institutional roots of muslims’ educational choices in 19th century lebanon by hania abou...
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Institutional Roots of Muslims’ Educational Choices in 19th Century
Lebanon
byHania Abou al-Shamat
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Arab Region late-19th century
• Background: 19th C. Educational reform and Expansion/ Modern Education Introduced
• Puzzle: While Christians attended the new schools to receive modern education, Muslims continued to enroll in traditional Islamic schools
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Distribution of Population and Pupils by religious communities
Year City % Population % Pupils
Muslims Non-Muslims
Muslims Non-Muslims
1882 Jerusalem 67 33 10 90
1882 Aleppo 78* 22* 21 79
1882 Beirut 31 57 21 79
1907 Egypt** 92 8 48 52
*Population percentages for Aleppo are for 1840s.** Egypt here includesSources: Bowring, John (1973). Report on the Commercial Statistics of Syria. New York: Arno Press, p. 3; Courbage, Youssef and Philippe Fargues (1997). Christians and Jews under Islam. (Translated by Judy Mabro). London: I.B.Tauris, p. 88; Diab, Henry and Lars Waehlin (1983). “The Geography of Education in Syria in 1882, with a Translation of ‘Education in Syria’ by Shahin Makarius, 1883.” Geografiska Annaler, 65 B, 2: P. 117, 120 & 121; Landau, Jacob (1969). Jews in 19 th Century Egypt. New York: New York University Press, p. 6 & 72.
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Conventional Explanations I
1. Access to Missionaries: Genesis of Modern Education
2. Early Indigenous Christian Schools: Early attempts to spread new schools
Counterarguments for 1 & 2:- Mainly Religious, basic education
- Timing: why not pre-19th century?
**Missing: Structural Changes in the Job-market
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Conventional Explanations II
3. ‘Ulema’s Resistance to Change: Vested Interests prevented change*Counterargument: - ‘Ulema divided front- Christian clergy resisted reform
4. State Neglect: curb Arab nationalism* Counterargument - Long history of private provision of education
- Arab nationalism: cross religious trend
According to 3 & 4: Islamic schools relied upon for elementary education
** Missing: Islamic schools were in demand
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Conventional Explanations III
5. Christians more prone to westernize (shared same religion); Muslims were defensive
• Counterarguments:- Historical evidence: Christians equally put at defensive- Urgency to reform among Muslims
** Missing: Difference in institutions
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The Missing Element
• Common Elements in conventional explanations
- Top-down reform (lack of agency for individuals)
- Supply side (necessary, not sufficient)
• Missing: Demand for Education
- Evidence of active demand
- Quantitative & Qualitative impact on education
• Focus on Demand (motives and incentives)• Challenges in capturing demand • Approach: reconstruct the job-market to derive skills
needed
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Why 19th century Lebanon?
• Geographic Area: Vilayet Beirut & Mount Lebanon
• Leader in Educational Reform• Religious Diversity – compare and contrast
educational choices• Job-market analysis extends to Egypt
(migration effect)
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Table 1.2. Av erage Percentage Distribution of Population by Religion
Region Muslims Christians Druze
Beirut 37 57
Mount Lebanon 7 81 12
Tripoli 83 17 ---
Saida 87 12 ---
Source: Leila Tarazi Fawaz, Merchants and Migrants in Nineteenth Century Beirut (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), ch.5; John Spagnolo, France and Ottoman Lebanon (London: Ithaca Press, 1977) p. 24; Rafiq, Muhammad and Muhammad Bahjat, Wilayat Bayrut, vol. 2 (districts of Tripoli and Latakia), 3rd edition. (Bayrut: Dar Lahd Khatir, 1987), 212; Rafiq and Bahjat, Wilayat Beirut, vol.1, 302-303.
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Table 4.1: Percentage distribution of Syrian Protestant College graduates (1870-1900) by
country of migration
Region Lebanon Egypt Rest of the
Arab World
United States
Turkey Others
Percentage 35 28 45 7 8 5
Source: AUB Directory of Alumni 1870 -1952. (AUB archive). Out of 468 studen ts who graduated b etween 1870 and 1900, inform ation was available on 347. Percentages are taken from known population.
