational animal.The Existence of Philosophy. Perhapsthe best way to begin the study of our

    subject is to adopt the approach usedby the first historian of philosophy, Aris-totle, the first book of whose Meta-physics is in a way the original historyof philosophy. WTiy, asks Aristotle, isthere such a discipline as philosophy?There is in man as a rational being.1 De oratore, II, ix, 36: Histoiia vero testis

    tempoium, lux veiitatis, vita memoriae, magis-tra vitae, nuntia vetustatis.

    he tells us in answer, a natural desirefor knowledge: all men by nature desireto know. - The need for knowledge is alaw of our mind: as hunger and thirstare natural appetites which lead men toseek bodily nourishment, so in a noblerway there is a natural appetite whichstimulates our intellect to seek knowl-edge and to come to the truth. Thereare, however, ascending degrees of knowl-edge, in proportion to our penetration ofthe subject. First of all, there is commonempirical knowledge or experience: apractical knowledge based on or drawnfrom a series of phenomenal experiences,

    2 Metaphysics, I, 1, 980a23ff. (This methodof citation has reference to the pages of the I.Bekker edition, Berhn, 1831 flF. For a handyEnglish edition of the important texts, cf. R.McKeon, The Basic Works of Aristotle [NewYork, 1941].)

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    HISTORY OF ANCIENT PHILOSOPHYa spontaneous, prescientific form of hu-man thinking, the aggregate knowledgeof a man who has not received anyspecific intellectual formation.^ Higherthan experience is art, technique, know-how. This is practical knowledge also,but involves, in addition to experience,some insight into the nature and purposeof things. Men of experience know thata thing is so, but they do not know why;on the other hand, the others, those pos-sessed of art, know the why and thecause. Thus we deem the master-workersin each trade as more honorable and asknowing in a truer sense and as wiserthan the manual laborers, for they knowthe causes of things that are done. ^To know, therefore, through causes is

    a higher type of knowledge than thatgained simply through experience. ButAristotle goes further, distinguishingmore noble types of knowledge gainedthrough art. Some arts, as Aristotle notes,are directed to the necessities of life, toaction, whereas others are directed toleisure and contemplation.^ Of these twotypes of art the latter is the more noble.The contemplative type of life is themost noble for man.^Among the arts that lead to theoreticalor contemplative knowledge, one issuesin knowledge based upon interior andproximate causes. This Aristotle callsscience or epfsteme. The other reachesknowledge of things through their firstcauses, and this is wisdom. Philosophy,then, is the pursuit of knowledge accord-ing to ultimate natural causes; and hewho so seeks to know things is the truly

    3 Meta., I, 1, 980b25 ff.*Ibid., 981a27ff.''Ibid., 981bl3ff. Cf. Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics, X, 7-

    8, 1177al2ff.

    wise man. The desire to know, arisingout of wonder, as both Plato and Aris-totle point out, has thus led some mento penetrate deeply into things andgrasp their highest causes; they are thephilosophers.^Why the History of Philosophy? Theanswer to this question is already con-tained in the foregoing. Men desire toknow; this thirst for knowledge leads tophilosophy. Since philosophy thus existsin the minds of men and is subject toall the woes of human nature, it has ahistory. Precisely because men accept orreject it, despise or love it, use or abuseit, philosophy has a history. The way thatphilosophy achieves its rights or fails tobe acknowledged through the centuriesis the matter for the histor}' of philoso-phy.^ Human reason varies with indi-viduals; our minds are influenced by cir-cumstances of birth or fortune and themental horizon of our age; political, so-cial, economic conditions are not withouttheir effects on the intellectual interestsof an era.

    7Cf. Plato, Theaetetus, 155. (The Dialoguesare usually cited according to the pages of theH. Stephanus edition, Paris, 1578. For an Eng-lish edition, not always exact, cf. the translationof B. Jowett, The Dialogues of Plato, 2 vols.[New York, 1937].) See also Aristotle, Meta-physics, I, 2, 982bllff.s An apt illustration of this is the vision ofphilosophy had by Boethius (470-525) anddescribed in his Consolation of Philosophy(Book I, prosa I; Patrologia La tina [PL] 63,cols. 587-590). Philosophy comes to him inprison as a woman of gra\e countenance, withglistening clear eye, old yet of unabated \igor.in ancient jet beautiful garments, in her righthand books and in her left a scepter. She tellsBoethius of the fortunes she has enduredthrough the centuries as some despised her andothers loved and followed her (prosa III. cols.603-610). The poet-philosopher has here caughta glimpse of the organic unity of the histon.- ofphilosophy (infra).

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    GENERAL INTRODUCTION2. The WHAT oi the History of Philosophy

    What the History of Philosophy IsNot. Philosophy transcends the individ-ual philosopher, so that the history ofphilosophy is by no means reduced tothe biographies of various philosophers.This is not to deny that the milieu, life,and training of a particular philosopherare often of great value in understandinghis contribution to philosophy; therefore,such auxiliary knowledge must also beconsidered to some degree. The samemust be said of other aids, such as theliterary history of philosophical writingsor the work of editing correct texts orof rejecting unauthentic works, lest wecredit an author with something he didnot say. These are important tools forthe historian, but they do not make upthe essence of his work. Lastly, the his-

    of philosophy is not the history of aphilosophy. Undoubtedly, we shall haveoccasion to enter into the history of aparticular school of philosophy and itsinfluence down the centuries. Thus wemay study the meaning of Platonism andthe fate it experienced in the centuriesthat followed, or again, the Peripateticphilosophy of Aristotle, and its develop-ment by St. Thomas (1221-1274); wemay study the Franciscan school of St.Bonaventure (1217-1274) and Duns Sco-

    ;tus (1265-1308). Yet none of thesemakes up the history of philosophy,though they are all included.What the History of Philosophy Is.Here we can essay a definition of oursubject: the history of philosophy is therecord of mankind's pursuit of naturalwisdom, of the highest naturally know-able truths, and the good or bad fortuneattendant thereon. It is that branch of

    learning which shows the vital and or-ganic development of philosophicalthought in the past. The latter descrip-tion stresses the vital and organic unityof the historical development of philoso-phy, as we shall explain presently.There is a problem intrinsically con-

    nected with this study, the problem ofthe right approach, the right method ofhandling the matter of history; and onits solution depends the real meaningof the history of philosophy for us. Ac-tually, it is a problem involved in allhistorical study: the actual events of his-tory provide the matter, the historian im-parts the form. Of these two, the matterand the form of history, the latter pre-sents the problem: How are we to deal,in writing or in teaching, with the factsof history? Specifically, in the history ofphilosophy, what is the basis of the his-torian's interpretation of the story? Forthe particular history of philosophy setdown by an individual historian is goingto be conditioned by his own approach,ultimately by his own philosophy.Some historians are content to be fact-

    finders, working on the lowest level ofhistorical abstraction, in the fundamentalwork of ferreting out the facts frommasses of original source materials. Theirwork is of utmost importance, indeed.Others may be called synthesizers, elabo-rating the facts into a general synthesisin the form of a textbook or a largerhistorical work, such as J. B. Bury's His-tory of Greece or Msgr. Philip Hughes'History of the Church. Such books deallargely with facts, what took place andhow it happened. Beyond such work liesthe search for historical causes, for a

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    HISTORY OF ANCIENT PHILOSOPHYdeeper analysis of history. And this searchfor the why of history in general is thework of the philosopher and /or the theo-logian of history.The philosopher of history, in the

    strict sense, is one who seeks to explainhistory through reason and reason alone.Voltaire (1694-1778) was the first touse the term and to attempt a purelynatural philosophy of history. His workwas antireligious in principle, since itattacked Bossuet's theology of history andtried to destroy the notion of a provi-dential design in history. Other philoso-phers of history of modern times aremore positive; of these, Hegel and Marxform two extremes. Georg WilhelmFriedrich Hegel (1770-1831), an idealistand a monist, considers history as theunfolding of the one reality, the Geist,the march of the Spirit through theworld according to set patterns or aprioriprinciples. Karl Marx (1818-1883), onthe other hand, holds to dialectical his-torical materialism as his philosophy ofhistory. On his own admission, he turned

    Hegel upside down: the ideal is nothingelse, he says, than the material worldreflected by the human mind, and allhistory is to be explained in terms ofeconomic conditions; the nature of so-ciety and its ideology in any given ageis the direct result of the current mode ofproduction.^The theologian of history does not

    abandon the use of reason, but supple-ments it by the help of revelation ininterpreting the ultimate causes of his-tory; the theology of God's providence,the nature and destiny of man, the mean-ing of the world, all help him to see thefinger of God in history. Classic examplesof the theology of history are the Cityoi God and other works of St. Augustine(354-430), the History against the Pa-gans of Orosius (c. 418), Bossuet's Dis-cours sur Vhistoire univeisdle (1627-1704). In our own day, ChristopherDawson may be rightly considered ascombining philosophy and theolog}^ inhis interpretation of world events.^

    3. The HOW of the History of PhilosophyIn keeping with the foregoing problem,

    our approach will be that of a synthesisgoverned by a Christian philosophy of

    9 Cf. K. Lowith, Meaning in HistoTy (Chi-cago, 1949), for the historical survey only; J.Danidlou, Marxist History and Sacred History,Review of Politics, XIII (1951), 503-515.

