hunt, d. w. s._feudal survivals in ionia_jhs, 67_1947!68!76

8/9/2019 Hunt, D. W. S._feudal Survivals in Ionia_JHS, 67_1947!68!76

1/10

Feudal Survivals in IoniaAuthor(s): D. W. S. HuntSource: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 67 (1947), pp. 68-76Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies

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2/10

FEUDAL

SURVIVALS

IN IONIA

THE

Teian

inscription

CIG

3064,1

publishedby

Boeckh from

copiesby

Pococke

and

Guerin,

is followed

in the

Corpus

by

a

long explanatory

commentary

and has since

been the

subject

of

much discussion and

controversy.

It consists of

a list of

proper

names,

to each of which

is

added

the

phrase

TO

(or

EK

TOO)

-

- -

Trpyov

and a

family

name.

I

give

a

representative

extract:

1.

12

2EIXrls

(?),

TO0j

Mio-ro>)u

rrpyou,

E0puVrPcxTopi5rs

avapXa

(•)5I[o]

[O]'pc6'v(co)v,

EK

ToO 'lEpuos

nrrpyou

copi~dr&s

1.

15

'A-roA\(cb>)v(it)o,

K

TOO

Ad655u

Vrpyou,

Ada(5)>Eos

'Epp(60)ECTroS,

TOO

'Icx01piou

TrIpyou,

ECoViAr8S

[-

-

- - - -

-

-pyo[-

-

----]

avapXa (T>E)o(c)Ep)a

Ap(>)tpi[]cov,

TOO

Bljpcvos rnvpyou,

UK1Ki5rnI

There

are

thirty-five

ines more or less

preserved,

five of

which

have the

entry

6avapxov

r

&vcapXcx

followed

by

a

number;

from the remainder

we have the names

of

twenty-seven

vrxipyol

and

twenty-five

family

names.

The

family

names

often,

but not

always

(in

the certain cases

the

proportion

is ten to

thirteen),

represent

the same

name as that

of

the

-rr'ipyos,

.g.,

1.

32,

KAco-rTov,

OO

'AKifpou

Tvrpyou,

'A2Klpi5rls.

Ruge

2

points

out that

the

text

divides

itself

up

in a

curiously

symmetrical

way:

1.

18,

which

reads

avapXa

mrEoEpa,

s

exactly

in

the

middle;

before

and

after

it

are four names

followed

by

the

entry

&vcapXay

0o

(11.13

and

23),

before

and

after

these one

name followed

by

6avapXov11.

i

and

25)

and at the

beginning

and

end a solid block

of ten names.

Leaving

this

point

for further

consideration

when

I

come

to

discuss the nature and purpose of the inscription, I may complete the epigraphic material on

Trripyoi

rom Teos

by

two further

inscriptions

of

Imperial

date:

CIG

3081

and BCH

IV,

p.

174,

no.

34.

These

run

as

follows:

(I)

Tip'pios

KAcaios

o

MaciprdXou

i6;,

qatpoEI

'

'8Epp•oe•'Tro

KupEiv

j

ocrEaT[E]s

I

oO

Otha~iou

vpyou

(2)

[TiP3p]ios

KAac'5ios,

[.

..]copp6Tou

v6s

I

[cP]cEt

~

'Eppo0crTou

[K]upEivq,

1rv6o'ros T6 [T]o00ctAiov

-rrpyou

I

Ku&oMvirjls,

[KAc]uc5ia

t•Epiou

Ouj

[ydtrT]p

- - -

It

will

be noted

that these

two

men,

Tiberius

Claudius

Philisteus

and

Tiberius

Claudius

Zenodotus,

are

brothers,

being

both sons of

the

same

man

but

adopted

by

different

persons,

and

that they belong to the same

TrrxVpyoS,

that ' of Philaeus' which is one of thosealreadyknown from

1.

9

of the first-cited

nscription.4

A

peculiarity

of

both

inscriptions

s

the

insertion

of

r6

after

1

SGDI

5635

and Michel

666

(in part).

The

copies

both

of

Pococke and of

Gu6rin

are

extremely

faulty,

but

between

them a

reasonable

text can

be

established

as

far

as that

is

ever

possible

with a list of

proper

names.

Collitz

and

Bechtel make three

alterations:

1.

1

()E(v)I(pVco

for

i8lpnpc4[s],

oeckh;

IEIAHPEQ2,

ococke,

EIAHF,

Guerin.

1.

5

r6(p)KE•

for

roIKEco:

'

Der

hergestellte

Name

ist

fair

Maroneia

zu

belegen

und

lisst

sich

aus

griechischem

Sprachmaterial

deuten;

vgl.

AvTru

n

Mylasa

(BCH

XII,

33,

no.

14

(2)).'

But

IoiKrls

can

be

established

for

Teos,

Strabo xiv

633

where F

reads

roiKfSl,

x

?FKvrlSalii roiKvfls;

Tzschucke,

followed

by

most

modern

texts,

alters,

surely

wrongly,

to

ATrO1KOs

o

agree

with

Paus.

VII,

iii,

6.

Trol{KS

will be a hypocoristic form of

ATOlKos.

L. 28 E(1)Kxa8ouor

'EKaGiou

fter

CIG

3o89

1. 6.

The

first

and

last of

these

corrections

seem

unnecessary,

the

second

clearly

wrong.

Michel

dates the

inscription

to

the

second

century

B.c.,

but

adds a

query;

since it

is no

longer

extant

and

the

only

copies

are so

bad,

I

cannot

see

how we

are to

arrive at a

date

except

on internal

evidence,

which

will

not

allow

even

such

modified

precision.

2

Article

'

Teos'

in

PW

V,

539

ff.

This

is

the

most

recent

and

best work on

the

subject.

3

The

same

man

occurs

in

CIG

3082

and

3083, cf.

Le

Bas-Wadd.

io8

and

Rogers,

AJA

IX,

422

sqq.

4

APTE'rPxhai8rTS

ut

Ku8vcvi8Is,

nd

his

brother

Philisteus

has

apparently

no

family

name

after the

-rrpyoS-

name

as

we

should

expect,

though

it

is

possible

that

the

stone

is broken

at

this

point.

These

two

inscriptions

show that what I have called the 'family names ' in these

inscriptions

do

not

give

the

name of

the

man's

actual

father,

but that

of the

yivos.

68


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3/10

FEUDAL SURVIVALS

IN IONIA

69

the

cognomen,

which on the face of

it cannot be construed

with

any

of the words

either

preceding

or

following

it.

Boeckh,

commenting

on no.

I, suggests

that

the

inscription

came

from a

statue

base,

that Philisteus had more than one statue

erected

in his

honour,

and

that he

had

the

methodical,

if

rather

ostentatious,

habit

of

numbering

his

statues

with

his

own

hand.

He supports this by the fact that in the transcript of no. 308I there is a gap before

Trb

g which

makes it look

like an

addition;

but this is

not

the case with no.

2

which

shows

-rO

'

following

immediately

upon Zrv6o'0ros.

We

must then

reject, regretfully,

Boeckh's

picturesque

hypothesis,

but

I am unable to

suggest

any

other

explanation.5

These are all the references

to

Trrxpyot

at Teos

to

be found

in

inscriptions;

but for the

sake of

completeness

I

may

refer

to

Michel

807

(cited

by

Ruge,

op.

cit.,

p.

554),

which contains

the

family

name

1-ohM5i8s

known

from

1.

20 of the

list

from

which

I

started.

Boeckh

considered the

list

to be one of

annual

eponymous

archons:

'

Catalogum

habes

virorum,

quos

fuisse

archontes

eponymos

annuos,

patet

inde

quod

vs.

i

i

est

avcpXov

(sc.

iTos).