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Lebanon Early 19th Century
• Socio-economic structure: feudal• Social stratification: kinship and landownership• Limited Social mobility• Beirut: small city• Economy: mainly agricultural• Job-market
- Administration: judges, scribers, bookkeepers, accountants
- Education: religious
- Judiciary: religious codes
- Trade: internal
- Education needed: basic and religious
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Factors Altering the Old job market
• Socio-economic effects of the silk industry - Economy: silk cash crop, external trade- Socio-economic system: emergence of middle class- Social stratification: property, social mobility- Beirut: major port city- Job-market: External trade & New financial & Commercial services
- Muslims’ absence from (Christian dominance over) external trade & new financial services
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Muslims’ share in external trade and related businesses
Profession Year Muslims Total Percentage
Merchants with Europe
1826 6 34 17
Merchants with
England 1848 3 29 10
Merchants 1889 12 89 13
Silk Exports
1911 5 67 7
Wool exporters
1914 29 80 36
Bankers 1889 2 13 15
Insurers 1914 7 18 38
Shipping agents
1914 3 12 25
Source: Boutros Labaki. “The Christian Communities and the Economic and Social Situation in Lebanon,” in Christian Communities in the Arab Middle East: The Challenge of t he Future, ed. Andrea Pacini. (Oxford: Calendon Press, 1998), p . 238; Thomas Philipp, The Syrians in Egypt 1725-1975 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Ve rlag Weisbaden GMBH, 1985), 99; Leila Fawaz, Merchants and Migrants in Nineteenth-Century Beirut (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), p. 97-8.
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Table 4.4. Percentage of Christian Translators at Foreign consulates in Beirut and Egypt
Year Region Christians Total Christians’
% Share
1878 Beirut 54* 64 84
1889 Beirut 17 18 94
1902-1908 Beirut 10 13 77
1905 Egypt 12 16 75
Sources: Issawi, “The Transformation of the Economic Position of the Millets in the Nineteenth Century,” in Christians and Jew in the Ottoman Empire: The Functioning of a Plural Society, vol. I, ed. Benjamin Braude and Bernard Lewis (New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1982), 278; Al-Jami’ aw Dalil Bayrut for 1889, 22; Al -Aswad, Ibrahim Bek, Dalil Lubnan (Be’abda: Al-Matba’a al-‘Uthmaniyya, 1906), 88 -89; Dalil Suriyya wa Misr al-Tijari, (1908), 19 -20; Thomas Phillip, The Syrians in Egypt, 1725-1975 (Stuttgart, 1985), 121.
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Islamic Legal Institutions: Muslims’ Absence from (Christians’ dominance
over) external Trade I
Conventional explanations: Co-religion, and Europeans’ bias against Muslims
Factors overlooked: 1. Islamic law: higher transaction cost- Individualistic (lack of collective entities, corporations)- Dominance of oral testimony (limited transactions’ longevity)- Europeans’ avoidance of Islamic law and courts
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Islamic Legal Institutions: Muslims’ Absence from (Christians’ dominance
over) external Trade II
2. Legal Pluralism: Choice of law- Christians’ benefits from being Protégés - Supremacy of Islamic jurisdiction lack of motives for the job
Long Term (unintended) consequences1. Statistical discrimination against Muslims2. Lost opportunities to gain new skills
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Military Conscription
• Measures of service: Muslims’ opposition• Exemption:
- Fee payment- Attendance of Islamic Schools- Special occupations: civil servants, judges, muftis.
• Consequence: 1. Increased demand for Islamic schools 2. Limited access to higher education
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Table 4.2: Distribution of major professions in 1908 Beirut
Muslims Christians Total Occupation
# % # %
Physicians 7 23 24 77 31
Pharmacists 5 20 12 70 17
Dentists 1 12 8 88 9
Lawyers 3 17 15 83 18
Bankers 2 11 16 89 18
Commissioners 4 21 15 79 19
Source: Dalil Suriyya wa Misr al-Tijari,(1908), 28-31.
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Administration Expansion
• Attractiveness: stability, social mobility, social status and power.