    10 Cf. J. Mulloy (ed.). The Dynamics ofWorld History: Selections from the Writings ofChristopher Dawson (New York, 1957); cf.Geo. B. Flahiff, A Catholic Looks at History,Cathohc Historical Review, XXVII (1941), 1-15; H. I. Marrou, L'ambivaJence du temps deI'histoire chez saint Augustin (Montreal, 1950);P. Guilday (ed.). The Catholic Philosophy ofHistory (New York, 1936); J. Danidou, TheChristian Philosophy of History. The Concep-tion of History in the Christian Tradition,Journal of Religion, XXX (1950), 171-179.

    history, in the endeavor to give an over-all picture of the story of ancient phi-losophy. In this we shall rely as much aspossible on the texts of the philosophersthemselves, to let them present theirown thoughts and doctrines. In addition,we shall seek to show how \'arious sys-tems are related and to point out thegeneral organic unity of histo^^; and forthis it will be necessar}^ to make somestudy of the underlving causes. Some ofthe principles that shall guide us in ourstudy are set forth in the followingparagraphs.An Organic Concept of History. Tlie I

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    GENERAL INTRODUCTIONmedievals, under the guidance of St,Augustine, considered the human raceunder the aspect of one person (as theJews had done in calHng their nationIsrael); therefore, they looked on historyas resembling the life of a single manand as possessed of a constant organicunity. As a human life does not consistof isolated events unconnected with oneanother, so history is not somethingstatic, but is living and dynamic, organic.It has a sequence and an interplay ofevents, all moving along and influencingone another, with the hand of God be-hind the scenes. Thus, in the formationof our Western civilization the variousforces at work are by no means unrelated:the old Roman Empire, the so-calledbarbaric invasions, the Byzantine Em-pire, the Church and the Papacy, thenew Carolingian dynasty, the threat ofMohammedanism. All are important, allmutually influential; all bring about themaking of Europe.^^

    In like manner, the history of philoso-phy is not a mere congeries of opinions,an unrelated narration of isolated bits ofthought that have no connection with

    11 St. Augustine: Sic proportione universumgenus humanum, cuius tanquam unius hominisvita est ab Adam usque ad finem huius saeculi,ita sub divinae providentiae legibus administra-tur, ut in duo genera distributum appareat [thetwo Cities: of God and of the world] (Devera religione, XXVII, n. 50; PL 34, 144).So also he compared the history of the worldto a poem or song (or what we would call asymphony) with God as the moderator {Epist.,138, I, 5; PL 33, 527). In this he is followedby St. Bonaventure: Sic igitur totus iste mun-dus ordinatissimo decursu a Scriptura desciibi-tur procedere a principio usque ad finem, admodum cuiusdam puJcherrimi carminis ordinati(Breviloquium, Prol., 2, n. 4; Opera omnia[Ad Claras Aquas, 1882-1902], torn. V, p. 204).

    12 Christopher Dawson, The Making ofEurope (New York, 1953), well illustrates theinterplay of these elements.

    one another. We must, therefore, en-deavor to show the relationship of phi-losophers and schools of philosophy toone another. This implies that we muststudy a philosophy not only in itself butin its historical setting. We must tryto see how it is related to the past andhow it has influence on the future. Thus,we cannot understand Socrates unless weknow the Sophist movement, Aristotleunless we know Plato and the pre-Socratics, the thirteenth-century Scholas-tics unless we see their antecedents inthe twelfth century and the influx of newphilosophical literature, the so-calledRenaissance unless we know the wholehistory of classical culture back to thedays of the Greeks.The Intellectual Nature of Man. We

    must not, however, so emphasize the his-torical background of individual philoso-phers that we lose sight of man's essentialliberty. We must not be like Hegel, whosaw such a continual progress in the his-tory of philosophy, such a succession ofphilosophical systems, that he positeda necessary connection and sequence be-tween them. They represented for himthe necessary states of the development ofphilosophy, just as Karl Marx was laterto hold to the necessary sequence of thestages of human society,^^That a philosopher is influenced by

    his predecessors and contemporaries isundoubtedly true. He is also under theinfluence of his own temperament, back-ground, and education. But it does notfollow that he is determined to chooseany particular starting point, or that hemust react in a particular way to someparticular preceding philosophy.

    13 Cf. E. Gilson, Franz Brentano, Mediae-val Studies, I (1938), 1-10, for an illustrationof Hegelian methods.

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    GENERAL INTRODUCTIONNeoplatonists for his own doctrine:Whatever those called philosophers, andespecially the Platonists, may have saidtrue and conformable to our faith, is notonly not to be dreaded, but is to beclaimed from them, as unlawful pos-sessors, to our own use. ^We thus realize the immense helpafforded us by the study of the historyof philosophy. On the one hand, philo-sophical truth becomes more intelligible,because we see the way that knowledgeof it has been acquired. On the otherhand, philosophical error, when seen in its

    historical context, becomes more under-standable than when presented summarilyin a text of systematic philosophy. Ourown philosophical formation takes shapeas we make serious progress in the studyof the philosophers of the past. I giveyou samples of one philosophy after an-other [Socrates says to Theaetetus] thatyou may taste them; and I have the hopethat in the end you may come to knowyour own mind. ^ We grow in theknowledge, love, and appreciation oftruth; and finite truth will lead us touncreated, eternal Truth, God Himself

    4. The Contents oi the History of PhilosophyIt has well been said that man is a

    metaphysical animal, who by his verynature is impelled to seek the highestand deepest causes of things. The historyof philosophy might almost be identified,then, with the history of the human race.In the proper sense, however, it beganwhen the Greeks became conscious ofthe autonomous character of philosophyas distinct from religious knowledge orbelief. It has continued to our day in anirregular and somewhat sporadic develop-ment which it is usual to divide intothree large periods: ancient, medieval,and modern.Ancient Philosophy. Men possessed

    philosophical concepts before the Greeks,but they were not seen in their true char-acter since they were hardly distinguish-able from popular religion. To illustratethis, we begin our study of ancient phi-losophy with a brief survey of philo-sophic-religious notions of antiquity, asexemplified in the peoples of the Near

    and Far East. Against such a background(found also in early Greece), we canmore easily appreciate the efforts of thefirst Greek philosophers to explain theworld on a rational basis. It was onlyafter a long struggle to rid their mindsof the mythical outlook of the poetsthat they were able to make human ex-perience the starting point of a new andautonomous approach to reality.

    In what is called the pre-Socraticperiod, men began to philosophize pri-marily about the basic causes and prin-ciples of the physical world. They are,as a result, called the Physikoi, since thewisdom they sought was largely of theexternal, material world. Then came theSophists, who professed a wisdom ofwords, teaching men how to speak wellon all questions. Their merit lay not onlyin the education they gave Greece, butalso in the reaction they provoked inSocrates. In contrast to their ideal, hesought to think well, thus turning to a

    19 De doctrina Christiana, II, xl, 60; PL 34, 63. 20 Theaetetus, 157.

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    8 HISTORY OF ANCIENT PHILOSOPHYwisdom of the inner man. Many followedhim, but only Plato and Aristotle meritthe title of true Socratics.

    Plato's wisdom was to be deeper andbroader than all his predecessors, whomhe sought to reconcile through his doc-trine of the Ideas and to surpass throughhis ideals of the place and role of phi-losophy in human life. While Aristotle,his pupil, found much to criticize in hismaster, he too held fast to a deep wisdomof the whole man within the society ofthe city-state.

    Post-Aristotelfan philosophy kept pacewith the broader view of the world in-duced by the conquests of Alexander theGreat. As the Stoics pursued an ethicalwisdom that emphasized the unity of allmankind, the Epicureans seemed to wishto flee both city and world and concen-trate on the individual. Then, as Hel-lenic culture spread East and West, phi-losophy journeyed with it, to influenceand be influenced by the people amongwhom it found a new home. Such Hel-lenistic syntheses are exemplified inRoman philosophy, which was largelyeclectic, practical, and moral in content;in the Jewish philosophy of Philo, inwhich religion rather than reason heldthe primacy as the guide of life; and inthe mystical movements that blendedWest and East into Greco-Oriental phi-losophy, particularly in the Neophtonismof Plotinus, in whom Plato lives again ina new and original synthesis.To pursue these cultural trends totheir full development, we depart fromthe traditional arrangement of historiesof philosophy, to consider at this pointOriental Scholasticism among the Ara-bians of the East and of Spain andamong the Jews of the early middle

    ages.^^ Such falasifa were the heirs, di-rectly and through the Christian schoolsof Syria, of the treasures of Greece.Yet the Aristotle they knew was tingedwith a certain Neoplatonic interpreta-tion, which makes for interesting de-velopments in such men as Al-Kindi,Al-Farabi, Avicenna, and Averroes. Jew-ish philosophy, inspired by contact withMoslem thought, finds its chief expres-sion in Ibn Gebirol's metaphysics ofthe world, and the Guide which MosesMaimonides wrote for those perplexedon the relation of faith and reason.