Archon

quis

fuerit

nisi

Timuchorum

princeps

s.

prytanis?

Et

habes

prytanem eponymum

n.

3065.'

This is the natural first

impression

and

'Tros

is

the

natural

word

to

supply

with

avapXov. TTVpyos e then regarded as equivalent to the Attic deme, which, as he points out,

was

frequently

called

after

persons

or

families;

and the

family

name at

the end

of each

entry

will be

the name

of

one

of the

ovYupopial,

nto

which

the

citizen

body

was

divided and

which

are

usually

compared

to

the

Attic

yivE.6

This

interpretation

was

rejected

by

Scheffler

De

Rebus

Teiorum

p. 35;

he

held

that

the

-rnipyot

were

quarters

of

the

town

called

after the actual

towers of

the

circumvallation

(compare

the

use

of

the

word 'ward'

in

London)

and,

attention

once

directed to

towers in

the sense

of

military

positions,

subsequent explanations

have

seen

increasingly

a

military

significance

in the

-rripyos-organisation.

So

Francotte,7

quoting

Aristotle,

Pol.

VII,

p. 1331,

a

19,

considers that the

citizens,

both of

the town

and of the

country,

were

divided

into

groups

or

vuci-rTia,

as

Aristotle

there

recommends,

to which were

entrusted

the defence of the

several

towers of

the

city;

though

he

supposes

that

at

the

time

when

the

inscription was cut these groups would have lost their military character and become dining-

clubs or

associations for various

religious

cults

and

festivals. As

for the

nature of

the

list,

he

also considers

it

to

be

a

list of

archons.

B6quignon

s

develops

this

idea of

Francotte,

which he

supports

by

two

inscriptions,

from

Smyrna

(SIG

3

no.

961)

and

Stratonicea

(Le

Bas-Wadd.

no.

527; f. Wilhelm,

Beitr.

zu

gr. Inschriftenkunde,

p. 187;

Robert,

Etudes

Anatoliennes,

pp.

529

sqq.)

and

by

a

passage

of

Aeneas

Tacticus

(III

I-5

Hunter).

Aeneas

recommends

that

the

walls

of

a

city

should

be

divided into

sectors

corresponding

to the

division

of

the

citizen

body

into

tribes,

that the sectors

should

be

allotted

in

time of

peace,

one

to each

tribe,

and that

over

each

one

should

be

appointed

a

commander

or

pvpdpX~rs.9

B6quignon

therefore

thinks

that

this

system

was in

force

at

Teos,

and that in

addition

there was

a

supreme

commander to

whom

the

captains

of the

-rrpyot

were

subordinate

and

that

in

CIG

3064

we have

a

list of

these

annually succeeding

commanders-in-chief.

This

interpretation

is

open

to

several

serious

objections.

The

first,

which

is a

point

also

against

Boeckh

and

all

previous

writers

on

the

subject,

is

that

this

does not look like a list of

eponymous

or

important

magistrates

at all

because of the

frequent

occurrence

and

(as

noted

above)

symmetrical

distribution of

the

entry

&vcapXov

r

&vcapXa5 0io

or

T-Erapca.

Even if we

set

aside the

point

about the

symmetrical

arrangement,

a

strange phenomenon

surely

in a list

ordered

chronologically,

we

must find it

very

hard to

believe that in a

period

of

only

forty years

the

eponymous

archonship

or,

on

the other

theory,

the office

of

commander-in-chief was

vacant

5

It

might,

however,

be

worth

consideration

whether,

since the

expression

occurs on

inscriptions

referring

to

two

brothers

and

on

no

other

known Teian

inscription,

it

may

not

have

some

connexion with the

relationship

rather than

with

the

individual

position

of the

two men.

6

For the

symmories

of Teos

cf.

BCH

IV,

I75,

no.

35,

CIG

3065;

references

in

PYW

Va,

I

165-6.

7

La

Polis

Grecque, 37-8.

8

'

Les

Pyrgoi

de

T6os,'

Rev.

Arch.

XXVIII

(1928),

185-208,

where a

fuller

account

of earlier

views

and

references

to

the relevant

literature

will

be found.

9

Pipn

=

'

street'

according

to L and

S,

but

it

more

probably

means a

quarter

of the

town;

cf.

the

word

a?poSov

in

the

Stratonicean

inscription

referred to above

and

REG

XXXVIII,

122. A

parallel

to

pvu&pXrjs

s

apoS#pXrls,

Philo

Belopoeica

xciii,

8

(Droysen

Heerwesen,

p.

262);

other

references

in L

and S.




4/10

70

D.

W. S.

HUNT

no less

than ten

times

and on

one

occasion

for four consecutive

years.

In the former

case

the

argument

seems

to me conclusive:

to

B6quignon's

heory

it is

perhaps

not

entirely

fatal,

though,

if

we

are

to

suppose

a commander-in-chief

elected

annually

10

in time

of

peace,

these

gaps,

so

elegantly

and

mathematically

arranged,

demand

some

explanation.

But there

is

another

objection to B6quignon'sview, urged strongly by Ruge (op.cit., p. 555): presumablythis was

an

important

office,

and

yet

no two holders

of it come

from

the same

'rrn'pyos,

result

which

cannot be

attributed to

coincidence,

but

could

only

be

brought

about

by

a

specific

provision

of

the law.

Is it in

any

degree

likely

that

the commander-in-chief

hould

be chosen

not on

merit,

but on a

system

of

rotation?

11

There are some

further

small

points

which

could be

urged

against

the

view

under discussion:

the

first is

that

thirty

towers

seems a

large

number for

a

town

like Teos

in

the Hellenistic

period,2

and,

secondly,

that

we have

a

fragmentary

inscription

13

which

refers

to

the towers of the

city

without

attaching any

names to

them.

A

final

point

made

by

Ruge

is

that

it

would be

strange

to

find an

organisation

for

defence

against

external

enemies

apparently

lasting

into the first

century

A.D.,

as

would

seem

to

be

indicated

by

the

two

inscriptions

of

the sons of

Hermothestus

cited

above.

If

we

reject,

as

I think

on

these considerations we must reject, the solution proposed by

Biquignon,

it

will be

natural

to return

to

the view

put

forward

very

briefly

and

incidentally by

Eduard

Meyer

and

by

Wilamowitz.14

According

to this

the

nvipyoi

were

the

estates or

fiefs of

a

landed

aristocracy

who

had

divided between them

the

territory

of

Teos,

which

we

know

to

have

been

both

extensive

and

fertile.15

This

division

will

have taken

place

presumably

at

the

foundation of the

city,

and the

names

of the

-ripyot

will

represent,

n

a

majority

of

cases at

any

rate,

the names

of

the

original

owners. A

mixed

multitude

they

were

according

to

tradition:

Minyans,

Athenians,

Boeotians,

and

'

Ionians,'

the last

of

whom

will

stand

for

an

element so

mixed

that the

first

framersof

Teian

history,

or

rather

perhaps

the

first

professional

genealogists,

could not

decide from

what

region

of

old Greece

these

wanderers

had

come.

No

doubt

they

were broken

men

from

all

parts,

who

joined

in the

confused

exodus of

refugees

and

adventurers

which

we call

the

Ionian

migration.

The

names of

the

v-rpyoi

16

give

a

picture

of

the confusionof the

Heroic

age

with

their

mixture

of

races,

both

Greek

and

barbarian;

for

there

were

chaos

and

extensive

migration

in

the

barbarian

world

as

well.17

For

instance,

in

Erythrae

to

the

north and

Samos

to

the

south

of

Teos

we

have

Carians

mentioned

as

among

the

oldest

immigrants,

and in

Erythrae

18

again

we

have

Pamphylians,

a

name

which

implies

an

even

more

10

B6quignon

does not

actually

use

the

word

annual,

but

since he

thinks that

T-ro

is to be

supplied

with

&vapXov

suppose

he

must

assume

that

the

periods

of

service

were of a

year

each.

