The International Relations Review

Awakening the Bhutanese YouthThe Implications ofOsama bin Laden’s Death

Challenges Remain for India to Overcome

Published independently by the undergraduate students ofBoston University since 2009Edward Hill, Editor

2 The International Relations Review

Spring 2011 In this issue:

The International Relations ReviewVolume 2, Issue 3Print date May 2011

Edward Hill, Editor-in-Chief CAS ’11Giuseppe Caruso, Managing Editor CAS ’11Steph Solis, Layout Editor COM ’14Sarah Miller, Layout Editor CAS ’13Katrina Trost, Copy Editor CAS ’14Helena Carpio, Copy Editor CGS ’12Madeline Rosenberger, Copy Editor COM ’14Jatnna Garcia, Copy Editor CAS ’14

International Relations Review, ISSN 2151-738X, is a fully independent publication of the undergraduate students of Boston University. It is a subsidiary of the Boston University International Affairs Associations.

http://buiaa.orgiaa@bu.edu

http://buiaa.org/ir-revieweditor.irr@gmail.com

For advertising rates and circulation information, please visit http://buiaa.org/ir-review/advertising

p. 3

p. 10

p. 6

p. 5

p. 8

Communicating Policy ShiftsU.S.-Iran Relations in the Wake of an Arab Spring

Aura Lunde, CAS ’11

China’s Hold on JapanChinese Metals Embargo Pressures Japan to Release Detainee

Young Woo Nam, CAS ’14

Advancement of the East African CommunityDevelopment from Customs Union to Single Market

Aaron Stanley, CAS ’12

Bhutan’s Calculated Ride to the Climate SummitMatt Richter, COM ’11

Update on the Current Corn CrisisEthanol Production and Food Demand Cause Record-Low Corn Supplies

Rosie Mansfield, CAS ’11

A Reconciliation for AfghanistanAn Analysis of Community-Based Dispute Resolution

Amelie Steidley, CAS ’13

Development Report: IndiaEnergy & Reproductive Health

Sommai Pham, CAS ’11

Op-Ed: Keeping the Funds GoingWhy Not to Disrupt U.S. Donations to the U.N.

Katie Murray, CAS ’12

EditorialThe End of an Era: A New Path for the Middle East

p. 11

p. 15

p. 18

p. 20

3Spring 2011

On March 20, 2011, President Obama delivered his third annual Nowruz speech extending best wishes to Iranians celebrating the Persian New Year. Taking the opportunity to directly address the “Iranian people,” the President berated the government’s human rights abuses, engaged “the young people of Iran” and in doing so suggested a departure from his earlier stance of encouraging the Iranian government to come to the negotiation table.1

In light of the Arab Spring demonstrations, this particular speech laid the foundation for a new policy supporting opposition movements and more specifically those within Iran. How does the administration justify what seems to be a blatant departure from previous U.S. policy towards Iran? Does Obama’s speech represent a normative response to the Iranian regime’s repression of dissent during the February 2011 protests or a realpolitik reaction to growing opposition to autocratic regimes in the region? Is President Obama seizing the opportunity to

instigate regime change within Iran? Each of these queries raises questions about the implications of this new rhetoric for the opposition and for the regime itself. To understand Iran’s situation in the midst of

the rapidly changing Arab world, one must first examine several developments prior to the perceived policy shift of President Obama. Only then can one understand the motivations for the shift and its effect on the future development of U.S. policy with the region.

During the 2008 election, Obama stressed he would engage Iran diplomatically in contrast to the Bush administration’s threats of the military action over the nuclear program and insistence on preconditions for talks between the nations. Obama’s first Nowruz speech, just two month after his inauguration, illustrated the administration’s initial stance, goals and tactics. This speech addressed both the people and leaders of the Islamic Republic and committed the administration to “diplomacy” and the pursuit of “constructive ties” between the countries. Notably absent were military threats, mention of human rights abuses or even Iran’s controversial nuclear program. The speech expressed the U.S. desire for “the Islamic republic of Iran to take its rightful place in the community of nations” rather than seeking regime change within the country. 2

Several months later, despite Iran’s crackdowns on Green Movement protesters in the wake of the June 2009 presidential elections, Obama kept the negotiations open in a clear commitment to his new policy. The administration did not offer support to the protesters despite clear government brutality to allow the protests to retain its home-grown revolutionary spirit.

Additionally, the administration feared giving credence to the regime’s long-standing accusation of American “meddling” that stemmed from the 1953 CIA plotted overthrow of Mossadegh. While the U.S. successfully persuaded members of the U.N. Security Council to impose further sanctions on Iran in June 2010, Obama’s policy of engaging the regime failed to bring about significant change

in the behavior or policies of the Iranian government by late 2010.3 In fact, Iran continued to support Hamas and Hezbollah while also advancing its nuclear program. Combined with the Arab Spring uprisings the early failure engagement policy led the administration to begin reassessing its policy towards opposition movements. The uprisings against authoritarian regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain and Syria have dramatically altered the geopolitical landscape and thus the calculations of both the U.S. and Iran.

The current upheaval in the Arab world has shattered decades of conventional wisdom about the stability of these regimes and presents a unique set of challenges to both the U.S. and Iran. The Obama administration’s initial decision on whether or not to support the Egyptian demonstrators was weighed carefully. Though he ultimately sided with the

President Obama speaks to embassy members in Giza, Egypt about diplomacy in the Middle East. Since the Arab Spring, Obama’s stance has insinuated a change in his foreign policy.Photo Credit: Christine Power CAS ‘12

Communicating Policy ShiftsU.S. -Iran Relations in the Wake of the Arab SpringBy Aura Lunde, CAS ’11

“The current upheaval in the Arab world has shattered decades of conventional wisdom

about the stability of these regimes and

presents a unique set of challenges to both the

U.S. and Iran.”

4 The International Relations Review

revolutionaries, Obama’s hesitation hints that heated debates occurred in Washington over the decision to abandon Mubarak, a 30-year American bulwark for stability in the Middle East. Farideh Farhi, an advisor to the National Iranian American Council, shed light on the government’s concern over the eruption of similar dissent within Iran in an interview in April. She cited the Ayatollah’s attempt to cast the events in Egypt and Tunisia as an “extension of Islamic revolution rather than a democracy protest movement.”4 When the U.N. passed Security Council resolution 1973 authorizing broad use of force to protect civilians in Libya, Iran attempted to frame the U.S. involvement as being motivated by oil interests. The government cited lack of support for the opposition in Bahrain as evidence of U.S. hypocrisy. Policy makers on both sides must take steps to prepare for the consequences of these ongoing uprisings.