    Christian Philosophy. Both East andWest witness an entirely new trend ofphilosophical thought with the comingof the Gospel. Christian (and Jewish)revelation is indeed not a philosophy,nor can it be a foundation for philosophy,since it is accepted by faith and not byreason. Nevertheless, philosophy and itshistory must reckon with Christianity asa historical fact which in definite waysinfluenced the thought of philosopherswho were also believing Christians.

    This influence is e\'idenced first inPatristic philosophy: while some of theFathers of the Church opposed phi-losophy as profane and e\'en as evil, themajority felt they were better Christiansbecause of their use of philosophy andbetter philosophers because they wereChristians, Examples of this attitude arefound among the Greek Fathers: Clem-ent of Alexandria, who defined and de-fended the role philosophy could playin the life of a Christian; Origen, whomade use of Platonism to achieve a philo-

    -1 To avoid certain difficulties in the teachingof the history of philosophy, a certain amountof this section will be repeated in summaiyfashion in our treatment of medieval philosophyin Volume Two of this series.

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    GENERAL INTRODUCTIONsophical penetration of the faith (thoughthis led him to some hazardous posi-tions); while in the three Cappadociansthree phases of Christian philosophy weredeveloped: Gregory of Nazianz probedour natural knowledge of God; Basil, theproblems of cosmology (and the Ghris-tian use of the classics); Gregory ofNyssa, the view of man to be taken bya Christian philosopher. Platonism mani-fested itself in Nemesius, and Neoplaton-ism in pseudo-Dionysius.

    In the West, Augustine and Boethiusmerit detailed study. The former is theTeacher of the West, whose mottowas: Understand, that you may believe;believe, that you may have understand-ing. ^^ The Christian does not despisephilosophy and rational knowledge, butputs them to use in understanding Chris-tian doctrine even as what he believeshelps him grasp more clearly what reasonitself can attain. Through Boethius, onthe other hand, the West came to knowsome of the logical works of Aristotleand the bare elements of metaphysics.The use of the dialectical method of

    Aristotle in theology and canon law aswell as in philosophical problems gradu-ally gave rise to the movement knownas Scholasticism. In the early period, afterthe rebirth of learning under Charle-magne, we meet Scotus Eiiugena, whoused the Platonism of the Greek Fathersto write a daring treatise on nature; theextreme dialecticians of the eleventh andtwelfth centuries, such as Abelard; thefirst great Augustinian of Scholasticism,St. Anselm; and in the twelfth century,the scientific studies of the School ofChartres, and the spiritual renaissance of

    22 Sermon 43.

    St. Bernard and of the Victorine Schoolof Paris.

    After 1150, the West was enrichedby a whole series of translations whichbrought the complete Aristotle to theScholastics. Planted in the intellectualmilieu of the newly founded universities,this seed burgeoned into the Golden Ageof Scholasticism of the thirteenth andfourteenth centuries. The new mendicantorders produced such teachers as Alexan-der of Hales, John of La Rochelle, Bona-venture. Duns Scotus, and Ockham,among the Franciscans; St. Albert theGreat and St. Thomas Aquinas amongthe Dominicans. At the same time, aradical and almost uncritical adherenceto the letter of Aristotle produced a gravecrisis in the arts faculty at Paris, whilethe condemnations it provoked seem tohave changed the direction of Scholasti-cism. Eventually, this intellectual move-ment lost its vitality and failed to meetnew needs in philosophy, the sciencesand classical learning. It gave way beforethe Renaissance and the ravages of theReformation.Modern Philosophy. The philosophy

    of the great Scholastics had been rootedin that of Aristotle, and thus centeredon being and our knowledge of theexternal world. Without neglecting thenature of the thinking subject, it wasinclined to be almost completely objec-tive in its approach. Later, decliningScholasticism became bogged down inlogic, which to some extent provides apassage to modern philosophy, where at-tention is focused largely on the knowingsubject and not on the thing known.The Renaissance, which must be con-

    sidered here primarily as a reaction toScholasticism and a return to classical

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    10 HISTORY OF ANCIENT PHILOSOPHYculture, produced little philosophy. Itsaw a rebirth of Platonism through newtranslations and the abandonment of theformal methods of Scholasticism. TheReformation, on the other hand, deniedany value whatever for man's existence inthe pursuit of rational wisdom.The chasm between Scholasticism and

    modern philosophy, however, may betraced more directly to the Discourse onMethod of Rene Descartes. Endeavoringto offset the skepticism of Michel deMontaigne, Descartes evolved a new ap-proach, which placed the mind (or ego)and not matter (the world) at the centerof thought, and so created the problemof passing from thought to existence.This central question pervades the wholeCartesian cycle, in Geulincx, Male-branche, Spinoza, Leibniz, all of whomin divers ways posit God as the solution;and the reaction to Descartes in theBritish philosophers, Locke, Berkeley, andHume. Begun in the skepticism ofMontaigne, the cycle came to full circlein the new skepticism of David Hume.The latter's denial of all metaphysics

    awoke a German philosopher from hisdogmatic slumber, and caused Im-manuel Kant to inquire more fully intothe nature of human understanding. Byanswering the question: How do Iknow? he hoped to restore traditionalmetaphysics. Instead, he came to holdthere was no transcendental knowledgeabove physics and mathematics; thingswhich metaphysics had once assured were

    now taken as assumed by practical reasonor moral sense. The consequences of hissystem of knowledge are evolved in theKantian cycle through the transcendentalideaUsm of Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel,and carry over into most philosophies ofthe nineteenth century.

    Thus, in the contemporary picture,Marxism appears as the offshoot ofHegel; the positivism of Comte, with itsapplications to sociology, education, etc.,is a reaction to idealism and more posi-tively the outgrowth of a new scientificspirit; but it in turn leads to a newphilosophical skepticism. Lastly, in theface of such movements, anti-intellectual-ism attempts to reach reality and re-establish metaphysics not by sense ex-perience, or pure reason, or the ego, butby some internal and more intimate way:in Henri Bergson, by the intuition ofthe mystics; in the various forms ofexistentialism, by some immediate self-awareness (Kierkegaard), or philosophicalfaith (Jaspers), love (Marcel), or endsin pure nihilism (Sartre).

    Apart from current dogmatic philoso-phies (in Communism and in NewScholasticism), all independent liberalphilosophies thus appear individualistic,man-centered, subjectivist, and even skep-tical. Yet philosophy need not, and willnot, end in tragedy There is hope forthe future, since the death of philosophyis regularly attended by its re\i\'al. Italways buries its undertakers

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    SECTION I: ANCIENT ORIENTAL PHILOSOPHYPhilosophy begins with the Greeks, asthey react to the mythical and anthro-pomorphic accounts of the gods and theorigin of the world. Only with the Greeksdid philosophy achieve self-consciousness,so to speak, of its nature as a rationalinvestigation of all things. The so-calledprimitive races either had no philosophyor failed to perceive its proper character.This is pre-eminently true of the Orien-tals, who had indeed basic philosophicalconcepts, but embodied them for themost part in their religious beliefs andmyths. Inasmuch as a knowledge of theculture of these people will help us toappreciate the autonomous and self-con-scious philosophy of the Greeks, they

    serve as an invaluable introduction toour history. Taken in themselves, how-ever, the beliefs of these ancient peoplebelong to the history of religion, evenmore properly to that study called com-parative religion.What we shall study in this openingsection, therefore, is philosophy, or pre-philosophy as it has been rightly called,in a religious atmosphere: first amongthe Hebrews, the races of Babylon, andthe Egyptians in the Mideast; second,among the peoples of the Far East, theChinese and Indian philosophies and thedoctrines of the Persians.*

    Cf. Bibliography, p. 227 ff

    .

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    CHAPTER i: Philosophies of the Ancient Mideast

    In this chapter we shall survey the philo-sophical concepts of the peoples who in-habited the ancient Mideast. Thus we

    shall consider the thought of the He-brews, the peoples of the Mesopotamianvalley, and the Egyptians.