• Pre-Tanzimat: - Administrative service restricted- Requirements: basic education, apprenticeship• Post-Tanzimat:- Specialization: Muslims (both ranks)
Christians higher ranks- Requirements: lower ranks basic education higher ranks new education• Muslims ‘Mixed’ education
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Parallel Institutions
Courts
Three types of courts:
1. Shari’a:
Islamic education
2. Nizamiyyeh (later national):
old and new education
3. Mixed:
new education
Schools
• Old Education: Islamic schools, public schools, private tutoring, private Islamic new schools
• New Education: Foreign, missionary, Christian private schools, private tutoring
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Summary
• A network of institutions rewarded Islamic education and maintained its demand by:
- Directly increasing demand for old education
- Preserving the old job market, the arena for graduates of the Islamic schools
- Creating new jobs whose required skills were met by Islamic education
- Preventing new job opportunities that feedback on new education
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Women’s Education• Marriage institution
- Emigration & civil strive 18601. Tightened marriage market for Christians
2. Increased competition- Christians undergoing westernization- Education as social investment and positional good
• Job Market- female workers in silk factories: altering patriarchal authority - mechanization: challenging traditional female jobs- Migration and civil strife: women left behind bread winners- Education as economic investment (mainly captured by missionaries)
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Rhetoric in Muslims’ Newspapers
• Thamara>t al-Funu>n (1870s) criticizing quality of kuttabs and madrasas, praising quality of Christians’ schools, calling for modern education for the Muslims
• al-Fajr al-S}a>diq (1879): declining conditions of Muslim schools (Compared to Christians’)
• al-Mana>r, Rashi>d Rid}a> (1890s): called upon Muslims to learn from the Syrian Protestant College example of modern education
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Two Potential Routes to Provide new education among Muslims
1. Reform of Islamic schools: Study effect of waqf institution on Islamic education
2. Establish new schools: Compare to Christian schools to detect problems faced
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Reform of Islamic schools
A. Effects of waqf: Static perpetuity, evidence of change
B. Approach: Analyze system’s structure, agents’ incentives to change. Agents of change: qadis (judges), muftis (jurisconsults), and teachers
C. Findings: Large scale reform hindered by: (1) Individualistic structure of Islamic institutions confined frequency & scale of change
(2) legitimacy within Islamic Institutions held reform to what existed/discouraged innovation
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Founding new schools in the 19th century
Approach: Compare Muslim & Christian schools
Findings:(1) Limited incentives to found new charitable waqfs (2) Lack of Collective Legal entity Limited
resource pooling
(3) lack of central management lack of flexibility
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Contributions I1. New approach to revisit an old puzzle
- Shifting focus to the individual by analyzing demand- Linking demand and supply to a network of institutions
2. Comprehensive two-sided explanation:
- At the demand side, a set of institutions kept Islamic education (Journal of Islamic Studies 20, 3 (2009): 317-351)
- At the supply side, institutions hindered Muslims’ ability for resource pooling (Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, under submission)
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Contributions II
3. Transplanted institution does not guarantee internal demand. Institutional networks shape the dynamics of institutional transplant (Policy implication: reform comes in packages)
4. Framework of analysis useful in addressing current issues in the Arab world
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Reframe Institutional Transplant
• Determinants of successful transplant
- Competitiveness of transplanted institution
- Compatibility with indigenous culture
- Origin of transplanted institution
- Process of the transplant
- lock-in effect cause of institutional stagnation• Implications
- Efficacious institutions will take over (not necessary)
• Missing:
- Indigenous Demand for the transplanted institution
- Role complementary institutions play
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Effects of Legal Transplant
• “The Effects of Legal Reform on Muslims’ Commercial and Financial Performance in Egypt, 1883-1949,” Islamic Law and Society, forthcoming
• Conclusion: legal change necessary, not sufficient- Complementary changes needed- Socio-economic and political context
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Islamic Schools in Arab and Islamic World
• Recommendations: invest in modern schools in the area
• Overlooked is internal demand and he complementary institutions that support it
• Example: Islamic schools in Lebanon/Egypt
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Old job market
New job market
New education
Old education
Dndn Do
do
Do: Old Job market skills demandDn: New job market skills demanddo: individual’s demand for old educationdn: individual’s demand for new education
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Schools and Students in various parts of Lebanon in 1882
Locality Schools Students population
Beirut 101 12 452
Mount Lebanon 190 5 850
Tripoli 15 1 152
Sayda 15 887
Sur 10 520
Baalbek 5 433
Source: Henry Diab and Lars Waehlin, “The Geography of Education in Syria in 1882, with a Translation of ‘Education in Syria’ by Shahin Makarius, 1883” Geografiska Annaler 65 B, 2 (1983): 126.