In the short term, Iran benefits from the U.S. losing allies in the region and the resulting strain put on relations

with America’s longtime ally, Saudi Arabia. If the Islamic regime successfully quells any threats to its legitimacy in the upcoming months it could effectively halt the momentum of the Arab non-violent democracy movements and emerge more powerful. Internal opposition movements that threaten to destabilize its ally Syria no doubt concerns Iran because of the implications for bolstering opposition inside Iran and decreasing Iranian power in the region. As David E Sanger points out, the success or failure of U.S. policy will likely be evaluated based on if and how Iran takes advantage of the upheaval to tip the regional balance of power in its favor.5

This delicate situation combined with the uncertainty of the region’s future points to the re-evaluation of U.S. policy - the fruits of which are now witnessed in this year’s Nowruz address.

The 2010 Nowruz address adopted a harsher stance towards Iran by characterizing the regime a response to the June 2009 protests and the U.S. “extended hand” with only a “clenched fist.” The

March 2011 speech has been the President’s most severe condemnation to date of the regime’s actions.6, 7 First, Obama does not once mention the “Islamic Republic” as in previous speeches and instead exclusively addresses the “Iranian people.” When compared to previous Nowruz speeches by Obama and taken with the recent events, further elements of the speech standout as remarkable including support of citizen’s “insistence” on government accountability, naming those targeted by the regime and the encouragement to the youth of Iran to “determine their own destiny.” Obama states, “So far, the Iranian government has responded by demonstrating that it cares far more about preserving its own power than respecting the rights of the Iranian people”-- a stunning retort to the regime’s repression of the February 14 demonstrations in Tehran and even other regimes considering similar style crackdowns. The president likens the 2009 Iranian election protests against their repressive regime to the Egyptian “forces of hope” witnessed in Tahrir Square that sought to cast off the yoke of Mubarak’s decades-long oppression.8

Demonstrators gather in Cairo’s Tahrir Square. Uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain and Syria appear to have influenced President Obama to take a harsher stance against undemocratic governments, favoring the statements of the people.Photo Credit: Tim Singer CAS ‘11

5Spring 2011

Obama implied the regime’s weakness through declaring that the Iranian government’s actions “show fear” as opposed to strength; by naming detainees and religious minorities, Obama is calling upon Iran to meet its human rights obligations. The allusion to the Baha’i religion is exemplary of this weakness since its followers, representing less than one percent of the total Iranian population, are persecuted due to their belief that Mohammed is only one of many true prophets. From the ruling Shiite Islamic Republic’s perspective, they cannot allow the recognition of the Baha’i’s religion in the constitution or in society, for it would erode the religious legitimacy of the regime. The inclusion of specific victims of the regime is significant because the speech does not mention Iran’s nuclear program and instead uses human rights as a means for engaging the Iranian people.

Perhaps the most remarkable element of the speech is Obama’s message to Iranian youth. The President asks them to reconsider the implications of “hatred of America” and the effects of the regime’s policies, which are known to have yielded little economic growth. 9 Obama does more than ask youth to challenge the regime, however, stating, “ I want you to know that I am with you.” Though ambiguous, this statement leaves open the possibility for future engagement.

The extent to which Obama’s decision to engage the opposition is a normative or realpolitik response cannot fully be known at this time. Critics of his decision accuse him of helping the Iranian government by bolstering their claim of foreign “meddling” in Iran’s affairs. At this point one can only speculate at the president’s precise motives, but recent events and past failures at engaging the regime suggest he is likely attempting a new course in dealing with a U.S. foreign policy challenge presented by opposition movements in the region. In a time when everything is uncertain and governments once thought invincible appear capable of crumbling, this speech provides important insight into how the Obama administration’s use of Iran as a testing ground may signal a new foreign policy towards the Middle East.

Submit to the IR ReviewIf you are interested in contributing an article or photo, please visit http://buiaa.org/ir-review for more detailed submission deadlines with any other questions or concerns.

The International Relations Review always accepts letters to the editor at editor.irr@gmail.com.

Fall 2011 Submissions are being accepted now.

In September 2010, a Chinese merchant ship rammed into two Japanese vessels in waters off the coast of the diplomatically contested islands of Senkaku, or Diaoyu Islands in East China Sea. Japan, which has jurisdiction over the islands, arrested the Chinese crew and captain for attacking Japanese vessels. This provoked outrage from the People’s Republic of China since it claims its sovereignty over the islands. Later, Japan released the arrested crews but continued to detain the captain of the troubled ship.1 This further exacerbated the conflict between the two countries, drawing people from each nation to decry the actions of the other state.

The prolonged conflict over the status of the detained captain, however, resolved quickly after the Chinese government stopped exporting rare earth metals, vital to Japan’s economy. What was initially perceived to the rest of the world as a chicken game between Japanese and Chinese interest over the Senkaku or Diaoyutai Islands ultimately resulted in a Chinese victory, revealing China’s influence over Japan’s economy and internal politics.

Rare earth metals refer to “any of a large family of chemical elements consisting of the Lanthanoids” as well as the elements “Scandium and Yttrium.” 2

Numerous sources consider the term ‘rare’ a misnomer, since rare earth elements are actually found abundantly in the Earth’s crust. 3, 4, 5 However, such elements can be mined in few places on earth with China holding about 97 percent of the global supply of rare earth metals. 6 Currently, rare

earth metals are used in the production of advanced electronic appliances, military equipment, green technology devices (i.e. hybrid cars) and other commercial applications.7, 8, 9

Indeed, rare earth metals “represent the only known bridge to the next level of improved performance in the

material properties for many metallurgical alloys, electrical conductivity, and instrument sensitivity and in some cases a mechanical or physical change in form or function.”10

After mine operations at Mountain Pass Ore in California went active, global production of rare earth metals shifted from countries like South Africa to the U.S. From 1985 to the present, however, advantageous input factors

China’s Hold on JapanChinese Metals Embargo Pressures Japan to Release Detainee

By Young Woo Nam, CAS ’14

“What was...percieved ... as a chicken game

between Japanese and Chinese interest over the

Senkaku or Diaoyutai Islands ultimately

resulted in a Chinese Victory.”

6 The International Relations Review

such as low labor cost and vast supplies of rare earth metals enabled China to flood the global rare metals market. In doing so, China undermined foreign competition and established a monopoly over this increasingly vital commodity.11, 12

In analyzing the influences of China’s export embargo on Japanese diplomacy, one must examine the importance of rare earth metals on the Japanese economy. The industry sector accounts for 21 percent of the Japanese economy.13 The majority of this sector is concentrated on the production of ships, automobiles, electronic appliances and future technology products such as hybrid cars.14 These goods rely heavily on rare earth metals in both research and production, which means any disruption in the supply of rare earth metals would greatly affect the Japanese economy. Moreover, the majority of Japan’s rare earth imports are from China, amounting to half of the annual Chinese rare earth exports.15 China’s rare earth metals embargo had the potential to cripple the Japanese economy, effectively halting most of the major Japanese productions, thereby threatening massive unemployment. At such a stage, the problem became both

a diplomatic and economic concern for Japan. Furthermore, the compromised economy would inevitably bring problems in maintaining the Japanese Self-Defense Army, endangering its national security. Considering these far-reaching potential consequences of the rare earth metal embargo, Japan had no option but to end the conflict with China.