    J. The HebrewsThe Hebrews do not belong to the his-

    tory of philosophy, but to that of religionand revelation, for they fulfilled a definitereligious purpose in the providence anddesign of God. They were a people setapart to preserve through supernaturalmeans the knowledge of the one true Godand mankind's relation to Him as Creatorand Lord. Thus possessed of the truth froma higher source, the Jews were scornfulof human wisdom and the achievements ofpure reason; it is not until after their returnfrom the Babylonian captivity (538 b.c.)that the inspired writers make appeal toreason to reinforce revelation. Because ofthe knowledge of the one true God broughtto them by Moses and the prophets, theHebrews stand in direct contrast to theirneighbors. Many of the peoples in adjacentlands reached a much higher stage of ma-terial and even intellectual civilization; yetalmost all of them practiced a gross formof polytheism and as gross a form of ex-ternal cult and morality.Although the Jews from the days of

    Abraham (c. 1800 b.c.) to the Babylo-nian exile (586 b.c.) had a rather fulldoctrine on God, the distinction of souland body, the worship of God, and amoral code, it is only with the returnfrom Babylon (538 b.c.) that the sacredbooks advance anything that resemblesphilosophy. The prophets were replacedby the sages of the sapiential books, who

    spoke in proverbs and made appeal totradition, conscience, and reason. Thusthe author of the Book oi Wisdom re-alizes that reason itself justifies belief inone God: For all men were by naturefoolish who were in ignorance of God,and who from the good things seen didnot succeed in knowing him who is, andfrom studying the works did not discernthe artisan (Wisd. 13:1).At the same time, the sages distin-guished in man the breath of life (ruah),

    the soul (nephesh), and the body (basar).The breath of life is a vital force whichGod gives to every living being, thedivine element without which man can-not live (cf. Eccles. 3:19-21). Thenephesh, on the other hand, is con-sidered primarily as the subject of thelower vital activities on the vegetativeand sensitive plane; but it was also usedto designate man as an individual. Thisis a distinction of two aspects of vitalactivity rather than one of two sub-stances: it emerges in the Greeks as thedistinction of spirit and soul, pneumaand psyche.

    Toward the end of this latter periodsome Jews came under the influence ofGreek philosophy and the culture of

    13

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    14 ANCIENT ORIENTAL PHILOSOPHYHellenism, as is evident from the Booksof the Maccabees. Whether the Sad-ducees, a political group among thepriests, were influenced by Greek phi-losophy is doubtful; their denial of theresurrection of the dead and the immor-tality of the soul stems rather from theirrefusal to accept new dogmatic teachingsapart from the Torah. The Essenes, onthe other hand, a sect dating from thesecond century B.C., show foreign in-fluence, most probably derived from therevival of Pythagoreanism. A kind of re-ligious order, they engaged in agricultureand lived according to practices that were

    definitely not Jewish in origin or tempera-ment, such as almost complete abstentionfrom marriage and animal sacrifice, vege-tarianism, the pursuit of mysticism andmystic states, and insistence on things ofthe spirit.

    Conclusion. Apart from a few of thesapiential books, perhaps Ecclesiastes, andmore surely Ecclesiastfcus and Wisdom,and the peculiarities of the Essenes, theJews show little influence of outside phi-losophies. In general, their doctrines reston divine revelation, with little appealto reason.

    2. The MesopotamiansThe Mesopotamians literally were the

    peoples between the rivers, the Tigris andthe Euphrates, inhabitants of a vast plaineast of Syria and northeast of Arabia, al-most coextensive with modern Iraq. Whenthe Semites invaded the region about 3000B.C., they found two cultures flourishing,Accadian in the north, Sumerian in thesouth, dating back another thousand years.Later, about 1720 b.c, the Semites underHammurabi became masters of the country,with their center at Babylon.

    It was formerly believed that the Sume-rians held to shamanism, a doctrine thatmade the gods, demons, and ancestralspirits responsive only to the incantationsand prayers of the shaman or priests. How-ever, more recent discoveries show that theSumerians were polytheists of a refinedsort.2 Each city had its patron god andgoddess conceived as the king and themother of the territory. The god of the

    1 For the prehistory of Babylon, cf. E. A.Speiser, Mesopotamian Origins (Philadelphia,1930). TTie original inhabitants, whom theauthor calls ancient Japhethites, were neitherSemitic nor Sumerian; ethnically, they furnishedthe foundations on which the invading raceswere to build (p. 171).

    2 Cf., for example, C. L. Woolley, TheSumerians (Oxford, 1928).

    city had his counterpart in the ruler, whowas his vicar and representati\'e, priest aswell as king. However, the Sumerian re-ligion was highly anthropomorphic, for thegods were endowed with all the faults ofmen; it was a cult of fear not of love, buta fear confined only to the present life, forthe gods seem to have had nothing to dowith a future life for man.About 1720 B.C. or earlier, Babylon

    rose to first rank among the cities, underthe leadership of Hammurabi, and Mar-duk became the chief god. To glorif\'him, a whole tale of cosmogony w-asconstructed from earlier legends. TheSeven Tablets of Creation give a lengthypoem on the Babylonian epic of creation.^In the beginning there existed only Apsu,

    3Cf. G. Ring, Gods of the Gentiles (Mil-waukee, 1938), p. 27 ff.; for text, see M. Jastrow.The Civilization of Babylonia and Ass>Tia (Phila-delphia, 1915), pp. 427-443. There were otherforms of this myth, but this is most importantas establishing Marduk's right to be chief godin the pantheon of Babylon. See also R6n6Follet, Les aspects du divin et des dieux dansla M^sopotamie antique. Recheiches de scienceleligieuse, XXXMII (1952), 189-208.

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    PHILOSOPHIES OF THE ANCIENT MIDEAST 15the ocean of fresh water (male), andTiamat, ocean of salt water (female);these mixed their waters to result in thechaos, out of which came the gods. Thelatter, however, make so much noise andtrouble that Apsu decides to destroythem. Apsu and Mummu, his messenger,are conquered by Ea, the god of thedeep, while Tiamat remains at large.Marduk, one of the gods, undertakes todo battle with Tiamat, who personifiesevil, on condition that he become chiefgod. He slays her, cuts her body in two,and uses one half to cover the heavens,in which he sets the stars, moon, planets,and sun . . . (the Tablets break off here).Marduk makes man because the gods de-mand worshipers, and is named Lord ofthe world.To a certain extent, since Marduk is

    overlord of the other gods, we may con-sider this belief a monarchical polytheismor even henotheism. From a philosophi-cal viewpoint, we note three conceptsinvolved in the account that are com-mon to many of the ancient myths : wateris taken as an original principle; chaosenters as a negative factor or principle inproduction; and the agent or efficient

    cause, the god, is regarded as a formator,not a creator; but no explanation is givenof the origin of the material cause.

    Finally, the Code oi Hammurabi,dated c. 1720 b.c, discovered in a.d. 1901,provides some notion of the morality ofthe Babylonians. It is not a religious setof laws, though there is little distinctionmade between the legal and the religiousaspects, since the laws are considered thedecisions of the gods; it is rather a codi-fication of immemorial Sumerian andSemitic civil and criminal law, ratherharsh and unbending, providing detailedpunishments for every manner of mis-deed.* Fear is thus the motive behindobservance, as it was the motif of Baby-lonian cult and worship. Although someprayers show a high respect for thedeities, most moral precepts and prayersreveal that these people worshiped theirgods to avoid divine anger, and kept fromsin to ward off illness and punishment.^

    In the Babylonians, therefore, we havea typical example of the Weltanschauungof the ancients: a mythological accountof the origin of the universe and a re-ligion based on equally primitive andmythical concepts.

    3. The EgyptiansFrom the beginning, the Egyptian was

    influenced by two unforgettable elementsthat entered his daily life, the sun andthe Nile. Nowhere in the world does thesun play the role it does in rainless Egypt,while the land, as Herodotus said,^ is the giftof the river. Add to this his further say-

    4 See M. Jastrow, op. cit., p. 283 ff.; G. Ring,op. cit., p. 54 ff.5 For text of prayers, cf. M. Jastrow, op. cit.,p. 464 ff.

    8 Herodotus, History of the Persian Wars,ii,5.

    ing'' that the Egyptians were the most re-ligious of men, and we can understand whyEgyptian religion centered on the sun-godand the river-god, Ra (Atum, Horus) andOsiris. The latter became the god of theother world as well as the god of fertility,because the Egyptians soon acquired a pas-sion for immortality.

    Little is known of the prehistoricEgyptians, in the days before the First

    7 Ibid., 37.

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    16 ANCIENT ORIENTAL PHILOSOPHYDynasty (c. 3500 b.c). Each tribe wasindependent, with its own gods, temples,and priests. Unity was achieved undereither Narmer or Menes (Mena), pos-sibly his son, and lasted through cen-turies until Alexander the Great. Politicalunity carried with it some semblance ofreligious unity, a syncretism of the tribalreligions that resulted in a religion ofnature. Not that the Egyptian was amaterialist sunworshiper, rather, he tookmaterial things as symbols or images ofthe deities that he served. For our his-tory, the beliefs of the Egyptians relativeto the origin of the world and the endof man are of some importance.Cosmogony. There were four great

    systems of cosmogony, taught in as manycults or temples: Heliopolis, Memphis,Hermopolis, and Thebes.^ Of these, themost important was that of Heliopolis,not far from modern Cairo; the mostsublime, perhaps, was that of Thebes.According to the cosmogony of Heliop-olis, ocean and darkness alone existedin the beginning, the primeval watersand a chaos called Nu or Nun. In thisdwelt Atum, who was to be the organizerof the chaos. He appears as the sun-god,Ra; on the horizon at dawn as Ra-Khopri;again as Ra Scarab ( the scarab beetle wasthe symbol of new birth). From himcome the other gods of the sky, fire,earth eight in all. These, with Ra, be-came the national gods worshiped inmost temples. At Memphis, the chiefgod was Ptah, represented in humanform, standing upright, in mummyclothes, with only the hands emerging:this was a symbol of his work as creator

    of gods and men, organizer of the uni-verse; in himself he remains hidden andinvisible.The Egyptians thus appear polytheists

    for the most part, but not idolaters oranimal worshipers. Perhaps many of thecommon people made little distinctionbetween the symbols (sun, scarab, etc.)and the gods; to their credit, however,they were in general deeply religious. Inthe cult of Amen-Ra at Thebes, popularduring the eighteenth dynasty of thePharaohs (c. 1580-1322 B.C.), there issome hint of monotheism.^Man and his destiny are made todepend on Osiris rather than on thesun-god. Osiris, son of Atum-Ra, wasslain by his brother Set and completelydismembered. Isis, his wife, gathers andburies his remains; whereupon Osiris be-gins to live once more, in the otherworld, as king and judge of the dead.This implies that man, in some part atleast, survives the tomb.