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Christians’ and Muslims’ Reactions
Christians- external trade- New financial services- Administration: top ranks- Teachers: indigenous
Christian and missionary schools
- Liberal professions- Need for new education
Muslims- internal trade- Old financial services- Administration: all ranks- Teachers: Public and
Religious Schools- Old education suffices
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Table 2.2: Number of Kuttabs and students by city and year
Year Area Number of Schools Number of Students
1870s Beirut 8 225
1893 Vilayet Beirut 205 ---
1917 Tripoli 37 ---
1930s Lebanese Republic 34 961
Source: Abdul Latif Tibawi. American Interests in Syria, 1800-1901: A Study of Educa tional, Literary and Religious Work (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966),181; Martin Strohmeier, “Muslim Education in the Vilayet of Beirut, 1880-1918” in Decision Making and Change in the Ottoman Empire ed. Caesar E. Farrah (Kirksville: Thomas Jefferson University Press, 1993), 222; Muhammad Rafiq and Muhammad Bahjat. Wilayat Bayrut. vol. 2 (districts of Tripoli and Latakia), 3rd edition (Bayrut: Dar Lahd Khatir, 1987), 192-3; and J.A. Babikian, Civilization and Education in Syria and Lebanon (Beirut: s.n., 1936), 174. For the curriculum in these schools check Margaret Doolittle, “Moslem Religious Education in Syria,” The Moslem World XVIII, 4 (1928): 374-380.
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Table 2.5: Muslim Girls’ schools and Students, numbers and Percentages
Year City Schools Students
# % # %
1882 Beirut 3 8 452 8
1882 Saida 1 20 60 25
1908 Tripoli 7 41 --- ---
1910 Beirut 5 14 --- ---
Source: Shahin Makarious, “al-Ma’aref fi Suriyya” Al-Muqtataf 7 (February 7, 1883), 291; Muhammad Rafiq and Muhammad Bahjat, Wilayat Bayrut. vol. 2 (districts of Tripoli and Latakia), 3rd edition (Bayrut: Dar Lahd Khatir, 1987), 193; and Muhammad Kurd ‘Ali, Memoirs of Muhammad Kurd ‘ Ali: A Selection, Translated by Khalil Tatah (Washington D.C.: American Council of Learned Societies, 1954), 51-52.
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Education Providers
• Old Religious Schools: Madrasas, Kuttabs, Dayrs
• New Indigenous Schools (by sects)• Missionary Schools• Public Schools• Private Tutors
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Islamic Schools
Madrasa: Higher education
• Origin: Formal 11th century due to: expansion of Islamic state (need to systematize Islamic law). Number of students increased ---> Khans. To ensure full time students ---> waqfs to provide for their living and accommodation
• Form and shape affected by:- Traditionalist-rationalist/ Shiite-Sunni struggle
- Job market needs: expanding administration + judicial needs ---> Law and its sciences
- 19th century: private, waqf supported, small, founder-teacher
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Elementary Schools
• Muslims: Kuttabs: Elementary education
- mainly informal
- Expansion due to job market demand
- Waqf-founded kuttabs for poor and orphans
- 19th-20th century kuttabs
• Christians: Dayrs
- informal, basic education
- more formal at higher education, after church’s reform
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Education Providers
• Religious schools:
- Madrasas:
• ajhflahf
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Thesis
• While supply of new schools was necessary for educational modernization, it was not sufficient. A matching demand had to coexist for educational modernization to take place.
The relative efficiency of the new schools was not enough to create internal demand. A network of institutions shaped Muslims’ demand for old education and kept it from changing.
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Table 1.1. Average Percentage Distribution of Population in Beirut by Religion and Sect, 1850-1920
Religion Sect Percentage Total Percentage
Muslim Sunni 37 37
Orthodox 28
Maronite 21 Christian
Catholics 8
57
Jews 1-3 Others
Foreigners 1-3 2-6
Source: Leila Tarazi Fawaz. Merchants and Migrants in Nineteenth Century Beirut (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), ch.5
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Table 2.4: Percentage share of Muslim students and schools in Beirut city
Students Schools Source Year
# % # %
Hassan Za’rour 1870 900 38 16 38
Makarious 1882 2170 32 21 32
Al-Jami’ aw Dalil Bayrut 1889 2000 23 21 32
Vital Cuinet 1896 2160 32 23 35
Heny Jessup 1909 4462 34 36 28
Moh’d Kurd ‘Ali 1910 ---- --- 25 38
Sources: Hasan Za’rur. Bayrut: al-Tarikh al-ijtima’I, 1864-1914, (Bayrut : al-Markaz al-Islami lil-I`lam wa-al-Inma, 1991), 42; Shahin Makarious, “Al-Ma’aref fi Suriyya” Al-Muqtataf 7 (February 7, 1883), 291 ; Vital Cuinet, Syrie, Liban et Palestine, Géographie Administrative, Statistique, Descriptive et Raisonnée (Paris: E. Leroux, 1896), 60; Al-Jami’ aw D alil Bayrut Li ‘am 1889. Collected by Amin al-Khouri (Bayrut: al-Matba’ah al-Adabiyyah, 1889), 31; Henry Jessup, Fifty-Three years in Syria, II, (New York : Fleming H. Revell Company, 1910), 815; and Muhammad Kurd ‘Ali, Memoirs of Muhammad Kurd ‘Ali: A Selection, Translated by Khalil Tatah (Washington D.C.: American Council of Learned Societies, 1954), 51-52.