11

The fact

that a

board

like

the ten

Trpcrrrayof

t

Athens

was

elected on

a

tribal

basis

provides

no

parallel;

an

important

point

is

that

individuals could

be,

and

often

were,

re-elected.

12

From

SIG

344 = Welles, Royal Correspondence

n the

Hellenistic

Period,

no.

3/4

we know that at

some

time

between

306

and

302

(?304/3

Welles,

p.

25)

Antigonus

proposed

to

effect a

synoecism

of

Teos and

Lebedos

which

suggests

that

in his

opinion

Teos

could

with

advantage

be

increased

in

size.

13

SGDI

5636

1.

4

-ToiKO8oilo(-V)

jj

TO)TOJ

jV

TOU

r-pyov

Kal

O

I

[

rrpo]aEXtos

ccfiTl

EiXOJVS

6pot

I

[TOO]

~

ixoPEVou

rIpyov

pol

[],

•,I

T[O-ro]

TpooeXEos

ai-rat,-EiXos

6pot

I

[•aj•aapes.

I

do not

see

the

point

of

Ruge's

remark

that,

in

the

fragmentary

state

of

the

inscription,

it

is

possible

that

the

name of

the

first

tower

may

have

been

lost;

there

is no

room

for

it

anywhere

and

the

beginning

of

the

text

is

sufficiently

well

preserved.

(['Emrrao-racTo'vrov

)oyEidovoS

etc.).

In

any

case,

however,

the

second tower

has

no

name.

14

Ed.

Meyer,

Gesch.

des

Altertums

(1937),

III,

282

(=

1893

II,

307)

'

das

Gebiet

von

Teos

zerfiillt

in

Turme

,

d.h.

offenbar

Adelsburgen,

die

den

Namen

einzelner

Personen

tragen.' Wilamowitz, Sitzber., Berlin

90o6,

p.

63,

n.

4

'Die

rrmpyot

sind

natiirlich

villae,

Landhliuser

des

grund-

besitzenden

Adels.'

15

For

extent

cf.

Strabo,

XIV

644:

Welles,

op.

cit.

no. 3

(p.

20)

1.

98;

Livy

XXXVII,

284.

On the

question

o

fertility cf.

Athen.

IV

16oa

(barley);

SGDI

5633

(sheep

and

cattle).

SIG

37, 38

(Tod

GHI no.

23)

shows

that

in

ca. 470

Teos had

to

import

corn

and had

some

difficulty

in

doing

so

(A

6/7);

but this

was

surely

due to

the

abnormal

circumstances

of the time:

in ca.

3o6-302,

as

we see

from

Welles

no.

3,

94-101,

Teos

and Lebedos

appear

as

normally

exporting grain.

The

passage

is from

the first letter

of

Antigonus about the synoecism and runs as follows:

[-T(v

86

airTCv]

IK

KaI

oEIXyCyV

Kai

E

ayoyfjv

TraVTCOV

arroBEtXiXva[iv

Tfi

TO',ri-o5

T

yO]

p&,

6 rrc

v

T ot

pA

Al;kTEAr•I Ka•T&yOuOlg

IS

T-r

d[yop'v

drr

6

TalTrrl rroiEol

I

8Gai

#V

taycyjvv,

ovUai

iji

OEiwIV

rT&

T0r1

Tri

T&[

I

[iv

al

yop

xat

Iro6i

]

I

XevTCrV

iEyEIv.yat'

&v

K&,)Pal

' rraC

ia

cZ5ow

V

E'[CO Tf&

rr6AECOS

'iP]Iv, vOPtO3PEV

&TIv

rrpoaa•oplo~vcxVt

K&CUTCol

'yyp[&q~c

piv

6rr6Caous

&v

Kap[Tro]js

k&yEIV

po0AT)rai-

dirr

T6lS

d'ypotKia5,

E'rrayyEeIav[Ta-r

TC01

dyopav6pCol

Kai T

-r&rIJA

810lopCo&P

vov

Ea&ysliv.

16

For

full

list,

with

parallels,

see

Appendix

A.

17

Wilamowitz,

op.

cit.,

74-5.

is

Paus.

VII, iii,

4

EX6v'rcv

8

a0Trrfiv

sc.

Erythrae)

6poG

Troi Kprai

AuKiCOV

Kai

Kap&v

TE

Kai

flapqi6Cov,

AUKicov

iv

KxaT6

avyybveav

Trv

KprlTCV,

Kai

y&p

ol

AMOKOt

rb &PXai6v

E•ltv

EK

Kpirmns,

o

Ilaprnr86vt

6pciG

E'uyov,

Kapav

8U

KTr& t(hiav

iK

rroiahatoG

nrrp6S

Mivco,

FlapXApcov

68i

rt

yEvou

IveTEa-rTV

'EAT.VIKOi0

al

TO•-rOTl,

aiti

y&p

8?i

KCd

ol

IlrA&pvAot

1V

~rT

&7coRav

'IRiou

7rnhavO1GVTCOv

\ov KdAXaVTt.

The

fact

of a

mixture

of

races in

all the

Ionian

cities

is well

enough

established,

Erythrae

is

merely

a

particularly

good

example.

Teos in

the

tradition

is

fairly

pure,

except

for

the rather

suspect

Minyans

and

the

undefined

Ionians.




5/10

FEUDAL SURVIVALS

IN IONIA

71

complicated

and extensive

mixture of races. It

is,

of

course,

possible

that the Asiatic

names

represent

not

strangers

who

had

thrown

in

their

lot with

the

Greeks

but the

original

inhabitants

of the

Teian

hinterland,

who

were

accepted

on

equal

terms

by

the colonists as

citizens,

just

as

in

later and

more

'

race-conscious

'

times the Greek settlers

in

Cyrene

admitted to their

community

a still more alien people, the Libyans.'9 Whatever may have been the racial origin of the

colonists of

Teos,

their

descendants

whom we see here were soon and

thoroughly

Hellenised,

and

in

the

inscription

they

all

have

Greek

personal

names. For

instance,

a man who calls

himself

An6SEloS

and

T-roOiw60ovuTrpyov,

almost

certainly

an Asiatic

family

name,20

and,

if I

am

right,

of

an

old-established

family,

bears

the

personal

name

Apollonius.

The

theory,

then,

which

I am

putting

forward

is that this

inscription

gives

the names of the

present

holders

of

these estates or

fiefs,

together

with

the names of their

families.21

It

is,

in

fact,

a

kind

of Debrett

or at least Burke's Landed

Gentry.

Some of

the

estates

have

passed

out of

the

hands

of

the

original

owners,

but

ten

22

certainly,

and

possibly

others,

are still in

the

possession

of

families

descended

from

the

founding

fathers of Teos.

Ten

out of

the

forty

estates are

&vapxa,23

which

presumably

means

vacant,

and

we

should

assume either

that

they

had

gone

out

of

cultivation, perhaps

on the

extinction

of the

family,

or

possibly

were

merely

in

dispute

or

owned

by

a

minor. Whether

the

purpose

of this record

was

purely

commemorative

and

ostentatious,

or

whether

it had some

political

reference,

as

in

the

case,

for

instance,

of the

Domesday

Book,

is

a

point

on

which

we can

hardly

be

certain;

but since

I have

been

drawing

parallels

with

European

feudalism,

I

would

point

out that that

system

had

political

as

well

as

social

implications

and

that

this

Teian

'Peerage' may

have

political

and

military

significance.