    According to Eg}'ptian thinking, manwas made of many elements: the flesh(aifu), the double (ka), the shadow(haihit), the ghost (ku). The func-tions of these elements are vague, butstress was laid on the Ka, a kind of in-visible genius or shadow, bom with aman but also surviving him. The sur\'ival

    8 J. Baikie, A History of Egvpt (New York,1929), II, p. 359; G. Ring, Gods ot the Gentiles(Milwaukee, 1938), p. 113.

    9 Thus a hymn to Amen-Ra of Thebes prays:The august god, the Lord of all gods, Amen-Ra: The august soul which was in the begin-ning; The great God who lives of truth, thegod of the first cycle who begat the gods ofthe other cycles, and who made all the gods: Theunique One, who made all that exists when theearth began to be at the Creation. . . . SovereignLord of existence, all that exists is because Heis, and when it began to be, nothing existedexcept Him (quoted by A. Mallon, The Re-ligion of Ancient Eg>-pt [Studies in Con7pamti\eReligion, ed. E. Messenger, Vol. IX], p. 12).

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    PHILOSOPHIES OF THE ANCIENT MIDEAST 17and happiness of a man depended onthe preservation of the body and a dwell-ing place for the Ka. The latter lived inthe region of the dead (Tuat), but atpleasure returned to the tomb to enjoythe things provided for it therein.The Ka, or perhaps some other part

    of man, was considered as subject afterdeath to judgment, usually before Osirisand the forty-two judges. An ancient pic-ture represents the scene: Horus or dog-headed Anubis holds the scale: on oneside is a leaf, the symbol of righteousness,on the other the heart of the deceased.Before the scale stands the deceased, whois allowed to plead his own cause.^*'Justice is then rendered. The wicked weredevoured by the judges or by monsters,or reincarnated in unclean animals. Therighteous entered Amenti, the kingdomof the dead, which was considered a newand better Egypt, free from pain andsuflFering, but filled with the same occupa-

    10 Cf. W. C. Hayes, Daily Life in AncientEgypt, National Geographic, LXXX (1941),475; the whole article (pp. 419-515) is a popu-lar yet helpful study. Further details may begathered from W. Price, By Felucca Downthe Nile, National Geographic, LXXVII(1940), 435-476.

    tions and recreations as earth.^^ To offsetwork in the new kingdom, statuettes,which archaeologists call respondents,were placed in the tomb; these were tobe magically animated to do the workof the dead.

    Such was the religion of the ancientEgyptians and the philosophical conceptsit contained on the world and man. Oursurvey shows that they had some knowl-edge of God and of His attributes, butfailed to unite these attributes in onesingle Being. Later, around 700 B.C., agenuine decadence set in, when animalswere no longer regarded as symbols ofthe gods, but as divine beings them-selves. Serpents, crocodiles, birds, catswere treated as sacred objects, given di-vine honors, and embalmed at death,while men were considered subordinateand subject to them. After the conquestof Alexander the Great, Greek cultureand religion turned the northern Egyp-tians from such aberrations; and by theadvent of Christianity, northern Egyptianreligion was a hodgepodge of Greek andEgyptian elements.

    11 Cf. G. Ring, op. cit., pp. 129-130; and W.C. Hayes, art. cit., p. 420 (picture of Ka), p.471 (pictures of afterlife).

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    CHAPTER II : Philosophies of the Ancient Far East

    In this chapter we shall turn to a briefstudy of the chief philosophical conceptsin the ancient Far East, considering in

    turn Chinese thought, Indian philoso-phy, Buddhist speculation, and the ideasdominant in Persia.

    J. The ChineseAt the dawn of Chinese history, the

    people show a high degree of civilizationand culture and are monotheistic in theirreligion. Their books (Wu-ching) con-tain many references to a Superior Beingwhom the emperor and the people ven-erate above all minor gods and spirits.He is called Shang-Tien or Tien (theSublime Heaven) in reference to hisbeing, and Shang-Ti (the Sublime Sov-ereign) when considered as lawgiver,judge, and all-powerful ruler. However,only the emperor, the Son of Heaven,offered sacrifice to him as his sole repre-sentative on earth; and this only once ayear. Such a practice opened the way tolocal cults of a polydemonist nature onthe part of local rulers, and ancestorworship (improperly so called, for it wasrather the continuance of filial venerationand piety) on the part of the ordinarypeople. Primitive Chinese religion wasthus monotheistic with additional wor-ship of local spirits as inferior protectorsof particular places. From the so-calledancestor worship we may conclude thatthere was some belief in the immaterialityand immortality of the human soul orthe survival of some part of man.A decline in religion and morals set

    in under the Chow Dynasty (1122-255B.C.). It was characterized by polytheism,extreme anthropomorphism and supersti-tion, decay of the imperial power, andthe rise of feudal lords who took uponthemselves the worship of Shang-Ti andappeared to multiply the Supreme Being.About 535 B.C., the philosopher Izu-Chanojffered a new theory on the soul, whichreduced it to something material. Thesoul (kui) was considered as divided intothe inferior or vegetative soul (p'ai),which evolved from the body, and thesuperior soul (hun), formed at birth bybreathing. Both were said to survive thebody, with the p'ai capable of doingharm unless it were somehow extin-guished. This theory has been practicalh'admitted by the Chinese until our day.^

    Confucianism appears in the sixth cen-tury B.C. as a reaction to such conditionsand as a restoration of ancient ideals. Tliework of K'ung Fu-tzu (Great MasterK'ung; Confucius is the Latin form be-stowed by Jesuit missionaries in theseventeenth centur}'), is not a religion in

    iCf. J. Mullie, The Rehgion oi China{Studies in Comparative Rehgion, ed. E. Mes-senger, Vol. I\'), p. 4; G. Ring, Rehgions of theFar East (Milwaukee, 1950), p. 39.

    18

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    PHILOSOPHIES OF THE ANCIENT FAR EAST 19the Western sense and puts forth noclaim to be supernatural or theological.Confucius was not agnostic or atheistic;he simply took for granted the old re-ligion of the Chinese, the creed and cultof Tien, the survival of the soul, and didnot try to explain them. His doctrine isof the earth, the good earth; his is a re-turn to ancient wisdom based on the age-old traditions of the Chinese race. Itransmit and comment on the teachingsof the ancients; I do not invent anythingnew. I give my confidence to the ancientsand I love them much, says Confucius.^Hence he preached an ethical reform ofthe individual that would lead to thereformation of the family and eventuallyof the whole society. This implied a mildtotalitarianism, for the individual is sub-ordinated to the social organism, that is,to the family and the traditions of thepast. In practice, the ideal advocated isthe middle way, the way of practicalopportunism, an avoidance of extremes, awithholding of judgment, to do whateverseems best as new situations arise.

    Confucianism has had an untold in-fluence in shaping the character of Chinaand the Chinese. Its moral teaching andthe influence of its learning have sopermeated the social life of China thatthey have become second nature to theChinese people, molding every thoughtand feeling from within. To a great ex-tent this is due to the fact that the onlylearning in China, apart from importa-tions from the West and the Marxist in-doctrination of the present, has beenConfucian learning. In 213 b.c, the Em-peror Chin Shih Huangti, angered atintellectual opposition to his reforms,ordered the whole of ancient Chinese

    2 Lunyu, vii, 1

    .

    literature to be burned. Brave scholarshid a few books, chiefly the works ofConfucius. As a result, almost the wholeliterary tradition has been in the handsof the Confucian learned class.Taoism, a more metaphysical philoso-

    phy, has traditionally been considered thework of Lao-tse (or Lao Tzu), supposedauthor (c. 600 b.c.) of the Tao-Te-Ching(the book of the Principle and its Ac-tion). Authorities now say that there isgood evidence to show the work is laterthan that of Confucius and is not thewriting of a single author. In essence, thedoctrine is the revolt or reassertion of theindividual, a metaphysics of being withethical conclusions. Tao is the first prin-ciple, preceding and suppressing Shang-Ti. In itself, Tao or Ta Tao, the GreatTao, is unknowable, invisible, unchange-able, everlasting: it is Wu, nonbeing, orChien. From this proceeds Yu, being, orChuen, as knowable activity. Thencecomes the world, all beings of whichmust return after death to Wu and thereenter eternal rest, emptiness, nonacting.From such a metaphysics is derived anethics, the Way, that impersonal methodall men must observe if they are toattain goodness and success. Concretely,it implies that self should not intrude inour actions: we must not act with strain,eagerness, artificiality, for these things arefruitless. This detachment is called wuwu: it is a means of union with the non-self. And the calmness of action, wu wei,is the only road to Nihhan, completecessation of all activity, absorption intonothingness.Although Taoism helped shape the