A realist interpretation of this issue may be similar to how various countries value oil. Due to the vital role rare earth metals play in manufacturing industrial, civilian, and military equipments, realists would consider rare earth metals even more vital to maintaining national security. As a highly industrialized and technologically advanced nation, Japan requires rare earth metals in almost all sectors of their industry. Thus, Japan would see a halt in the supply of rare earth metals as an immediate threat to their national security, and the shortage of rare earths would jeopardize its economy.16

Holding monopoly status on rare earth metal supplies, China holds natural resources as a source of power. 17 Power is not just to be possessed, it is to be used.18 The action that China took on Japan

during the conflict could be considered a negative sanction, which is a part of economic statecraft. Thus, China’s blocking of rare earth exports to Japan is seen by realists as ‘effective’ economic statecraft which may be compared to Russia’s cutting of natural gas supplies to Ukraine in 2006. 19

Liberals also see various interests groups shaping the government’s decision in international relations. Interest groups by definition prefer their citizens to support survival, security and national pride. During the Sino-Japanese conflict over the islands, nationalist groups from both countries arose, staging protests and decrying the other country’s actions. In China, the nationalist groups played a greater role by holding massive protests against the Japanese government and, subsequently, the Japanese people. Under the liberal viewpoint, these demonstrations would have greatly affected liberal pluralist decision-making. Under the hostile circumstances, the patriotic opinion surrounding the Chinese public overwhelmed the interests of Chinese rare earth suppliers, who wanted to keep supply their raw materials, as China exports the majority of its annual supply to Japan.

The East African Community (EAC) is a customs union formed between some of the most well known countries in Africa: Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Burundi and Rwanda. These nations are currently working together to establish stronger economic ties in order to advance their economic interests. The EAC has mimicked the European Union (EU) by evolving from a customs union to a common market, where all member states agree to common policies on issues including regulations on production, movement of goods between nations and additional economic issues such as factors of production, service industry regulations and issues concerning enterprise and monopoly. The common market is a move by the EAC to achieve a single union where all these practices

will be standardized among the countries allowing for greater mobility of goods and services, a larger market for those goods and services and ultimately, the growth of the member states’ economies. These countries have been growing substantially economically, both as a group and as individual nations. Originally created by Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, the EAC has expanded to incorporate neighbors from the west, including Rwanda and Burundi. The EAC was created with economic cooperation in mind, beginning as a customs union to establish customs protocol among the member

Advancement of East AfricaDeveloping from a Customs Union to a Single Market

By Aaron Stanley, CAS ’12

states, standardize import tariffs of goods coming from outside the community and reduce tariffs on goods moving within the community of states. Despite the intention of the introductory customs union, immigration laws differ among the participatory nations and can impact economic activity among member states.

A mother and child browse marketplace in Gulu town, Uganda. Instead of a free market system, the countries of East Africa are hoping to establish controls on markets like this one.Photo Credit: Sarah Chudnovsky, CAS ‘14

The International Relations Review

Growth within the respective nations has also been substantial. Rwanda has a five-year GDP annual growth rate averaging 7.7 percent between 2005 and 2009; Uganda 8.26 percent; Kenya 4.68 percent; Burundi 3.52; and Tanzania 6.82 percent. The economies of these countries have been growing steadily since 2005 and, with the exception of Kenya, they saw little effect from the global financial crises of 2008 and 2010 on their markets and growth (Kenya had a 1.6 percent and 2.6 percent GDP annual growth rate in 2008 and 2009 respectively).1

Some factors that have played a role in these countries’ overall economic development include anti-corruption agencies, women’s rights, increase in foreign direct investment (FDI) because of increased stability economically and politically development of education and government funding for specialized training.

The member nations of the EAC should benefit greatly from the removal of trade barriers among them; however, as the community works to remove all barriers to trade, the community will have to deal with civil issues such as immigration between the countries as well as illegal migration of refugees moving from Sudan through Uganda, and Congolese refugees moving through Rwanda and Burundi. In addition, Kenya has been struggling with Somali immigrants and the smuggling of contraband south into their borders. With the almost complete removal of travel and trade barriers within the next few years, the community must address these issues in order to maintain an advantageous economic situation.

In order to address these issues, as well as others that may arise, the EAC nations have created a parliament. The parliament works with the EAC budget, as a “liaise with the National Assemblies of the Partner States on matters relating to the Community” and establishes committees to investigate and/or research areas that could be deemed necessary for the community.2 The Parliament is a meeting point for the five member nations where issues regarding

the organization and administration of the committee can be debated and resolved, as well as a forum for discussing issues facing the overall community.

Also, the EAC has created an East African Court of Justice, a Co-coordinating Committee and a Council of Ministers. The East African Court of Justice’s role is to ensure adherence to the multi-national agreement that was created by the formation of the EAC through signing of the “Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community.”3 These

administrative offices have been created to facilitate a smooth transition into a phase of economic cooperation and to reduce intra-community disputes and disagreements.

The parliament has been influential in negotiating steps for the continued growth of the East African Community. With the economic growth of the individual nations and the success in cooperation within the community, the EAC is now working to create a common currency within in the next two years.4 A regional currency among the nations will help the movement and valuation of goods, much like the Euro facilitated easier movement of goods, as well as easier tourism and trade. However, caution must be taken because distinct discrepancies between

the national economies could impact fiscal balance with implications similar to those of the recent financial disaster euro-nations experienced during the 2008-2010 recession, specifically in Ireland, Greece, Spain and Portugal.

Several problems that have been associated with the Euro, despite occurring

8

Fruit market in the town of Gulu, Uganda. The East African Community will face numerous obstacles--immigration, currency, unemployment–as it gains more economic stability. However, its countries have a lot of room for job development without having to create new technology.Photo Credit: Sarah Chudnovsky, CAS ‘14

“The common market is a move by the EAC to achieve a single union where all these practices will be standardized among the countries, allowing for greater mobility of goods and services

and, ultimately, the growth of the member states’ economies.”