I

shall

deal with

this

point

later

in

considering

the

general

significance

for

Ionian

history

of

the

institution which

I

am

endeavouring

to

substantiate.

The

whole

value of

my argument

depends

on

whether

Trr0pyoS

oes,

in

fact,

bear

the

meaning given

it

by

Eduard

Meyer

and

Wilamowitz

and

on

whether

I

can show

that

such

an

institution

is

likely

at Teos. It

seems

proper

to

begin

with

etymology,24

and before

diving

into

the

remote

beginnings

of

the

Greek

language

it

may

be

relevant to

mention

that at the

present

day

in

Chios

the

word

is

used

for

a

country

seat,

in

particular

for the

residences

erected

in

the

'

Kampos

'

by

the half-Genoese

aristocracy

of the

island.

The

latest article

on

the

subject

is

by

Kretschmer

in

Glotta

XXII,

pp.

Ioo

ff.,

'Nordische

Lehnw6rter

im

Altgriechischen,'

the

greater

part

of which

is taken

up

by

a

discussion of the

etymology

of

wrripyos.

Kretschmer

believes that

TrrvpyoS

s

directly

related

to the

OHG

and modern German

word

burg,

Gothic

bairgs;

but he can

hardly

be

said

to

prove

it or

even

attempt

to

prove

it.

He

begins

with

the

disarming

statement that

it

has

long

been

supposed

that there

is

some

connexion

between the

two

words

and

then

proceeds

to

show that there are

parallels

for this

consonantal

dissimilation

in

Macedonian,

and

finally,

if

the

word

did

enter

Greek

through

Macedonian,

that this

could

only

have

taken it

from

a

Germanic

language.

This

point,

which

is

the vital

one,

he

tries to

prove (at

least he

arranges

his

argument

in the

form of

a

proof)

from

the

following

facts: that

burg

in this sense

only

occurs in Germanic

languages

and,

secondly,

that the

vocalism

-ur- for

Indogermanic

er

is characteristic

of

Germanic

languages,

whereas

Illyrian

and

Albanian

have

the

'front'

vowel. The

first

point

is,

of

course,

a

pure petitio

principii,

the

second

he himself

19

Hdt

IV,

159,

I6I,

I86.

20

Cf.

(i)

Ad'Sas,

founder of

Themissos

in

Caria,

Steph.

Byz.

s.v.

Cpicaa6s,

ii)

T Ad~acaa,

fortress

in

Cappadocia,

near

Comana,

Dio Cass.

XXXVI,

xii,

2,

(iii)

-r

AaS&crrava,

a

town

in

Bithynia,

Amm. Marc.

XXV,

x,

12,

(iv)

AaS6KEpTa,

a

fortress in Greater

Armenia,

Steph.

Byz.

s.v.

(comparison

with,

e.g.,

TIypav6KEp-ra

hows that

AaSo-

is a

personal

pre-

fix).

For

the

form

and its Asiatic

connexions

cf.

Kretschmer,

Einleitung

n die Gesch.der

gr.

Sprache,p. 337.

21

The

omission

of the father's

name

is

strange

and

Ruge,

op. cit.,

p. 555,

thinks

it

an

argument

against

these

people being high

officials, which seems to be

justified.

On

my

view

they

will

be

fairly important

people

and

would

be

expected

to

have

a

father's

name,

but

if

I

am

right

this is

a

strange

inscription

in

any

case

and the

important

things

are

the

names of

the

Tmi'pyos

nd of the

yivos.

22 L.

21

is

a

doubtful case.

23

Since it

is

agreed

that this list records a

series not in

time

but in

space,

we

want a

spatial expression

rather

than a

temporal

one

to restore

with

avapXov

and

&vapX•

where

they

occur: the

obvious word

on

any

view is

xcopiov.

This

is

the

ordinary

word for a

plot

of

land,

for

instance in

cadastration;

cf. Inschriften

on

Magnesia,

no.

122

passim.

In

OGIS

225

1.

I

(-

Welles,

Royal

Correspondence,

o.

18,

1.

6)

it

means

an

estate or

fief

in

the sense in

which I

interpret

Twipyos, eing

used

interchangeably

for

pdpts,

on

which I

shall

speak

later. In Modern Greek

Xcopiov

means a

village.

24

I

must

express

my gratitude

to Dr.

Onions and

Mr.

C.

E.

Bazell for

assistance

on

the

philological

side of this

paper.




6/10

72

D.

W.

S.

HUNT

shows

to be not

binding by pointing

out that the same vocalisation

occurs

in Thracian.

The

historical

implications

of Kretschmer's

theory

are

obviously

very

startling

by

reason of

the

remoteness

of the

epoch

(the

second millennium

B.c.)

at which

all these

borrowings

and

juxtapositions

of races must

have taken

place,

but we

are

fortunately

not

obliged

to

consider

them, for the philological arguments which give them birth are not accepted by any other

philologist.25

A more useful

parallel

26

is that

with

Pergamos

or

Pergamon,

the citadel of

Troy

and

the name

of a

city

and district

of Asia

Minor.27

It has

long

been

recognised

that this

word

is connected

with

wrrpyos

nd is

probably

identical

in

meaning

with

it;

in Greek

poetry

28

the

neuter

plural

-rrEpyapa

s used

as a common noun

in the sense

of 'citadel.'

This

parallel

supports

Boisacq's

suggested etymology:

that

the word is borrowed

from some Asiatic

language

in which

perhaps

the

form

was

more

like

poipKioS.

he latter is

given

in

Hesychius

without

indication of

origin

and

glossed

TrEXoS,

hich

is to be taken

as

meaning

'fort'

rather

than ' wall.'

Together

with the word

-ripyos

we

should

also

consider

other

cognate

words which

appear

to

be used

in

the

same sense.

To

begin

with there

is the word

rE-rpc-rrvpyia

r

TETrpawrpylov.

This

occurs

in

the

well-known

passage

in

Plutarch's

Lifeof Eumenes, hapter8,

where

Eumenes,

in

order to

pay

his

troops,

ETriTrpatKEV

OXUOTiSrd

Kc

x-ra jv

Xcopacv

E

w

Asti

Kxai

TETrpaTrvpyias

coc(arcovKCXi

POC•(K&Tprcov

EPovjc(as.29

That these

were fortified

places

is

shown

by

the fact

that

he

lent his

men

his

siege-train

to

reduce them.

This

was in

Phrygia

near

Celaenae,

and

the

same

word,

and

institution,

turns

up

also in

Syria,

where we have mention

of

a

TrE-rpa-Trrpyt6v

i

p3ca•iEov

near

Antioch

in

which Demetrius

I of

Syria

took

refuge

(Jos.

Ant.

Jud.

XII,

ii,

I)

and

where the name

seems

to

have

lingered.30

It also occurs

in

Cappadocia

31

(doubtfully)

and

in

Cyrenaica.32

The

word

implies

a

square building

with four towers

at the

corners,

as it

is

described

by

Procopius,

Aed.

IV,

i,

p.

266:

-rO

XcOpiov

v

ppaXEi

E11Xiad1EvosaT(

Tro TrETpa-

ycovov )X(i1a][ CJU

GcVi(g

EKcOUT1I

lrpyOV •V

siEvos,

TETpcXTraupyiXaviXva

TE

KCx1

K(chEiTOa(l

EwroilKE.

In

Egypt

the

word

T-rrpyos

alone seems to

be used

for

a

square

house

built

round

a

central

court.33

Before

leaving

vrrpyos

and its

cognates,

I

should

mention

the

Hesychius

gloss

-rrEpy'ptov

8,inpov.