    Chinese spirit, as a metaphysics it wasnever a public philosophy. But it alsobecame a religion, vitiated today by

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    20 ANCIENT ORIENTAL PHILOSOPHYsuperstition and humbug. PhilosophicalTaoism underwent some innovation ofdoctrine between the third and sixthcenturies A.D., under T'ao Hung-king(d. 536) and others. Under the SungDynasty, in the tenth century, it wasused by the emperors to prove theircelestial origin. Finally, Chu Hsi (1130-1200), a materialist Taoist, attempted todestroy the old Chinese belief in a super-natural deity and the survival of thespiritual soul. Despite his radical posi-tion, the doctrine was officially declared

    (1241) to be the old true Confuciandoctrine, and as such was required know^l-edge for Mandarin examinations until1905. It kept its hold on the letteredclass, and it was among them that Chris-tianity found its most bitter enemies.The average Chinese today (abstracting

    from the presence of Communism andperhaps hidden beneath an exterior ac-ceptance) is neither pure Confucianist,Taoist, or Buddhist, but usually a com-bination of all of them.

    2. Indian (Hindu) PhilosophyThe ancient scriptures of India are the

    Vedas, the oldest portions of which dateback to c. 2500-2000 b.c, according tosome estimates. Each of the four Vedascontains sacred texts or hymns (the Man-tras or Samhitas), ritual commentaries (theBrahmanas), and philosophical commen-taries (the Upanishads). Each division rep-resents, so to speak, corresponding stagesof Hindu thought.The Mantras reflect the teachings of theAryan tribes that settled in the Punjab morethan three thousand years ago, and showthe beginning of the caste system: threeof the books contain the religion of thehigher classes, the priests, and the warriors(the Rig-, Sama-, and Yagur-Veda), whilethe fourth (the Atharva-Veda ) embodiesthe animistic and magical beliefs of thecommon people. The gods are gods of na-ture and sacrifice, numerous, vague, an-thropomorphic; there is little or no philo-sophical content in the doctrines presented.

    The Brahmanas (800-700 b.c), trea-tises of a ritualistic and sacrificial charac-ter, contain the beginnings of philosophi-cal speculation. Tliey show a tendencyto speak of the many gods as formsof an all-god or all-power, the Abso-lute or Brahma, underlying the world

    of gods and men. Emphasizing ritual andsymbolism, the Brahmanas exalt thepriestly caste as possessing the Brahmanature, and thus strengthen the castesystem.The Upanishads (650-500 b.c.)^ de-

    velop what the Brahmanas began in anincreasing rationalism on the part of thepriests. They are elaborate attempts toformulate a speculative system of theuniverse and to solve the problems ofthe nature, origin, and destiny of man.The doctrine thus presented is essentiallya philosophy, a metaphysic, thoughclothed in the trappings of the sanctuaryand endowed with the sanctions andattributes of a religion. In one way oranother, the Upanishads are the chiefinspiration of subsequent Hindu phi-losophy to our owm day.From previous tradition, the Upani-

    shads adopt the notion of an Absolute or3 The Upanishads, translated by Swami

    Pradhadananda and F. Manchester (Boston,1950); Upanishads, Katha, Isa, Kena andIVfundaIca, translated from the Sanskrit by SwamiNikilananda (New York. 1949); idem, A SecondSelection (London, 1954).

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    PHILOSOPHIES OF THE ANCIENT FAR EAST 21First Principle, Brahman (the occult andsacred force of all), also called Atman(immanent yet transcendent principle oflife). Brahman constitutes in itself theintimate reality of everything that trulyexists: it involves an uncompromisingmonism. Brahma eva idam visvam:Brahman, indeed, is this world-all. *Multiplicity and individuality are thusonly appearance (Maya); everythingknown by the senses and even by con-cepts is illusion. Brahman alone is;nothing else is. He who sees the manifolduniverse and not the one reality, goesevermore from death to death.^ Fromthis it follows that individual existenceis evil and the cause of suffering;knowledge of things in their isolatedstate, apart from Brahman, is worthlessignorance.From such premises, the Upanishads

    develop their program for human life.Man must struggle to be free from indi-vidual existence and the suffering it im-plies, and seek union with Brahmanwithin the lotus house of his heart. Hethus comes to realize that the Self(Atman) within and Brahman withoutare identical: the Self is Brahman andBrahman is all. The wise man does thisby following the yoga (way) of renuncia-tion and of contemplation, to attain thatknowledge which destroys Maya andignorance and leads to union. If he issuccessful he thus attains immortality inthis life, and when death overtakes thebody, the karmas and the individual soulare lost in Brahman.

    This last doctrine, that of the Karma,the Law of the Deed, is perhaps themost fundamental in Indian thought.

    Indian philosophy is one of redemption,deliverance but of a redemption de-pendent on man alone. What a man hassown in his previous lives, he reaps in thepresent and future; he alone, therefore,can achieve his redemption by controllinghis karmas, his deeds. If he has provedhimself a wise man, he attains to Brah-man after death, or returns again topurify himself yet more. If he is foolishand lives out his desires now, after deathhe reaps his deserts by falling (samsara)to the animal or plant level. Therefore,self must be denied, desires must bestilled; such is the fundamental practicalprogram of Brahmanism.^

    Conclusion. Hinduism is the mostsearching quest for God and salvation, ona natural plane, that the world has everknown. An existential philosophy, a wis-dom of salvation, its essential characterconsists in a movement upward, an escapefrom human existence, and a merging insome superior being in which man attainsliberty and happiness. It thus includes apessimistic view of man's present exist-ence as something empty and evil, withtransmigration as an ever present threatand deterrent unless man by himself

    * Upani'shad Mundaka. Upanishad Katha, ed, Pradhabananda, p. 32.

    ^ Upanishad Brihadaranyaka: As a man acts,so does he become. ... As a man's desire is,so is his destiny. For as his desire is, so is hiswill; as his will is, so is his deed, and as hisdeed is, so is his reward, whether good or bad.After death he goes to the next world, bearingin his mind the subtle impressions of his deeds;after reaping there the harvest of his deeds, hereturns again to this world of action. Thus hewho has desire continues subject to rebirth. Buthe in whom desire is stilled suffers no rebirth.After death, having attained to the highest, de-siring only the Self, he goes to no other world.Realizing Brahman, he becomes Brahman (ed.Pradhabananda, pp. 177-178). UpanishadSwetaszatara (XI), ibid., pp. 187-204, is agood summary of Hindu doctrine.

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    22 ANCIENT ORIENTAL PHILOSOPHYachieves a superhuman end by merelynatural means.From the general doctrine of the

    Vedas and the commentaries has comea long development of Indian philosophyor theosophy, divided into some six orseven theological systems or elaborationsof the same basic doctrines. These usuallyadmit as fundamental the law of Karma,

    transmigration, monism or fundamentalidentity of the Absolute and the appar- jent. Indian philosophy is by no means a dead letter, but a power today inHindu thinking. Mahatma K. Gandhiji(Gandhi) was a firm adherent of ancientIndian philosophy: I have ventured toplace before India the ancient law ofself-sacrifice.

    3. BuddhismAfter the period of the Upanishads

    but during the great age of the Brah-manistic doctrines, another school of re-ligious thought arose in India and spreadthroughout the East: Buddhism. It is adoctrine that may be considered the cor-ruption and dissolution of Brahmanphilosophy, inasmuch as it is essentiallynegative in character and directed to prac-tice rather than to speculation and con-templation. Like Brahmanism, it is aphilosophy of natural self-salvation. Un-like Brahmanism, it is essentially atheisticand entirely anthropocentric.

    Beneath a mass of legends and laterstories that show borrowings from Chris-tian history, we reach the picture of thefounder of Buddhism, Sakyamuni or Sidd-hartha Gautama (d. 483 b.c). The son ofa petty rajah in north India, he left wifeand child and became a hermit to seek thelost truth: how to be delivered from suffer-ing and human misery. According to tradi-tion, he dwelt at first among Brahmanistsolitaries, religious living in the forests, tostudy their doctrine of ritual and ecstasy.This, he found, was no solution, for he wasthe same after ecstasy as before. Then formany years he tried penance and severeausterities, but again found no solution.At last came the Great Enlightenment.After a night beneath the Bodhi tree, spentin meditating on the mystery of death andrebirth, he reached Nirvana and found the

    remedy for human pain. Henceforth he wasthe Buddha, the Enlightened One, pos-sessed of illumination on the Way ofEscape.