9Spring 2011

in a more economically sound part of the world (Europe), should be viewed as examples of potential problems that will be faced by any common currency not regulated by a strong central government but by a federal government where member states have a more profound impact than the central administration. One such criticism of the euro—a “one-size fits all” interest rate is inappropriate because real interest rates of countries change with different inflation despite all the countries maintaining the same nominal interest rate, thus making countries with both high and low inflation rates suffer from a common currency.

Another criticism deals with the inability of member nations to follow through with necessary structural reforms. Germany, for example, was unwilling to change its policies on labor reform when adopting the Euro.

A third issue is the EU’s struggle with unemployment. Economists found that the EU unemployment rate was resting steadily above 8 percent, but it was not because more jobs weren’t being created. It was caused by the high growth rate in the population. The available jobs were being filled by a burgeoning population. It

became necessary to create jobs to reduce the unemployment and create jobs to accommodate the growing population as well.5

This final point regarding population growth and unemployment is an important one in the EAC. Annual population growth rates are large. Uganda currently has the largest percentage annual growth rate based statistics from 2008 at 3.3 percent, followed by Burundi at 3.0 percent, Tanzania 2.9 percent, Rwanda 2.8 percent and Kenya 2.6 percent (compared to France at 0.5 percent and Germany at -0.2 percent).6 It should be noted, however, that these countries have significant room for job development without having to create new technology and innovation, unlike Europe at the time the Euro was created.

Despite warning signs from the Euro’s recent history, the creation of a currency and the easing of trade barriers should create a beneficial situation to all EAC member nations in the long run. The Economist claims that “for the EAC to succeed, others must win too. Rwanda and Burundi should benefit from cheaper and quicker transport of goods to and from the ports of Mombasa and Dar es

Salaam. Uganda is well placed to expand its agriculture for export,” Kenya will benefit with the largest educated population as well as the most stabilized banks and manufactures, while Tanzania is skeptical, as stated before, of an influx of educated Kenyans.7 Infrastructure, however, will help all member nations. A recent plan proposed around $4.1 billion (USD) in infrastructure updates that the East African Community members would need as a group to continue growth in development and increase competitiveness.8 This would also be a significant factor in the stabilization of the EAC and its eventual success or failure. Without the ability to transport goods more effectively via rail, ground or air transportation, countries like Rwanda and Burundi will continue to fall behind Kenya and Tanzania, both of whom have large ports on the Indian Ocean.

The EAC will need to maintain their economic growth, political stability and regional cooperation in order for goals of a common market and political freedom to be feasible. Sustainable development and growth in infrastructure, job services and creation, education, HIV/AIDS prevention and women’s involvement will be key factors and strong indicators of the direction that the EAC is headed. This regional experiment, with strong leadership and national adherence, could lead to great gains and serve as an example for other developing nations.

A boy in Ntoroko, Uganda, a fishing town on the shores of Lake Albert.Photo Credit: Sarah Chudnovsky, CAS ‘14

All citations for Spring 2011

submissionsare available at

buiaa.org/ir-review/irr-issues/.

10 The International Relations Review

Tshewang Wangchuk is a determined man - he has to be. He is planning a bike ride for a group of teenagers, a challenge under any circumstances. However, this is no ordinary bike ride; it’s a logistical nightmare. This July, Wangchuk, the Conservation Advisor to the Bhutan Foundation, a non-profit organization based in Washington D.C., will accompany 15 Bhutanese, South Asian and American students and a cadre of support staff as they spend two weeks cycling 167 miles at heights of 10,000 feet across the peaks and valleys of the small Himalayan nation of Bhutan.

The ride, cosponsored by the Bhutan Foundation, is designed to bring attention to climate issues as experienced by the people of Bhutan and as interpreted by its participants. Along the route, bike riders from different cultures will have the opportunity to interact with monks, farmers, villagers and one another, learning firsthand about climate concerns during the rigorous journey. A videographer and producer from National Geographic will be on hand to cover the event and riders will be required to blog about their experiences from the field.

The ‘Bhutan Bike to the Climate Summit’ is designed to focus on climate issues in Bhutan and those of Bhutan’s neighbors: Nepal, Bangladesh and India, all of which will have participants on the ride. Participants will identify key concerns in relation to climate change along their trip, producing a short documentary to be presented to their leaders when they come together in Thimphu, Bhutan’s capital city, this fall for the first ever “Climate Summit for the Living Himalayas.” The summit has been designed to provide a forum for environmental concerns and create a ten-year road map for mitigation and adaptation to the impacts of climate change in the Eastern Himalayas, according to the

summit website.

Wangchuk hopes that the bike ride provides an opportunity to involve a younger population in the summit. This is an especially pertinent strategy considering that the median age of Bhutan’s population is under 25, according to the CIA World Factbook. “The summit involves major decision makers, but is missing the youth component,” Wangchuk said in a recent interview. “Tomorrow’s leaders are today’s youth, so it is important to engage them. Young minds are more easily inspired.”

The bike ride and summit are emblematic of Bhutan’s calculated emergence on the world stage as a leader in environmental conservation. While its neighboring countries face a myriad of environmental challenges such as rapid deforestation and development, Bhutan has preserved almost three-quarters of its forest cover. Its five national parks, four wildlife sanctuaries and 12 biological corridors cover almost half of the entire country and are home to an abundance of endemic plant and animal species, including the fabled snow leopard. The World Wildlife Fund has designated Bhutan as one of the most bio-diverse places on earth, describing the country as a land of “unspoiled forests, cascading waterfalls, magnificent wildlife and Buddhist ethics.”

According to Tshering Tempa, the head of the Conservation Biology Department at the Ugyen Wangchuck Institute for Conservation and Environment, Bhutan’s forests are not only conserved for their intrinsic value but also for the well-being of the people. Most Bhutanese are rural farmers whose livelihoods rely heavily on natural resources. Approximately one quarter of Bhutan’s tiny population of 700,000 live within protected areas. “Our conservation efforts must

incorporate humans into the management plans,” Tshering said. “The Bhutanese cannot live on fresh air and happiness alone.”

Dubbed ‘The Last Shangri-La’ by PBS in 1999, Bhutan has gained the reputation of a remote and mysterious kingdom that has remained untouched by the outside world. This notion is not too far-fetched, considering Bhutan’s first and only international airport was built in 1983. A unique series of factors have allowed Bhutan to preserve both its natural environment and traditional culture, according to Bruce Bunting, the president of the Bhutan Foundation:

“Bhutan has been fortunate to have remarkable leaders for over a century. Historically, the country was able to position itself in a way so that it was never colonized by the British. Its culture, integrity, and its unique people are well preserved. In a conceptual framework, Bhutan does have many things that make

Bhutan’s Calculated Ride to the Climate SummitBy Matt Richter, COM ’11

11Spring 2011

it feel like a Shangri-La, largely due to the fact that Buddhism has been so instilled in society. Compassion, respect for elders, and close family ties are such strong values in Bhutanese culture.”