It

seems

clear

that

these

are

two common

nouns,

diminutives,

and

the

meaning

is

that

somewhere

(probably

Asia

Minor)

the

word

-rrepy&apov

as used

as

meaning

a small

estate

or

perhaps

a small

township.

'Manor' is

probably

the

best

translation.

In

Xenophon,

Anabasis

VII,

viii,

8

sqq.,

we have

rrivpyos

sed

alternatively

with

the

word

T-rpos

3

to

describe the

fortified

house

in

which lived

a

rich Persian

of

Mysia

surrounded

by

his

retainers.35

T'poi

is

used

frequently

by

Xenophon

in

this

sense,

for

instance

of the

25

Schuchardt,

Sitzber.,

Berlin

1935,

p.

i86

calls

it

'

gewiss

eine

erstaunliche

Sache,'

but

claims

to have

known

it

all

along

or at

least

suspected

it.

26

Cf.

Kretschmer,

op.

cit.,

I

13

and

Boisacq

s.v.

27

It

also

occurs

as the

name

of

a fort in Pieria, on

Pangaeum,

Hdt.

VII,

112,

and as

a

place-name

in

Crete,

Plin.

N.H.

IV

59,

cf.

Plut.

Lyc.

3'I.

28

Stesichorus fr.

28

iCrpyapa

poias;

Aesch.,

PV

956

viot

?ot

KpaCtTEiT

KaI

iOKETTE

B8I1

VaiEIV

&dTrEVfiTripyapa;

Eur.,

Phoen.

I098,

I

176,

where it

refers

to

the citadel of

Thebes.

29

On this

see

Ramsay,

Hist.

Geog. of

Asia

Minor, 286,

Cities

and

Bishoprics, I,

part

ii,

p.

419;

Rostowzew,

Romisches

Kolonat,

253

sq.,

Anatolian Studies

presented

to

Sir

William

Ramsay,

374

n.

i.

These

comments of

Ramsay

and

Rostowzew

were the

starting point

for

this

paper,

but I

think

they

give

too

great

a

political

importance

to

Eumenes'

action.

Ramsay

(Cities

and

Bishoprics,420)

says:

'

Eumenes

regarded

the

territorial

aristocracy

as the

supporters

of

King

Antigonus,

and

tried to

strengthen

his

cause

by

enlisting

the

sympathy

of the

lower classes

.

. .

Eumenes

and

the

Attalid

kings

allied

themselves

with

the

people;

and

apparently

the

great

nobility

was

weakened or

destroyed by them.' Rostowzew

goes

so far as to describe

as

a

'

Kampf

der

hellenistischen

Herrscher

gegen

die

feudale

Struktur

Kleinasiens

'

what

was

surely

in

essence

merely

the

action

of

a

condottiere

temporarily

at

a

loss for

funds.

30

Cf.

Ramsay,

Hist.

Geog.,

p.

357 (Acta

SS.

Sergii Bacchi,

7th Oct.,

842

sq.,

Anal. Bolland.

XIV,

385).

This

place,

called

Tetrapyrgium,

was

near the

Euphrates.

31

Ramsay, op.

cit.,

p.

286.

32

Polybius XXXI,

xviii,

I I, Strabo

XVII,

iii,

22.

Now

the most

famous

of

all.

33

Pap.

Ox.

II,

243,

1.

15;

Preisigke,

Hermes

LIV,

423 sq.,

Ed.

Meyer id., LV,

Ioo

sq.;

A. Alt.

id., LV,

334 sq.;

Hasebroek

id.,

LVII,

621

sq.

The

vripyos

n

the

vineyard

in

the

parable

of the

Wicked Husbandmen

(S.

Mark

XII,

i)

is

more

probably.

to

be

taken

as a

watch

tower,

with

Alt,

than

in

Preisigke's

meaning

of

Wirtschaftsgebdiude.

34

Schuchhardt,

Sitzber.,

Berlin

1935,

p.

186

considers

that

Kretschmer

(op.

cit.)

has

proved

that the

Greeks

distinguished

between

Trrpyoy

and

Trpois,

the

former

standing

for the

'nordische

Volksburg,'

of which

he

thinks

Mycenae

and

Tiryns

are

examples,

and the latter

for

pre-

Indogermanic

towers

indigenous

to

the

Mediterranean

area,

which

he

conceives

as

similar

to

these

of Sardinia

and

Malta.

There is

no

evidence of

any

sort for this and

it

is

no

more

likely

than

the

Germanic

origin

of the

word.

35

This well-known

passage gives

a vivid

picture

of

the

kind of feudal life to which I am

referring.

For remains of

such

towers in

Mysia

cf.

Schuchhardt'

Ursprung

und

Wande-

rung

des

Wohnturms'

(Sitzber.,

Berlin

1929,

Pp.

448-9).




7/10

FEUDAL

SURVIVALS

IN IONIA

73

residence

of Seuthes

(An.

VII,

ii,

21),

and for the fortified

villages

of the Carduchi

(An.

IV,

iv,

2,

and

cf.

id.

V, ii,

5,

near

Trapezus).

Apart

from

these Anatolian instances

the word turns

up

in

the

West,

for

example

in

Diodorus

XI

384,

where Gelon is described

as buried

KaTX

TOV

&ypbv

rTf

yuvalKxb

v

Tcats KC1xAouivacS Evv

TIIOpaEIv.

The diminutive

-ruppiftov

occurs

in

the

famous Halaesa inscription (SGDI

5200,

col. II, 1. 65) following closely on the mention of a

T'r'pyos.

The

best-known

occurrence

36

of the word in

literature,37

in

Pindar,

is of

something

far off and

magical

and

is

also

connected with the

West,

for Pindar

uses it of the 'tower

of

Kronos

'

in the

islands

of

the

blest,

01.

II,

77.

Now when we have a word

at home in

Asia

Minor on the one

hand

and

in the

West

on the

other,

we

cannot fail to think

of a

people

of

Italy

who

derived

their

origin

from

Asia

Minor,

especially

when

the word is

-rirpats

and the

people

are

called

Tupacrqvoi.

This

had not

escaped

Dionysius

of

Halicarnassus,

who

says (Ant.

Rom.

I,

xxvi,

2)

KcXi

lV

ETRCvupicv

CXO-rTOts

i

1

V

CjOlyEVE'gr OVOS

[O10V'VTES

EWiT

CV

ipUpTCOV

a

C'p'CErol

COv

T

1E

OiKOOjVTCOV

KaCTEYKEUaOOVTO,

'fi

Vcl

aiMy0OUO'

lpoCElS

y&p xcAi

rrcap

Tupprvo1s

cdt

iv-EiXtol

KcXi TEycXvcXl

iiK'EiS

6vo~~30ovrTal

C•rEp

arcxp'

EAArciv.38

As

a

parallel

for

the

name of a

people being

derived

from their houses

Dionysius

compares

the

Mossynoeci

of

Pontus,

who

also

lived

in

towers which

they

called

16acuvES,39

and

perhaps

we

may

add the

Pergamenes

who have

the

same

Asiatic termination

in the

ethnic.

I

am not

here concerned with

the

question

of the

origin

of

the

Etruscans

40

but

merely

with the

origin

of the word

rjp0Pts,

and,

whatever

its

connexion

with

the

Etruscans

may

be,

that

connexion,

if it

exists,

speaks

for

rather

than

against

its Anatolian

origin.41

The third word

with the same meaning is

PptS.42

On this

I

need

say

little,

as

all the

requisite

information is

to be

found

in

Welles,

Royal

Correspondence,

.

320.

The word occurs

in

the

series of

inscriptions

relating

to the

sale of

land

to

Laodice,

the

divorced

wife

of Antiochus

II

(Welles,

nos.

18-20).