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Job Market: Structure and Changes
Pre-19th century
• Administration: judges, scribers, bookkeepers, accountants
• Education: religious• Judiciary: religious
codes• Trade: internal• Educational needs:
basic and religious
Since 19th century
• Enlarged administration• Education: foreign,
missionary, public• Judiciary: new ‘secular’
courts• Trade: external trade
expanding• Educational needs:
basic, higher, ‘secular’
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Christians’ and Muslims’ Responses
Christians
- External trade- New financial services- Administration: top ranks- Teachers: indigenous
Christian and missionary schools
- Liberal professions- Need for new education
Muslims
- Internal trade- Old financial services- Administration: all
ranks- Teachers: Public and
Religious Schools- Old education suffices
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Table 4.3. Distribution of Top Civil Servants in Beirut in 1908
Muslims Christians Total
Civil servants 22 41 86
Port 5 5
Investment 3 14 18
Ottoman Bank 4 4
Source: Dalil Suriyya wa Misr al-Tijari lisanat 1324 H, Al-Muwafiqa 1908 M., 15-17
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Number of students in Maronite schools by year
School Year Number of students
‘Ain Waraqa 1736 8
‘Ain Waraqa 1858 100
Mar Maroun ~1810 10
Rayfoun ~1810 10
Each of top 4 schools 1844 25
All top 5 schools 1884 177
Source: Iliya Harik, Politics and Change in a Traditional Society Lebanon, 1711-1845. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968. P. 164-165; Salamah, Bashir. Al-Ta’adud
al-Madrasi wa Takawwun al-Mujtama’ al-Ta’ifi” ??
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Graduates from two Maronite schools
School Years Number ofGraduates
Number ofYears
Graduates peryear
‘Ain Waraqa 1789-1818 50 29 1.7
Kfayfan 1808-1874 260 66 3.9
Source: Iliya Harik, Politics and Change in a Traditional Society Lebanon, 1711-1845. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968. P. 164-165
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Table 2.1: Distribution of schools and pupils by sect in Beirut in 1883
Sect Boys’
schools Girls’
schools Students
boys Students
girls Students
Total % students by
religion
Muslim 21 3 2,170 452 2,622 21%
Greek Orthodox
5 3 900 500 1,400
Maronite
10 1 1,280 55 1,335
Greek Catholic
3 --- 400 400
Jesuites
4 1 690 200 890
Sisters of Charity
--- 4 --- 1,324 1,324
Nuns of Nazareth
--- 1 500 500
Mar Mansur
2 --- 250 --- 250
Capuchins
1 --- 50 --- 50
Assyrians
1 --- 70 --- 70
Italian
1 --- 50 --- 50
Protestants
12 22 671 2450 3,121
75%
Jews
5 1 350 90 440 3.5%
Total
65 36 6,881 5,571 12,450
Source: Shahin Makarious, “al-Ma’aref fi Suriyya” Al-Muqtataf 7 (February 7, 1883), 391.
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Distribution of female pupils and their schools across religious communities in Beirut 1889.
Community Number of students Number of schools Muslims 500 3
Greek Orthodox 310 3 Maronite 55 1
Greek Catholics - - Jesuits 200 1
Nuns of Charity 2000 4 Nuns of Nazareth 500 20 (?)
Italian 120 1 Jewish 90 1
Evangelican 2390 20 Source: Boutros Labaki, Education et Mobilite Sociate Dans la Societe Multicommunataire du Liban. Deutsches Institut Fuer Internationale Paedagogische Furschung, 1988. Table 80, P. 187.