Despite this idyllic image, modernity has brought rapid change and a level of insecurity never before seen in Bhutanese society. Eroding cultural values, increasing crime and a 23 percent poverty rate are only a few of the complex challenges that Bhutan must address in the 21st century. “Six months ago the chief of police in Bhutan’s capital city of Thimphu had to deal with gangs,” Bunting said. “There’s underemployment, unemployment, and there’s a growing issue with alcohol and drugs. Bhutan is definitely experiencing the ills of a contemporary society. The nation will face a real struggle to hang on to the values that allow the country to present itself as a Shangri-La.

“However, they are a living culture – they

can’t just be a museum piece,” Bunting continues. “Bhutan is rapidly transitioning into becoming a citizen of the world. My vision is that 50 years from now Bhutan does succeed in retaining some of the very unique and precious elements that make it such a wonderful country.”

Although Bhutan has “one of the most ambitious conservation plans in the world,” according to the World Wildlife Fund, the country is still vulnerable to the potentially catastrophic consequences of global climate change. Wedged between the rapidly developing nations of India and China, Bhutan is not immune to the negative effects of its neighbors’ expanding carbon footprints. Glacial lake outburst floods and severe weather events threaten not only Bhutan’s biodiversity but also the livelihood of its people.

“Bhutan is already a carbon-negative country, so what more can we do,” said Wangchuk. “Of course we can reduce our emissions, but our people are

affected most immediately by the rapidly melting glaciers and strange weather patterns. This is happening right now in our backyards.” Through small efforts like the bike ride, Wangchuk aims to raise awareness about how Bhutan’s people and natural environment are threatened by climate change. “We’re looking at how we can make climate change understandable to both the youth and professionals,” Wangchuk said. “On a global scale, this may not be significant in mitigation of climate change, but it has a large impact by telling a small story to a wide audience.”

The Bike to the Climate Summit will begin on July 1st, 2011 in Thimphu, Bhutan.

Participants’ dispatches from the field will be posted in real time at http://bhutanclimatebike.blogspot.com/. The Climate Summit for the Living Himalayas will take place on October 14th in Thimphu, Bhutan.

Left: Bhutanese boy stands in front of a Monastery. Top right: shop owner Kinley takes a break to play basketball above the town of Jakar, Bhutan. Bottom right: Monks watch a religious ceremony, called a tsechu, at Kurjey Lhakhang in Bhutan. Tshewang Wangchuk, Conservation Advisor to the Bhutan Foundation, is campaigning to engage the country’s youth in climate issues, in light of the upcoming Climate Summit.Photo Credit: Matt Richter, COM ‘11

12 The International Relations Review

The global corn supply is the lowest it has been in 37 years. The record low number is mostly due to the intense droughts that have hit Argentina and Eastern Europe, diminishing the global supply of corn.

There is a growing demand for corn, primarily due to ethanol production and a general rise in the demand for food. However, this season’s low yield has decreased the supply of corn, causing an increase in the price of the human food staple.

The high corn prices feed (excuse the pun) meat and dairy prices. As of January 1, the beef cattle herd is announced to be the smallest in 53 years, because producers are struggling to maintain the cost of bigger herds. Monthly costs include building and equipment maintenance, labor costs, pasture care, veterinary bills and feed.

Due to the diminished supply, the cost of beef has risen. Wholesale prices of beef have increased 23 percent in the past year, which will likely affect supermarket prices. Similarly, price of dairy has increased, though less significantly than beef. The U.S. is currently the top exporter of corn, providing 58.9 percent of the world’s corn production in 2008/2009. That same fiscal year, Argentina was the second leading producer, providing 10.5 percent of the world’s corn. Corn in Argentina, which accounts for 35 percent of the country’s output, is expected to remain below the average of the past 10 years.

The increases in corn prices in the U.S. are beginning to resemble the increases that

were seen during the 2007/2008 world food crisis, when prices had skyrocketed as a result of worldwide droughts and high oil prices. In those years, the price of corn rose 125 percent. Since last year, the price of corn has risen 89 percent.

It is still too soon to see what the major effects of the heightened demand for U.S. corn will be. It will likely affect the prices of substitute grains, such as wheat and soy, for livestock feed.

A spike in a single food price, like corn, which can be caused by a random weather crisis in say, Eastern Europe or Argentina, can have a lengthy domino

Update on the Current Corn CrisisEthanol Production and Food Demand Cause Record Low Corn SuppliesBy Rosie Mansfield, CAS ’11

A child in her family compound in Karugutu, Uganda with maize (another name for corn). Corn supplies are lower than ever in 2011.Photo Credit: Sarah Chudnovsky, CAS ‘14

“In [the 2007-2008 food crisis], the price of corn rose 125 percent.

Since last year, the price of corn has risen

89 percent.”

effect on other food prices. The price of feed corn, used to develop ethanol, affects the price of meat that it has fed. The

demand for sweet corn is on the rise, because corn is a human food staple and the growing human p o p u l a t i o n needs to be fed. A d d i t i o n a l l y, production is at an all-time high and has a growing interest (even if

it is no longer “hip”), and thus a growing demand. However, due to drought and a difficulty in expanding planting acreage, the supply cannot increase as quickly, causing high corn prices, and, in turn, high food prices altogether.

13Spring 2011

“Few people possess a past or a culture as suited to romantic treatment as do the Afghans. Their tenacious hold on a barren landscape, their dignity, their hospitality, their esteem for valor and piety, the mystique lent them by remoteness, uniqueness, and commitment to tradition offer an inexhaustible supply of material to excited writers.”

Richard S. Newell, in his book The Politics of Afghanistan, touches upon the tendency of writers to paint Afghanistan with broad, glowing strokes. Afghanistan’s character is easily romanticized as a nation of noble freedom fighters, sensationalized by oppressors and the oppressed and demonized by religious fundamentalists. However, this trend has less to do with the Afghan landscape or commitment to tradition. Rather, it can be attributed to the fact that Afghanistan has always been written from an international standpoint.

The distortion of Afghanistan’s image is not limited to literature. International powers have exploited the country’s populace for centuries, from the British and Russian empires in the late 1800s and early 1900s, to the Soviet Union and the U.S. in the late 1970s and 1980s, and most recently in the past decade by the U.S. and its allies. International powers have manipulated Afghan institutions, especially the government and rebel forces, for their own purposes. As a result, there has not been a centralized Afghan government in the past 100 years that has served solely the interests of the Afghan citizens. However, such a central government might prove impossible to establish, especially in light of Afghanistan’s current economic and political status. How, then, is it possible to reconcile Afghan interests and the interests of the international community?