Welles

renders

it

'

manor-house'

and

quotes

a

parallel

use

of

the

same

word

from

Josephus,

Ant.

Jud.

XII, iv,

i

: 6

86

'YpKcxv6b

.

..

c

Ko86[Prlcr

E

PptIv icFXupd'v,

iK

Xieou AWEKO0crrcTaKEOIacaGS&wTrcyOVXPI

Kai

isc

crTEy•lS.43

The

Anatolian

origin

of

this

36

It is

also

used

by Hippocrates,

de Articulis

XLIII,

27

(=

Foesius

808)

-rav

-

-rai•rac

KOcraKeU•c&a

OT-rCoS

V•KEiv

Tiip

KxlMtI i Tp65

i

TOpaIV

TIV&

i~rlj2jv

i

1Tp65&'rTCopa

O

KOlV.

This

is

the

only

place

in

Greek where it is used for

some-

thing ordinary

and

not

out

of the

way.

The de

Articulis

whether

by

Hippocrates

or

not,

is an

Ionian

work

of the

fifth

century

and

so does not

upset

the

contention

that

Asia

Minor

is

the

only

place

where

ripoai

ould be used

of

a

common

object.

3

It was

popular

at

Alexandria,

where

it

was seized on

by

writers in

search

of

an

'elegant

variation' for

vrr6As

r

Kxp6-rroks,

f.

Lycophron

717,

834,

1209,

1273;

Nicander

Alex.

2;

Ps.

Orpheus

Argonautica

I53;

Anth.

Plan.

279

1.

2;

SEG VIII

497

1.

7 (I

am indebted to Mr. M.

N. Tod for

the

last

reference.

It

comes from

a

poem

on

the

tomb

of

a

native

of

Apamea,

but

its occurrence

is

more

likely

due

to

the

love

of

literary

ornament

on the

part

of the

writer

which

is evident

throughout

the

poem

than to Anatolian reminis-

cences

of the

subject

of

the

epitaph).

38

This last

statement is denied

by

Kretschmer,

Glotta

XXII,

I I

I,

n.

I

'

Im

Etruskischen ist

-ripois

nicht

nachgewiesen.'

It

is

doubtful

whether

our

knowledge

of

Etruscan is

extensive

enough

for

such

a

negative

judge-

ment;

and

it

is

in

any

case

likely

that

Dionysius

knew

more

about

the Etruscan

language

than we

do.

It

is

perhaps

more

important

that

the

port

of

Caere was called

by

the Greek

name

fnIpyot;

on

the

other

hand

archaeology

shows that it

was almost a

Greek

port, cf.

Blakeway,

BSA

XXXIII,

170

sqq.;

JRS

XXV,

129

sqq.

3

The

word

also

occurs as

a

place-name

in

Thrace,

M6auvvos

Athen.

VIII

345c,

and

in

Macedonia

in

Byzantine

times,

Mo•uv6rrohXs.

40

Kretschmer,

op.

cit.,

I I

says

that the

derivation

of

Tvpoarv6s

rom

-rtpoi

'

has

long

been

rejected

on

morpho-

logical grounds,' and prefers to derive it from Tyrra, a city

in

Lydia.

He

adds,

however,

'm6glich

ist

aber,

dass

dieser

Ortsname

zu

-rTpais

geh6rt'

and

quotes

a

form

reipaos

from

Hesychius,

Phot.,

p. 612,

13

to

which,

apparently,

there are no

morphological

objections.

The

point

is

clearly

a

very

fine

one.

41

That Latin

turris,

Oscan

tiurri,

s a

loan word seems

to

be

accepted,

but

it

is

almost certain that

it

was not borrowed

from

Greek,

for

-rpots

is

very

rare in Greek

(outside

Xenophon,

who uses

it to describe

a

foreign phenomenon)

while

rivrpyos

is

common.

It is

natural

to assume

it was borrowed from

Etruscan and Dion.

Hal.

says

the

Etruscans did

have

the

word;

Kretschmer,

since

he

rejects

this,

has to

say

that

it

was

part

of the

language

of the

primitive

inhabitants

of

both

Italy

and the Greek

peninsula.

But

the connexion with

Asia

Minor is much better

based.

For

this

see

further the

letter of

Attalus,

brother of

Eumenes II

of

Pergamum,

Ath.

Mitt.

XXIV

(1899),

212-14

no.

36=

Welles,

Royal

Correspondence,

o.

47

where

we

have;

1.

2

[6 &pX]tEpEis

to

TapoaivoO

'Alrrd6?covos]

and

MOVaEiov

Kci

Bi

to01eK'l

T-rj(

iV

XipvipviayyEAuhlKi Xohis

III, p. 162,

no.

325; 'Arr677covt

Tapoica

Kai

Ml-rpi

Tapo•vij.

Apollo

Tarsios or Tarseus occurs

fairly

frequently

in

Lydian

inscriptions

(cf.

Kruse,

PW

s.v.

'Tarseus')

and this

may

mean

'of

Tarsus,'

but

Taporv6s

or

Taparlvil

is

more

probably

to be

interpreted

as

meaning

Tyrrhenian.

42

The

existence

of

this

word

Papts

suggests

a

misreading

or

misunderstanding

by

Diodorus of

his

source in

the

passage

quoted

above

(XI,

xxxviii,

4). Referring

to

the

estate

given

by

Gelon to his wife

where he

was

himself

later

buried,

Diodorus

says:

r9aprl

..

. .

v

raT-Kc•houtivtai

Evvia

TopaEaiv,

0(aais-

TC•

-

pEt

r6ov

Epycov

OBaluct-rrai.

t

is

surely

very

odd

in

any

language

to refer

to

the

weight

of

buildings

and it

seems

likely

that

Diodorus' source

used the

word

P3pis

to

describe

them

and

that this

was

misunderstood. If

that

source was

Ephorus,

who

is

Diodorus'

main

source

for

Books

XI-XV,

he

may

well

have

been

acquainted

with the

word

from the

country

near

his home

in

Cyme.

43

Cf. also Jos., Ant. Jud. I, iii, 6; X, xi, 7; XI, iv, 6;

LXX,

2

Chron.

XXVI,

ig;

Psalms,

XLIV,

9;

Dan.,

VIII,

2;

Inschr.von

Magnesia

I22d

4-8,

the

cadastral

survey

quoted

above

where

there

are

five

P&PEIS

isted

as

Xc)pia.




8/10

74

D. W. S.

HUNT

word seems

certain;

E.

H.

Sturtevant,

quoted by

Welles,

finds

parallels

in

Hittite,

though

he

suggests

that

the

word

was not

borrowed

directly

from

Hittite,

but

through

the medium

of

some

such

related

language

as Luwian.

In this connexion

we

may

refer

to

building-inscriptions

from

Khorsabad and

Kujundjik, quoted

by

Schuchhardt,44

n which

Sargon

or

Sennacherib

speaks of building himself a strong house 'after the fashion of the Hittite lands'; and the

remains

at

both

sites

do

indeed

show

fortresses

built

on

the lines

which

Procopius

says

distinguished

the

TETpc(Trupyica.

Once

more,

as so often in Anatolian

history,

we

are sent

back

for our

origins

to the

Hittites.

It

is

not

necessary

to accumulate

instances to

show

the ancient

origin

and

long

persistence

of

what we

may

call

a

Feudal

system

in Asia

Minor.

We

have

hereditary

and-owners

iving

in

castles with a

following

of

armed retainers

and with

extensive estates worked

by

serfs.

Pythius

the

Lydian

in

Herodotus

(VII,

28)

is an

example, though

he is

probably

exceptional,

for much

of

his

great

wealth

must have been

made

by

trade;

but he was

a

feudal

magnate

as

well,

for

after

giving

all

his

ready

money

to

Xerxes he

could

still

live on

his estates:

acTrr4

6

pot

dnrr6

v8pa-

Tr68koV 'ci

Ecok)r5cov&pKiCoV

cr rt

Pios.