Hania Abou Al-Shamat, USCHania Abou Al-Shamat, USC
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The Nature of the Educational Divide
• Revisiting the existing data: InconclusiveMore Christians attended ‘modern’ schools than
Muslims did. Qualitative not necessarily quantitative difference
• Old typology: traditional vs. modern schools (criteria: religion)- Missionary schools: ‘genesis’ of modern education, yet religious- Private ‘modern’ schools: Religion and modern sciences
• New typology: old vs. new (new skills, mainly foreign languages)
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Limited change and adaptability
• Evidence: opportunities not fully pursued (flexibility and innovations limited and dispersed)
• The process of change not built into the system, exceptionally practiced by judges and teachers to overcome inefficiencies
• Question: why small change did not accumulate into large-scale transformations?
• Approach: Analyze the system’s organization/structure and examine agents’ motives/incentives to change. Agents of change: qadis (judges), muftis (jurisconsults) and teachers
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Effects of Waqf• Centrality of Waqf for social services: (mosques,
zawiyas, madrasas)• Static Perpetuity: Inflexibility & Stagnation
- Founder’s stipulation power of law
- Inflexibility & Stagnation
• Consequences
1. procedural stagnation ruined madrasas
2. Contextual stagnation (curriculum)
• Potential Flexibility:
- Procedural: Two legal devices to overcome inalienability: istibdal (exchange of property) & long-term leases (cases in Beirut and Sidon court records)
- Potential Contextual flexibility
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Two Factors Limited Scale of Change within waqf
• individualistic structure of Islamic institutions
- limited impact and transmission
- Potential for dismissing innovation
• criteria of legitimacy being linked to the past
- Importance of chain of knowledge
- Reputation based on mastery of classical religious works, conformity to traditions
- Fitting changes into religious doctrine, rather than changing the doctrine
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Founding Schools in late 19th Century
• Large-scale waqf founder’s motives altered (centralization policies)
(1) wealth shelter motive altered consequence (madrasas left with old waqfs)
- Beirut, 12 mosques and zawiyas supported by pre-19th century waqfs.
- Madrasas at the al-Mansouri mosque in Tripoli dated back to the 17th century.
(2) Political patronage decreased
• Alternative approach: resource pooling/small waqfs
• Maqased (1878) vs. Zahrat al-Ih}sa>n (1882)
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Institutional Roots for differenceMuslims
• Lack of collective legal entity: waqfs small and atomistic- Madrasas at the Grand Mosque in Beirut (1843) supported by 203 waqfs, Fractions of apartments and revenues from small shops. - Maqa>s}id Schools (1878) small waqfs, revenue 100 qurush, fractions of apartments
• Lack of central manager
- Mosque (dependant)- lack collective flexibility
• Judicial limitations for innovative fund raising
Christians• Judicial Autonomy:
different waqf law: larger and collective waqfs- ‘Ain Waraqa school (1789) family-founded waqf- Zahrat al-Ihsan (1882) co-founders of waqf
• Central manager for community’s waqfs- Church (corporate body)- ‘Ain Waraqa (1789)- al-H}ikmih (1874)
• Innovative tools of funding
(life insurances)
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Institutional Roots for Limited Provision of Modern Education
• Waqf Increased the cost of change, without blocking it
• Individualistic organization of Islamic Institutions confined frequency & scale of change
• Structure of legitimacy within Islamic Institutions Holding reform to what existed
• Lack of Collective Legal entity blocked resource pooling
• Central Management Lack of flexibility
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Comprehensive two-sided explanation for an Educational discrepancy puzzle
1. At the demand side, a set of institutions rewarded Islamic education, kept it in demand (Journal of Islamic Studies 20, 3 (2009): 317-351)
1. At the supply side, Islamic institutions hindered Muslims’ ability for resource pooling, and institutional reform (Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, under submission)
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Christians’ and Muslims’ Responses
Christians
- External trade- New financial services- Administration: top ranks- Teachers: indigenous
Christian and missionary schools
- Liberal professions- Need for new education
Muslims
- Internal trade- Old financial services- Administration: all
ranks- Teachers: Public and
Religious Schools- Old education suffices
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Factors Affecting Muslims’ Choices
• Islamic Legal Institutions:
1. Muslims’ limited external trade
• State’s Reform policies:
2. Military conscription
3. Administration
4. Coexistence of Parallel Institutions
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Why Study Educational Institutions & Reform in the Arab World?
• Central for economic & human development• Political indoctrination• Suggested scenarios for educational reform in the
Islamic/Arab world:
- increase funds to found new modern schools
Assumption
- transplant ‘American’ college institution
Question: Would these work?