This question can be addressed through the arena of the Afghan justice system. The instability of living under a

weak central government has encouraged rural Afghans to depend on age-old mechanisms of community-based dispute resolution to maintain social cohesion among families, villages, and tribes. These mechanisms provide a platform for the analysis of a holistic justice system that could finally reconcile the desires of the international community and the Afghan citizen.

Community-based dispute resolution is defined by the Dictionary of Conflict Resolution as “a wide variety of programs based on localism as an organizing principle, often originating and

deriving their legitimacy from community consensus or religious norms rather than from the exercise of state power.” Community-based dispute resolution in Afghanistan most often takes the form of “jirgas” or “shuras,” defined as “a gathering of elders to resolve a local dispute.” 1 It has remained a constant model of social interaction in Afghanistan for hundreds of years, surviving and adapting to successive governments and ideologies.

It is also significant that the terms jirga and shura—terms that derive from different languages and ethnic groups—are similar enough to be set equal. It speaks to the fact that “Afghans, whatever their ethnic/tribal origin, have over the centuries emulated each other’s behavior.”2 The convergence of these two terms indicates a certain national consciousness of local legal practice. Any national justice system must be able to address all ethnicities. The institution of the jirga reflects a unique

A Reconciliation for AfghanistanAn Analysis of Community-Based Dispute ResolutionBy Amelie Steidley, CAS ’13

opportunity to do so in a way known to rural communities.

There are three essential elements in the jirga. These are: the marakachian, or “local or tribal elders and leaders who are respected for their expertise and social influence in the community or tribe;” the narkh, or customary laws that are “part of the collective consciousness” of the village; and the prikra, or binding decision.3,4 In a typical Pashtun jirga, the marakachian form an inner circle while the rest of the village sit in an outer circle.

Both the essential elements of the jirga and its physical structure point to the source of its validity, which is found in some combination of tradition, customary law (which involves and depends on Shari’a), and the learning of the marakachian. This source of validity is moral cohesion, a

“shared morality, the violation of which is not acceptable.”5 This group’s moral identity, highly subjective yet deeply ingrained in inhabitants of the village, lends the jirga its power and provides an understanding of the paradigmatic differences between formal and informal judiciary.

Research conducted in the Bamiyan province suggests that citizens, instead of dividing cases

by nature (for example civil vs. criminal cases), divide cases by severity.6 Revisions to this system, and indeed any substantive alterations of the jirga’s functioning, should be carefully reviewed before implementation in light of the fact that government interference in local affairs is often seen as a threat to the legitimacy of informal mechanisms.

Currently, the functional authority of the judicial system in Afghanistan barely extends outside of major cities. Ali Wardak writes of the judicial system: “It is a hugely devastated institution. The devastation not only includes extensive damage to buildings, office furniture, official records and essential office equipment, but also includes the lack of qualified judges and other justice personnel.”7

According to a study conducted by the U.N. Development Program

The convergence of these two terms indicates a certain

national consciousness of local legal practice. Any national

justice system must be able to address all ethnicities.

14 The International Relations Review

in partnership with Kabul University, approximately 80 percent of cases are settled through traditional mechanisms. A survey conducted by the Sanayee Development Organization indicates that traditional justice systems are cost and time efficient, familiar, relatively corruption free, and accessible. Part of the reason they are so effective, apart from the traditional basis of legitimacy, is that when people have faith and confidence in the law, they are more likely to feel an obligation to obey it. 8

On the other hand, decisions of the jirga often violate human rights regulations set down by the central government, and marginalize female participants. Human rights are not innately important to most rural communities; however, if human rights were incorporated into the basis of law that elders draw from in making their decision, such violations would decrease significantly. Additionally, many decisions made by the jirga are not recorded, and many councils do not take documents into account when making their decision.

Although it does have the authority, standardization and clarity that informal processes sometimes lack, the faults of formal justice are debilitating. It can be incredibly time consuming and expensive, neither of which is acceptable to the majority of rural Afghans who often live in poverty. Complicating the situation further, judges and lawyers are often uneducated or untrained. Finally, formal justice is seen as intrinsically corrupt, whereas community-based justice is delivered in an open forum by people whom the disputants have usually known for years. These elements, combined with the fact that formal justice often aims at punishment rather than reconciliation, make formal justice inaccessible and undesirable to many Afghans.

The Afghan National Defense Strategy highlights key concepts and serves as the foundation for most of the research currently underway to integrating formal and informal justice systems. These include the formalization of the informal and formal mechanisms through the Ministry of Justice; a bottom-up control of the judiciary through jirgas and shuras; monitoring of the jirgas and creation of female shuras through the Afghan

Independent Human Rights Commission; the definition of a set of cases that can be referred to the informal system; and the combination of the formal courts’ authority and the local councils’ capacity to reconcile, mediate and reestablish harmony in the communities.9 Each of these proposals has shaped current research and development.

Recognizing the jirga’s potential for conflict resolution, Afghanistan’s Ministry of Rural Rehabilitation and Development of Afghanistan launched a program to “develop the ability of Afghan communities to identify, plan, manage and monitor their own development projects.” 10 Main components of this project are the Community Development Councils, or CDCs. These councils have the function to “define the needs of the covered communities, plan hardware development projects and implement these.”11 Furthermore, the U.N. Report on Human Development in Afghanistan indicates that these councils have the potential to “fill the local governance gap and…contribute greatly to the progress of establishing the rule of law at a village level.”12 These government projects have shown success in addressing developmental projects, which indicates that it is indeed possible for the formal government to operate within informal structures.

There are serious problems that must be resolved before integrating the two systems. Perhaps the most challenging is the integration of human rights into community-based dispute resolution processes. This paper will use the treatment of women as a sample of the conflict between traditional justice and modern conceptions of human rights. Deeply ingrained traditions such as baad, in which “a girl or girls from a murderer’s family are given as compensation to the family of the victim” are somewhat characteristic of

rural Afghanistan, and create deep concern for women’s rights. Research conducted in the provinces of Kabul, Ghazni, Logar and Herat suggest that many citizens are not overly concerned with the violation of human rights, including those pertaining to females. If the jirga reaches an unanimous decision and the violation does not contradict Islamic law, then the decree is not questioned.

Ali Wardak, in his essay “Building a Post-War Justice System in Afghanistan,” presents a model for governance. It relies on a new interpretation that could include human rights principles, of Shari’a, or Islamic law, that would unite the two systems. Although the model he presents is dependent on a working central government, it indicates that unification is possible.