Asidates

in

Mysia

(Xen.

An.

VII,

viii,

9

sqq.)

also had

flocks and herds

and

slaves

and wide domains

and

a

strong

tower

that

six

hundredof Xenophon's

veterans

were unable to take

by

storm.

These

men

were

Asiatics,

but Greeks

could also

hold

fiefs from the

king:

Gongylus

the

Eretrian,

for

instance,

and

Damaratus

the

Spartan (Xen.

Hell.

III,

i,

6),

though

their

possessions

were

more

extensive

than

a

tower and

the land

round

it,

were

yet

part

of

the

same

system.

When the

king's

land

came

to

the successorsof

Alexander,

we see

that the

system

was

continued

though

Greeks

might

replace

Asiatics,

like

the

Mnesimachus

to

whom

Antigonus

gave

such

wide

estates

in

the

plain

of

Sardis.45

That

it

was

simply

a

substitution

of

new masters and no

new

departure

is

shown

by

the

documents in

the

case of

Laodice

to

which

I

have

already

referred;

in

the

'

bill

of sale

'

the

estate is

referred to

simply

as

-rT

Xcopiov

or

6

o-r6ros;

not

something

new,

therefore,

but

an

estate

which

had

existed

before and

probably

'

from time

immemorial.'

If

then under

Alexander

and

his

successors n

Asia

Minor

the

new

Greek

rulers

could

take

over the old

feudal

system

which

they

found

there,

there is no

reason

to

deny

that

the

same

might

have been

done

by

the first

Greek settlers in

the

land.

It

is,

on

the

contrary,

far

more

likely,

because

there

was

much

less

difference

in

political

and social

ideas

between the

Greeksof

the

Heroic

age

and their

Anatolian

contemporaries

than was

the case

in

the

Hellenistic

age.

Achilles

on his estates

in Phthia

is

blood-brotherto

Glaucus

and

Sarpedon

Ev

AuKid,

TVT'vES

E

eEoj

S

WS

EIOopCocOCY,

KCalEVOS

VEO6

POOc(

pyaC

E'veoto

-rraCp'

X0Ca

Kcai•V

pqUTOcA

'S Krai poiprjS

Trrupoq6polo.46

The.

earliest

settlers

in

Asia

Minor

continued

the same

kind of

life,

a

feudal

life

based

on

agriculture,

or

rather

based

on

the

possession

of

Asiatic

serfs

to

carry

on

that

agriculture.

Even

Miletus

47

once lived

by

subsistence cultivation of her unfertile

peninsula,

worked

by

the

Gergithes,

who were

liable

to

sudden

outbreaks

of

revolt-like

the

Bauernkriege

n

Germany

or

the Peasants'

Revolts

in

England

and

suppressed

with

the

same or

greater

brutality.48

But

Miletus

soon

chose a

different

way;

she

broke

with

the

chivalrous ideals

of her

past

and,

to

use

a

phrase

which

must

have

carried as

great

a

condemnation

then as in

England

in

the last

In

LXX,

Psalm

CXXI,

7

occurs the

word

wrpy6papis,

apparently

ax&r.

Ey.

There

is

a

city

called

Baris

in

Pisidia,

Plin.,

NH

V

147,

and

also

one near

Parium

which

Jones

(Cities

of

the

Eastern Roman

Provinces,

91)

thinks

may

have

grown

out of

Laodice's estate.

44

op.

cit.,

444.

45

But

he was

forced to

mortgage

them to

the

temple

of

Artemis

in

Sardis,

to

which

misfortune

we

owe

the

record of

Antigonus'

bounty,

cf.

SardisVII

(I),

1-7.

46

II.M

312-14.

47

I

cannot

refrain,

in this

connexion,

from

quoting

a

passage

from

Hasebroek which

does

not

seem

to

have

received

the attention

it

deserves

(Griechische

Wirtschafts-

nd

Gesellschaftsgeschichte

is

zur

Perserzeit,

120-1):

'When

in

the

sixth

century Alyattes

invaded the

territory

of

Miletus

his sole

strategic

aim

(das

Ziel

seiner

ganzen

Kriegsffihrung)

was,

according

to

Herodotus

(I,

17),

to

ruin

her

agriculture

and

horticulture,

which

therefore

formed

the

basis of

Miletus'

prosperity.'

It is

hardly

necessary

to

point

out

that

the

Herodotus

passage quoted proves precisely

the

opposite,

that Miletus'

prosperity

was

almost

entirely

unaffected

by

this

campaign though

it

was

carried

out

scientifically

for

a

period

of twelve

continuous

years.

48

Heraclides

Ponticus

ap.

Athen

XII

26.




9/10

FEUDAL SURVIVALS

IN IONIA

75

century,

she

'went

into

trade.'

Only

a

few laudatores

emporis

cti like

Phocylides

49

could

be

found to

recommend the

old-fashioned

agricultural

economy,

and

only

after

severe

political

crisis

could

the

land-owing

class

become,

and then

only

temporarily,

a

power

in the

state

once

more.50

But for

the

true ideal

of

the

feudal

state

we

must look to

Colophon,

which

for

so

long

was the chief city and glory of Ionia, with the richest and, the finestcavalry, a close oligarchic

constitution,

and

the best

text

of Homer. Insolence was another

Colophonian

characteristic,

the

insolence

of

turbulent

barons

like

Roger

Bigod

'

in

my

castle

of

Bungay

on the

Waveney

':

as

Mimnermus,

their

own

poet, put

it:

S

8'

paT-rV

Kohog~pcva

3Pirv

iTrpo-rrhov

XOVTES

E36pE0'apyaXrl O3ppiosIYEp6VE

1

Yet

this insolence

destroyed

them in

the

end,

says

Theognis

(I

103).

The Feudal

System

will

explain

two

phenomena

which

we

find in

Asia

Minor

in

the

Archaic

period, cavalry

and

oligarchy.

The

cavalry

is

clearly

drawn from

the

retinues

of

the

feudal

lords,

raised

on the wide

estates

which

the

fertile

plains

and

river-valleys

of

Ionia

made

possible.

I

need

not

press

the

point;

cavalry

and

feudalism

are

always closely

associated.

As for

oligarchy,

that, too,

is associated

with feudalism

in

many

periods

of

history.

It is

true

that it

usually

begins

under

a

monarchy

of

a

sort,

but

it is a

monarchy

of the

type

we

have

in

the

Iliad,

which

everyone

can see

is

bound to

disintegrate

when

the

immediate need for

unity

of

command

is

removed. At

Colophon

we

find

an

oligarchy

of

a

thousand,

like

that of

the

Bacchiads

at

Corinth,

with

a

'

cavalry

franchise.'

52

Xenophanes,53

in the

days

when

the

glory

of

Colophon

was

departed,

draws

a

picture

of the

Thousand,

marching

to

the

assembly

in

their

purple

cloaks,

for

Colophon

was as famous for

-rpupv

as

for

Oppts.

A

thousand seems

a

great

number

for an

oligarchy,

and Aristotle

explains

that it was

due to

the

high

level of

wealth

which

enabled

so

many

to

equip

themselves as

complete

cavalrymen;

hoplites,

like

the

man

Mimnermus

praises

in

fr.

14,

had

no

say

in

the

government,

and

no

doubt

there were

cavalry-

men

who could not

quite

reach the

legal

requirements-'

demi-lances

'

we

might

call

them-

who also

had

no

higher

political

standing

than was

given

them

by

their

feudal relations to

their

lords.