    The core of the Enlightenment, whichthe Buddha set out to preach to others,is that desire is at the root of all suffer-ing. One must therefore rid himself ofall desire, especially the desire to exist.The final goal is complete nonexistenceor the negation of self (Nirvana). Funda-mental to this position is the doctrinethat the soul is not something permanentand substantial; karma alone is perma-nent and constitutes a kind of pseudoego that continues through stages oftransmigration.'^Now, the cause of transmigration is

    simply an urge toward life, a desire tolive. The four noble truths of the En-lightenment, however, stand against thisand show us the way of escape: (1)existence is sorrow; suffering is inevitablebecause all is becoming and nothing ever

    '' There are acts, but no agent; there arefruits of that act, but no one who eats thefruits; there are sensations, but no being whosenses. . . . The body ... is empty and \\ith-out soul, and arises from the action of thechain of causation. This chain of causation isthe cause of existence and its cessation(Buddha, Seimon on the Wheel of the Law).

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    PHILOSOPHIES OF THE ANCIENT FAR EAST 23is; (2) sorrow is caused by desire, earth-bound desire; (3) to conquer sorrow, aman must annihilate all thirst for andattachment to life; (4) to attain thiscessation, he must follow the eightfoldpath: right belief, right aims, right speech,right action, the pursuit of right live-lihood, right effort, right mindfulness,and right meditation. The wise man,therefore, who by knowledge unlocks theinner spirit of the harmonies of life, willdestroy in himself the natural longing forexistence, getting rid of acts and therebyof existence itself. The means he will useare abstinence and continence (henceBuddhist monasticism) and meditationon the transitory and empty character ofdesirable objects. In this life he willattain to a kind of beatific ataraxia (asthe Greeks would call it), a suspensionof activity. After death, deliverance isachieved through Nirvana (literally, blow-

    out). The full import of this was neverexplained by Buddha, who refused toanswer questions on Nirvana. Nor wasthere need of answer, for release frompresent existence is all that is sought,whether that be by annihilation of self,absorption into some positive entity likethe Hindu Brahman, or simply timeless,unconditioned existence.

    Conclusioii. We find in Buddhismthe same effort to scale the heights as inBrahmanism, the same naturalism andmorbid pessimism. Salvation is from thevery things we would say human naturestrives for by a natural God-given desire.In both there is a lack of love, for allemphasis is placed on the intellect, ina pseudo mysticism of a purely intel-lectual character. In addition, Buddhismhas become a form of Oriental religion,with Buddha raised to the dignity of agod.

    4. Persian PhilosophyThe last Oriental philosophy that we

    shall study, the doctrine prevalent amongthe Persians, was a dualism that admittedtwo positive principles, one of good, theother of evil. It was another effort to solvethe problem of evil, without the pessimismthat marked Hindu and Buddhist teachings.

    Its beginnings are shrouded in the mistsof time, and the first clear figure to emergeis that of Zarathustra (or Zoroaster, in theGreek form of his name), dated variously as1000, 800, 660 B.C., or even contemporarywith Cyrus the Great and Darius (c. 550B.C.). Authorities are agreed, however, thathe purified the older traditions of material-istic qualities, abolished polytheism andidolatry, to fix attention on Ahura Mazda,the good principle. At the same time, itwould not be correct to consider the wholedoctrine of Mazdaism as the product ofZoroaster. He began in the Gathas, orhymns, what others completed in the Ven-

    didad (laws) and Zend (commentary), allof which make up the Avestas, the Persianscriptures. Mazdaism was the popular re-ligion in Persia until the coming of Mo-hammedanism, and still lives on in theGheber communities of Persia and theParsees of Bombay.Dualism is perhaps the most outstand-

    ing characteristic of the Mazdaistic teach-ings, a system of two principles inde-pendent, hostile, essentially opposed toeach other, each with his hierarchy ofunderlings. Ahura-Mazda (or Ormazd),the good principle, is characterized asomniscient, omnipotent, supreme, benef-icent, merciful; he is not infinite becausehe is limited by the evil principle, Anro-Mainyav (or Ahriman or Angra Mainyu).Mazda creates the six Amesha-Spenta,

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    24 ANCIENT ORIENTAL PHILOSOPHYthe Immortal Holy Ones, who governthe world; they are more or less aspectsof Mazda, rays from the central fire ofMazda. Below these come the Yazatas,beings worthy of veneration: old deitiesreduced to the rank of auxiliary angels.Then come the three judges: Mithra(god of contracts, patron of soldiers),Sraosha (obedience), and Rashnu (jus-tice); and lastly, the Fravashis (Romangenii; guardians of individuals). Opposedto the foregoing is the kingdom of Anro-Mainyav, who is the creator of darkness,sin, and suflfering; ignorant and afraid ofMazda, he tries to lead the creatures ofMazda to sin. Under him are theDaevas (demons of sloth, opposed to theAmesha-Spenta), the Yatus (sorcerers,against the Yazatas), and the Pairikas(spirits of seduction, contrasted to theFravashis).

    All of these enter into the drama ofcreation, since world history is inter-preted by the Avestas in terms of theopposition between the two opposingprinciples and their cohorts. Before crea-tion, nothing existed save Infinite Time,while creation covers a cycle of 12,000years. In the first quarter of this period,only the spiritual and immaterial isbrought into being, while Ahriman liesprostrate. This is followed by the firstfight between Mazda and Ahriman, inwhich Mazda is victorious. Between3000 and 6000, the material world ismade, but is deeply injured by Ahriman,who slays the primordial bull and thefirst man, from whose bodies proceedanimals and men. Tliis is followed by agolden age, which is ended by a sincommitted by Yima the king. The lastperiod opens with the revelations ofZarathustra and the other prophets; it

    will close with a general resurrection, thevictory of Mazda over his enemy, and anew period of Infinite Time.Man is thus at the center of the Per-sian world, the focus point of the battlebetween the two principles. By virtue hemust place himself on the side of Mazdaand become ashavan, righteous; it is hisduty to worship Ahura-Mazda and thegood spirits, preserve the sacred fire,which is the symbol of Ahura, the divinefire (Atar), and venerate the dead. Ofpersonal virtues he should cherish espe-cially honesty and straightfonvardness,personal purity, charity. After death, thesoul is judged by Mithra and the otherjudges. If faults and good actions arefound to counterbalance, the soul pro-ceeds to a state of equilibrium, where itwill suffer only from heat and cold. Ifvirtue is triumphant, the soul goes to aplace of bliss, the home of eternal light;or, if condemned, to the abode of thedamned, infernal darkness, until the gen-eral resurrection and restoration.

    Persian doctrine is a mixture of re-ligion, mythology, and philosophy in anonscientific form. It arouses in us acertain admiration for its monotheism, afairly lofty outlook on human life, andgenerally coherent doctrine. But it alsocontains some fundamental errors, themost radical of which is the concept ofevil as something positive which demandsa positive cause. As a result, its mono^theism is vitiated, for Mazda cannot beinfinite, nor indeed omnipotent, becausehe is basically limited by the presenceand power of Ahriman. Such was the doc-trine most likely held by the Magi wmcame to Bethlehem.^

    8Cf. G. Ricciotti. The Life of Christ (Mil-waukee, 1947), pp. 249-255. A Magus is a

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    PHILOSOPHIES OF THE ANCIENT FAR EAST 25In Chnstian times, Mazdaism was not

    without its influence. First of all, the cultof Mithra became quite prominent. Hon-ored as the judge of the dead, the godof oaths and promises, the god of honor,he was esteemed and cultivated by themercenary troops of the Roman Em-pire; thence his cult spread to civiliansthroughout the Empire. However, it isutterly absurd to find in Christ a parallelto Mithra, or to say that the Apostlestook over doctrines and practices fromMithraism, as some so-called scholarsclaim. On the other hand, the real in-fluence of Mazdaism is found in Mani-chaeism, whose founder. Manes (c. a.d.240), a Persian Christian, preached adoctrine that was a real syncretism ofChristian, Zoroastrian, and Buddhist ele-ments. He thought of himself as the suc-cessor of Christ, Zoroaster, and Buddha,and proposed to enrich Christianity withborrowings from the others. From thePersians he accepted the theory of dual-ism; from Buddhism, perhaps, the theorythat matter and material things are evil,and the severe asceticism which he in-culcated. His metaphysics was weak, andwhen St. Augustine, who was captivatedby the doctrine for some years, proposedquestions and difficulties, the leadingManichaeans could give no logical an-swer. The doctrine was quite influentialin the early Middle Ages, and was revivedamong the Albigensians of the thirteenthcentury.sharer of the gift, that is, the teachings ofZoroaster. There is evidence to show that theMagi of Persia knew of the Jewish Messiasand prophecies concerning Him, and connectedHim with the helper who will assist in thefinal triumph of Mazda.