Richard Newell aptly describes the tendency of writers to succumb to romanticism when discussing Afghanistan. He writes:“ Great as the temptation towards romanticism may be…the rewards of sober analysis are even greater.” 13 With sober analysis, it becomes clear that the international manipulation of Afghan power systems is no longer useful. The people of Afghanistan, used as pawns by so many for so long, need to be the basis of a fair justice system, which can lay the foundation for a generalized trust in central government.

The complexities of this project reflect the complexities of the land and its people. If there is any one thing that unites the country, it is the desire for war to end. Though holistic justice in Afghanistan is problematic and complex, it is an essential building block towards lasting security and an authentic national identity in a country exhausted by war and sick of manipulation.

Advertise with the IR ReviewReach the 1,200+ international relations students at Boston University and beyond by placing an in-print and online advertisement in the IRR.

For full placement and rate information, please visit

http://buiaa.org/ir-review/advertising or send an email to advertising.

irr@gmail.com

15Spring 2011

Development Report: India

Children pass Indian marketplace on their way to school.Photo Credit: Helena Carpio, CGS ‘12

Energy In India, the nation’s ability to provide adequate energy for the populous’ growing demands has come to determine the country’s overall ability to sustain growth and advance its standards of living. Coal, currently accounting for more than half of the national energy supply, has thus become central to Indian development. In the face of growing energy demands, it is crucial that the government focus its attention towards efficiently improving the coal sector for a more sustainable future. It is also important, however, to

take into consideration critical issues such as the impact of energy production on the environment and the surrounding social conditions. Reforms to coal production need to be made with the long-term in mind. Sustainable development of the Indian coal sector, and of the nation as a whole, will need to involve paying attention to two themes: the ability to sustain the increased production of coal in the country and to do so in an environmentally and socially sustainable manner.1

Sustainable development within the Indian Coal sector faces many key

challenges. First, resource assessment is incomplete. Often it ignores critical factors such as geology that affect the quality and extractability of the coal. Assessment has been unnecessarily repetitive, for example, inventory has included already empty reserves. Such factors impact the quality of planning as well as the actual life-line of the reserves. The reporting of better data on the availability of resources and their extraction potential is necessary for sustained growth in the coal sector.2 These changes will simultaneously help to combat the increasing coal imports

Boston University senior Sommai Pham provides a brief overlook of the challenges and opportunities in developing India’s energy infrastructure

and public health policy.

16 The International Relations Review

Reproductive Health In development practice, the issues of sexual and reproductive health often go largely ignored. In India particularly, such negligence has been the result of a national misunderstanding (both among the public and within the government) of the issues. In turn, women and the development of the state as a whole, have suffered. Change is crucial. Sexual and reproductive health must be understood and re-prioritized on a national level as fundamental to Indian development. Policies and programs must be implemented to promote not only health but also the rights and the empowerment of women. Advocacy groups must commit to working together to achieve those goals. Until then, the lives of women and the welfare of the state will only remain at stake.

Sexual and reproductive health in India faces a variety of social and political challenges. The first problem to tackle is the widespread lack of public knowledge on what reproductive and sexual health really is. While the government has previously affirmed its commitment to promoting a global

that are currently used to satisfy growing demand. Imports are unnecessary when the domestic potential to produce exists. It is all a matter of utilizing indigenous coal in a more efficient manner.3

Extraction is also important. Currently India participates mainly in opencast or surface mining. The need for increased production, however, necessitates the heavy use of underground mining as well. This can be achieved by focusing on technological development (e.g. the increased mechanization of mining, the introduction of state-of-art machines, their optimal utilization).4 These investments will help sustain increased production. Another important issue policy makers must address is the usage of washing and coal beneficiation, or the variety of processes whereby extracted ore is separated into mineral and gangue. Such methods can potentially offset the worsening quality of coal. For example, washing can reduce the mineral content in the coal and improve thermal efficiency.5 Investment should thus be directed towards the technological development of such techniques as an effort to improve quality and efficiency overall.6

S i m u l t a n e o u s l y, environmental and social sustainability must also be factored into the above mentioned reforms as equally fundamental to the sustaining national growth and development. While perhaps necessary, coal mining has a variety of negative effects. These include air pollution, land degradation and deforestation, as well as the displacement of people due to land acquisition and the pollution of air and water in surrounding communities. Such issues can largely affect the overall development of the country. For example, there are multiple dimensions of human, social and economic impacts on displaced people (e.g. the breakdown of family and community structures, greater class conflicts, the worsening

of economic situation due to disruption).7 Such impacts are symbolic of regression rather than development. There is therefore a need for more comprehensive and humane environmental planning within the coal industry in order to reduce these risks.8 While reforms must be made with the intentions of optimizing production and sustaining such production, they must also be made with the goal of minimalizing the risks that come with mining and extraction.

Chikkatur writes in Sustainable Development of the Indian Coal Sector, “with the growth of coal-based power, local environmental and social challenges in relation to coal mining, processing and use are becoming more pressing.”9 With that said, although it is entirely necessary to continue coal production and mining as a means to satisfy growing demands and to sustain both human and economic development, it is also important to do so in a conscientious manner. As coal is necessary for the development of Indian infrastructure, changes to improve the Indian coal sector must also effectively improve the environments which it impacts.

India’s development is speeding forward. Photo Credit: Helena Carpio, CGS ‘12

17Spring 2011

understanding of the issue, the actual initiative to do so has been disappointingly minimal.1 Public education should be the first priority. Reproductive health as it has been historically addressed in the past has taken a variety of different meanings. Often times, such definitions are conflicting.

What the government and advocacy groups should work together to promote, however, is that reproductive health refers to the rights of individuals, particularly women, to make decisions and choices about relationships, sexual orientation, marriage, childbearing and other such issues. It must be understood that the right of both women and men to make these decisions free of discrimination, coercion and violence is inherent. Consistency is key. As the same definition should be provided to the public, the same definition should be used by both government actors and advocacy groups. Simultaneously, both groups must work together to achieve their goals. While policy-making is largely a government function, considerable efforts are needed from various interest groups for policies to gain acceptance and have a greater chance of success in implementation.2 There must be a mutual understanding between both actors of priorities, programs and policy goals.

Another obstacle within the development of sexual and reproductive health is the fact that advocacy campaigns have been largely ineffective. Instead of reactive, more proactive mechanisms such as the research done by the Society for Education Action and Research in Community Health to address the risks of reproductive tract infections, should be employed.3 In India, the use of research has great potential, but has often been ignored as a beneficial tool in policy reform and implementation.

Additionally, the distinction between population control as part of the Family Welfare Program (FWP) and reproductive health should be emphasized. While education on birth control, condoms, abortion and sterilization is of course part of reproductive health, population control is not the main purpose of advocacy

campaigns nor should it remain to be the main purpose of government planning in sexual health development.