The

fall

of

Colophon

is

still

in

the

same

feudal

scheme: like

is

destroyed

by

like,

the

feudal

cavalry

of

Colophon by

the

feudal

cavalry

of

Lydia.

I

must resist

the

temptation,

strong

though

it

is,

to

speak

at

greater length

on

Colophon,

for

that

city

was

introduced

merely

as an

illustrative

parallel

to Teos

to which

at

length

I

return.

Colophon

is

the

great

antithesis to

Miletus in

Ionia,

and Teos

is on

the

side

of

Colophon.

She

is

an

agricultural

not

a

commercial

state,

she

produces poets

like

Anacreon

rather than

scientists like

Thales,

and

I

hope

that this

paper

has

shown

that she

was dominated

by

a

land-

owning aristocracy

not

by

a

commercial

party

like

the

&ErvcdTrtrat.

An

example

of

this

may

be

seen

in

the

attitudes

adopted

by

Teos

and Miletus to

the

Persian menace:

Teos,

with

the

pride,

and

perhaps

stupidity,

of an aristocratic

state,

offers a

hopeless

resistance;

Miletus,

more

cannily,

makes

terms

beforehand. If

we

had

no

positive

evidence,

we

should have

been

justified

in

conjecturing

that

Teos

had

a

constitution on

the same lines as

Colophon,

though

no

doubt on a

smaller

scale;

from

this

inscription

we can be

certain.

D.

W.

S.

HUNT

9

Cf.

r.

7:

XPiTf3wv

rhorroU

~MEX

rlv

EXE

Trrovo

ypo

&yp6vYp r

EMyouvav

Ata60Eifl~ KpaS

Elvatl.

60

Hdt.

V,

28,

the

arbitration

of

the

Parians.

51

Fr.

12,

3-4.

2

Aristotle,

Politics

IV,

i29ob,

cf. Wilamowitz,

Sappho

und

Simonides,

77.

53

Fr.

3 ap.

Athen.

526:

dXPpoai'va

B

aa86v-rES

&cVWq)EMa;

rap' AvSciv

6.

pa

-tupavvils

icraav

EVu

oT-ryEpTIS,

fliaav

ES

&yOpflV ravaovupyia Cpe'

E'XOVTES

00

I.&iouS

BorrEP

XEiAtol

Ei~

ri•rWav,

acrxaXEoti,

Xairr•ilartv

dyacX6VIEv'

ErrpET•ECralV,

o•atl-roil'

6pixi

v

Xpipaac

BEV6p.EVOt.




10/10

76

FEUDAL SURVIVALS IN IONIA

Names

of

the

Jl-opyoi

The

following

list

gives

the names

preserved

in

CIG

3064

with

such

parallels

from

literature

and

epigraphy

as I have been able to find. It will be noted that in the case of such names as

are

definitely

Greek

the

literary parallels

come

mainly

from

the Heroic

age

and the

epigraphic

from

Arcadia,

Thessaly,

and Boeotia. This

fact,

together

with

the

presence

of non-Greek

names,

supports,

as

far as

it goes, the main hypothesis.

AAKIpo&

s

a

common

enough

name,

but note that it

was the

name of

one of

the

sons of

Nestor,

schol.

II.

A, 692.

'AA~lvcop,

Naxian

sculptor

at

Orchomenos,

IG

VII,

3225.

B'pcov,

surely

non-Greek.

Compare

an

Aetolian

deuaXia

ecree for

Miletus,

Sitzber.,

Berlin

1937,

p.

156,

1.

5

(B6pcov),

where it

is the name of one of

the Milesian commissioners.

Bolos,

Paus.

III,

xxii,

I

I,

a

Heraclid,

founder of

Boial

n

Laconia,

clearly

an

invention;

Ath. IX

49

(393e)

a

Cyclic

poet; possibly

a form of

Boc-r6o's,

but

cf.

BoiayKo,

Thessalian

name,

Xen. An.

V,

viii,

23;

Polyaenus

IV ii

II

(Larissa);

IG IX

(2)

57

(Larissa);

68

(Lamia).

FdAaciaoS

as

western

connexions,

a river

near

Tarentum,

Pol.

VIII,

35, Virg.

Georg

V,

126

(cf.

Aen.

VII,

535

sqq.);

rFcXcXiarrls

s the name

of

an

Athamanian,

Diod.

XXX,

ii,

20

(it

may

be

relevant to

recall that

Athamas was

the

legendary

founder of

Teos).

Ad880os

s

Asiatic,

cf.

Kretschmer,

Einleitung

n die

Gesch. er

gr.

Sprache, 37,

and

no. 20

above.

'EK6loS.:

cf.

IKcxeiiS

G V (1), 1425 (Messene);

FIKtGlos

IG V (2), 27I (Mantinea); EiKcx8{ov

IG

IX

(2),

73

(Lamia).

H

cov

s

a

fairly

common

name.

lEpvS

as a

Lydian

termination.

loaepios,

aus.

IV, iii,

Io,

son of Glaucus

king

ofMessenia;

son of

Temenos, id.,

c.

8.

Kiugv

has the same

Lydian

termination

as

lEpus

nd is

probably

Asiatic;

cf.

the

city

Ki80rauis

in

Phrygia,

BMC

Phrygia,

150,

but

we have

a

Ki8os

rom

Boeotia,

IG

VII,

2732,

on the

kouros

rom

the

Ptoion.

Ki3cov,

nparalleled

and

doubtfully

Greek.

Kiva6Pcxos

appears

to

incorporate

the name

of

Baal;

anyway

non-Greek.

K6Oos,

common

Heroic

name,

son

of Xuthus and

founder

of

Chalcis, Plut.,

Q.G.,

22

and

cf.

IG

XII

(9),

406

(Eretria).

Strabo

(VII

321)

calls it

pre-Greek,

like

Pelops.

KoTrpEJS,

lso

Heroic,

cf.

11.

0,

639

where

the scholiasts

connect

him

either with

Argos

as

son

of

Pelops

and

herald of

Eurystheus

or with

Boeotia as

son of

Haliartus;

IG

XII

(9), 56,

no.

198

(Styra).

MaAiosprobably from the ethnic and cf.

Macx,&

IG IX (2), 381 (Pagasae).

MEyacrL5is

looks

a fine

Heroic

name,

but is

only

recorded

from late

writers,

Xen.

Eph.

I.

2

and

Apollodorus

I,

iv,

Io.

Mrlpd&Sns

uggests

Meriones the

Cretan.

Mo'aros

should

perhaps

read

M'alos.

F'oiKis

trabo

XIV,

633 (Teos).

UporTls,

n odd

name, cf., perhaps,

UpuvaTos,

G

V,

1231,

1236

(Taenarum).

I0vAos,

a

well-known

name,

connected

with

Argos

in the

Heroic

age.

It1pEvse,

good

enough

Greek

formation,

but

unparalleled.

XivTrus,

again

the

same

Lydian

ending,

but

liv-rTC

occurs

at

Argos

in

the same

inscription

(IG

IV,

614)

which

mentions also

leOv•hos

and

other heroes.

Tpc•yi•os,

cf.

Tpcoylhia

iKp'pa

tol.

V,

ii,

8,

Tpoylhia

vficos,

Steph.

Byz.

s.v.

'Tpbyilos

';

these are

both

off

Mycale,

but

Stephanus says

the name

occurs also

in

Sicily

and

Macedonia.

*dimaos,

on

or

grandson

of

Ajax

and

ancestor of

the

0chJatscai

t

Athens,

Plut. Solon

IO,

Paus.

I

xxxiv,

2;

cf. IG IV,

82

(Argos),IG IV,

(2)

D II (Pheneusin Arcadia).

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