    SUMMARY1. In none of the Orientals whom we

    have considered in the foregoing pages isphilosophy found as a separate, autonomousknowledge or discipline, as it will be amongthe Greeks. In India, it is true, the doc-trine of the Brahmans, particularly in theL/panishads, is a product of genuine philo-sophical speculation, but it remained thealmost exclusive trust of the priestly classand was embodied in the religious books.Oriental philosophy, therefore, was in gen-eral not adequately distinguished from thereligion of the people. It was nonscientific,since it was proposed without regard forlogical order and demonstration; it was pre-philosophic inasmuch as it was a knowledgewithout an autonomous character. Hence,we may well describe the material we havecovered as a prehistory of philosophy.

    2. Though philosophy had not yet takenshape as an independent discipline, thegreat philosophical problems were alreadyformulated and pondered within thisperiod, and too often in answer funda-mental philosophical errors intruded them-selves. The great questions of being andbecoming, the origin of man, the conceptof God, the problem of evil, faced manfrom the beginning, but were too oftengiven wrong answers, in the dualism ofZoroaster, the pessimism and monism ofthe Hindu, the atheism and nihihsm ofBuddha.

    3. Our study should show that truth, atleast in the realms of higher knowledge, isnot given to man ready-made, but isreached with difficulty, is bought by labor,and is retained only by constant effort. Weshould be grateful to the providence ofGod for that divine revelation which hashelped us to see the truth even of naturallyknowable things (to which we may thenascend by our own reason), and for theexample and teaching of the Greeks, whomade the West realize the powers of hu-man reason and proposed the basically cor-rect answers to the problems of philosophy.

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    SECTION 11: GREEK PHILOSOPHY''GENERAL INTRODUCTIONTo SAY that nothing moves in this

    world of ours which is not Greek inorigin is to say too much. Yet it mustbe admitted that the Western worldowes a great debt to Greece and Greekculture. The medievals were consciousof this, and spoke of the passing of wis-dom from Greece to Rome, and fromRome to France and the West.^ We areindeed the heirs of the past; the faithof the Jewish race elevated by Christianrevelation and the long quest for wisdomand truth on the part of the Greeks to-gether enter into Western Christianthought and life, to form and mold thepattern of Christian culture. We standhere at the beginning of the long roadwhich Greek thought was to walk in thesearch for wisdom.

    BACKGROUNDIdeals of Culture. The history of

    Greek philosophy cannot abstract fromthe general culture and ideals of Greeceitself. Greek ideals of education (pafdefa)antedate the early physical philosophers,provide them with a background, and areinterwoven into the thought of the phi-losophers of the golden age: Socrates,

    * Cf. Bibliography, p. 230 ff.1 The theme of the tianshtio studii or the

    transJatfo sapientfae runs through the whole ofthe Middle Ages, from Notker Balbo's ninth-century Chronicle of St. Gall {PL 98, 1371 flf.)to Jean Charlier de Gerson {-f 1429) andNicholas de Clamanges (-J- 1437) in the Parisof the fifteenth century. Cf. E. Gilson, Laphilosophic au moyen ige (Paris, 1951), pp.193-196.

    Plato, and Aristotle. The poets, particu-larly Homer and Hesiod, were not with-out their influence even on the philoso-phers, and the religion of the Greeksprovides, to a certain extent, the startingpoint of philosophical thought.Fundamental in Greek culture, in

    marked contrast to the self-abnegation ofthe Orient, is an awareness of the posi-tion of the individual and his personalfreedom. The beginning of Greek histor)'marks the beginning of a new conceptionof the value of the individual. Coupledwith Christianity, this concept will be-come a basic tenet of our Western cul-ture, and when that is lost our civiliza-tion is in danger. Equally important, how-ever, is the feeling of the Greeks for theplace of the individual as part of thewhole. Theirs was what has been calledan architectonic outlook, a sense of theorganic unity of the whole, with an ap-preciation of the individual as an elementof such a living whole. This will be mani-fest in the most man^elous creation ofthe Greek mind, philosophy, since theGreek will seek therein the permanentrules that underlie all events and changesin nature and human life. Poet and phi-losopher alike looked for the harmonfa,the bonds that held all things together.These two aspects, the individual and

    the whole, enter deeply into the conceptof paideia, the shaping or educating ofthe man to his true form, the real andgenuine human nature, according to theideal of human character.-2W. Jaeger, Paideia (New York, 1943), I,

    xvi-xxv.26

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    CREEK PHILOSOPHY 27The Ancient Teachers of Greece: the

    oets. Until the coming of the sophists,the poets were the teachers of Greece. An-cient Greece was divided into many peoplesand little states, with different dialects, cus-toms, and religions. The one general in-fluence felt in most of Greece was that ofthe poets, who were thus a source of na-tional unity. Of these, the two most in-fluential were Homer and Hesiod.Homer, whom many believed to be the

    educator of all Greece,^ from whom allave learnt from the beginning, * was in-deed the first and greatest creator andshaper of Greek life and character. He wasthe teacher of morality through the creationof an aristocratic ideal shaped by deliberateultivation of the qualities befitting a noble-an and hero. His work likewise is inspired

    a comprehensive view of human naturend the eternal laws of the world-process,

    to that extent the Homeric epics con-tain the germs of all Greek philosophy.hey manifest the anthropocentric tend-ncy of Greek thought, as contrasted to thetheomorphic philosophy of the Orient.Homer created a complete human world,nd this made the Greeks conscious for

    the first time that they were a nation.Hesiod, on the other hand, depicts a

    world very different from that of theHomeric nobility. He himself is a shepherd,nd his song is of the life of the peasantryand of work as the basis of civilization.Heroism is tried and virtues developed, notin knightly battle, but in the incessantstruggle against the elements and the hardearth. Thus his Works and Days,^ a didac-tic poem, pictures everyday life in theplains of the mainland, teaches virtues anda whole philosophy of life by means ofmyths, and imparts much practical wisdom.In his Theogony or Descent of the Gods,

    3 Plato, Republic, 606E.* Xenophanes, fragment 1 0.5 See the text in F. M. Comford, GreekReligious Thought from Homei to the Age of

    Alexander (London, 1923), or in Hesiod, theHomeric Hymns and Homerica, tr. by H. G.Evelyn-White [Loeb Classical Library: LCLl(New York, 1929).

    on the other hand, he ventures to arrangeall mythology into a comprehensive systeminvolving a whole cosmogony. Chaos,(empty space), F.arth and Heaven (thefoundation and roof of the world respec-tiyely), and Eros (love, as the cosmic forcethat produces life), are the three principlesof the world. Such a doctrine is not basedon experience or on reason, but rather onpast traditions and ancient myths. Wegather that the gods have nothing to dowith the formation of the world, thoughonce it is founded it is subject to theirrule.^

    The Religion of the Greeks. The lackof political or national unity among theancient Greeks is paralleled by a certainelasticity and lack of uniformity or definitedogma in Greek religion. There was allmanner of cults, for each district or city-state had its own local deities and temples.Pallas Athena was the goddess and patronof Athens; Apollo of Sparta; Artemis, andlater Diana, of the Ephesians. Even in theworks of Homer and Hesiod there is noagreement on the number of gods, theirinterrelations, and their role in the universe.Many of these gods were highly anthro-pomorphic, in form like to men, somemale, some female, endowed with all thepassions of men and given to actions thatwere poor example for mortals to follow.The Iliad tells us that Zeus went to dinewith the Ethiopians, while other storiesbear on the jealousy and hatred rife amongthe gods, their lust and general immorality.The common man often had more fun atthe expense of the gods than a real rever-ence for them. Nevertheless, over and abovethese manlike gods the Greeks were con-scious of something or someone to whicheven the popular gods of Olympus weresubject: the immortal powers of the uni-verse. The gods had come into being, asHomer and Hesiod taught; even mightyZeus had his parents and his youthful years.And all the gods were subject to destiny orfate, sometimes identified with Zeus, whichwas pre-eminently divine, the source of allevents, the power that ruled the world.

    6 W. Jaeger, op. cit., I, 35-36, 57-76.

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    GREEK PHILOSOPHY 29quence, we shall reckon the pre-Socraticsas theologians no less than physicists.The Divisions of Greek Philosophy.

    Greek philosophy, as distinct from theHellenistic philosophies which springfrom it, is usually divided into three mainperiods, a division we adopt here. Inthe first period, that of the pre-Socratics,men came to philosophize chiefly aboutthe basic principles of the physical world.In the second, the Socratic or golden age,attention was focused not only on theworld without but also on the worldwithin man. The Sophists and Socratesturn men to think on man himself,though in different ways; Plato centers

    man's attention on the citadel of hisheart, the knowledge of the Ideas, theattainment of destiny; Aristotle, moreearthy and yet more metaphysical, willdeal with the whole knowable world ashis field. Lastly, in the post-Aristotelianperiod, emphasis is laid largely on therelation of man to God as his final endor, with the Epicureans, on the pursuit ofhappiness in this life. Later, in the Hel-lenistic philosophies of the Romans, theAlexandrian Jews, and the revival ofPlatonism in Plotinus, we shall findGreek philosophy mixed with other cur-rents of thought.

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    The First Period: The Pre-Socratic SchoolsThe pre-Socratics represent the periodof formation of Greek philosophy, a timewhen this emerged as a new intellectualapproach to the great problems of man,the origin of the universe