Population control under the FWP of the 1950s had tremendously negative effects on India’s female populous. Until the stigma of population control is removed, women themselves, along with feminist activist groups and health professionals will continue to refuse “Reproductive Health” as legitimate and an important issue affecting national development.4

The Indian state faces many challenges. Knowledge of sexual and reproductive health must first be prioritized. Education of the public is fundamental to the success of many programs and policies. Women must be empowered and know their rights. In addition, advocacy groups must reexamine their campaign methods and use them more effectively. Cooperation between developmental agents is also crucial. The government must work together with advocacy groups to enforce the changes needed to better affect women’s lives. Women’s sexual health and rights can no longer come last in development practice. Without these changes, and without the inclusion of such issues as crucial to national progress, the development of the nation on the whole will remain incomplete.

India has the biggest populace of all democratic governments in the world, yet 27.5 percent of Indians fall below the poverty line according to the World Bank.Photo Credit: Helena Carpio, CGS ‘12

18 Th e International Relations Review

The U.N. is undeniably an imperfect, fl awed institution—but it is also the world’s most important international organization and one that plays a key role in advancing U.S. national security interests by providing a forum for global engagement, partnership and the promotion of universal values. For these reasons, and because of the complex nature of the problems that must be faced in the 21st century, now is not the time for Congress to discuss any disengagement of the U.S. from the U.N.

But with the 2010 elections and the resulting majority transition in the 112th Congress, the U.N. has been increasingly under attack. The House Foreign Affairs Committee has often accused the U.N. of failing to uphold U.S. values and interests, and not giving suffi cient return on U.S. payments. Such biased criticism, partnered with the recent change in political tides, has motivated the committee to threaten action against U.S. involvement within the U.N.

It is more important now than ever to discard demands for change in U.S.-U.N. relations to “reform fi rst, pay later, ”as coined by Chairman (R-FL) Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, and that Congress accept a push to exemplify a “culture of responsibility and transparency” in all of its multilateral involvement in order to help improve the system.

The U.S. acknowledges the shortcomings of many U.N. organs, as well as the controversial administrative executions of U.N. missions. Scandals such as corruption in the North Korean U.N. Development Program offi ce (“Cash-for-Kim”), anti-Israel policy and gross human rights violations amongst members of the Human Rights Council all seem to warrant the adoption of a mentality

that would justify withdrawal of U.S. funds until signifi cant anti-corruption and transparency reform occurred.

But criticism only shows one side of the story; the wise choice for the U.S. is to lead reform from within, rather than choose to retreat. Strong multilateral engagement advances U.S. foreign policy

and national security. The U.N. tackles and deals with problems that no one else wants to face, and it can help bring security to countries where U.S. military involvement is not feasible or welcome (e.g. Cote D’Ivoire, DR Congo). The U.N. is also able to rally impetus for change in issues and areas where the U.S. is ignored, including human rights reform in Iran and battles over nuclear proliferation in countries such as North Korea, Syria and Iran.

A successful referendum in South Sudan, supported by a U.S.-U.N. mission, is resulting in the creation of a new state. Under President Bush, important peacekeeping missions were established in

Afghanistan and Iraq. Blue helmets in the Middle East are critical to ensuring stable government and bringing U.S. troops home.

Proposing to make all donations voluntary, or to disengage from the U.N., would not only undermine the advancement of national foreign policy, it would signal a lack of U.S. commitment to global cooperation. In an increasingly globalized world, at a time of competitive innovation and advancement, it is important for the U.S. to be a key leader in multilateral engagement. The consolidation of four organizations to create U.N. Women,

and the decrease in resolutions against Israel since the U.S. has been represented on the Human Rights Council, show that reform can successfully increase effectiveness, accountability and transparency. Progress, benefi cial to US interests, will not occur without the U.S pressing for change from within.

The U.N. provides a valuable stage for the advancement of U.S foreign policy, strengthening of national security and building of relationships (notably with developing states such as Brazil, India and China). It provides an avenue to pursue

cooperation for global partnership, and work with sovereign governments to promote democracy. But, without a domestic interest in global cooperation, cutting U.N. funding seems to be an easy decision with little consequences for Representatives.

In his testimony to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Peter Yeo succinctly illustrates that “in the end, we need to pay our U.N. dues, not just because it is popular, but because it is necessary—necessary to maintain a healthy, evolving U.N. ready to stand by America and our deep, abiding interest in peace, stability and democracy around the world.”

Op-ed: Keeping the Funds GoingWhy Not to Disrupt U.S. Donations to the U.N.

By Katie Murray, CAS ’12

While members of congress are criticizing the U.N. for its shortcomings, it is important to consider the organization’s commitment to addressing problems that the U.S. would overlook handling.Photo Credit: Regula Hess, CAS ‘11

19Spring 2011

Submit to the IR ReviewIf you are interested in contributing an article or photo, please visit http://buiaa.org/ir-review for more detailed submission deadlines with any other questions or concerns.

The International Relations Review always accepts letters to the editor at editor.irr@gmail.com.

Fall 2011 Submissions are being accepted now.

Staff Editorial

At 10:57 p.m. EST, May 1st, 2011, news came streaming over the airwaves that the U.S.’ number one target in the war on terror, Osama Bin Laden, had been killed. Half an hour later, President Barrack Obama appeared in the East room of the White House to give a special address confirming these reports to the American people, and the world. After nearly a decade of symbolic and unwavering pursuit, the U.S. military has achieved its mission in assailing the main perpetrator of the crimes committed on 9/11.

News of his death comes after a spring of Arab uprisings that have thoroughly changed the shape and indeed the future of the Middle East. That has been the story of Spring 2011. From the Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia that sparked an Arab Spring of revolutionary action, to the most recent developments in Pakistan with the death of Osama Bin Laden, we are witnessing a paradigm shift.

The stranglehold that ineffective governments and regressive extremists have held over the Middle East is starting to loosen. As each day passes, new developments are paving the way for this fragile region to enter into a future of democratic rule and sustainable government. Finally, we may be seeing a movement where the necessary reforms can be made to end an era of disparity and injustice; an era that has prevented the people of the Middle East and other oppressed regions in the world from building a better future.

The debate over the path towards stability and development is one that has been argued over for decades among economists, politicians and government officials. It has been seen that development can only be sustained when citizens are able to hold their governments accountable. Hilary Clinton best illustrated this point in relation to the Middle East on February 5, 2011, at the 47th Munich Conference

on Security, saying “the transition to democracy will only work if it is deliberate, inclusive, and transparent. Those who want to participate in the political system must commit to basic principals, such as renouncing violence as a tool of political coercion, respecting the rights of minorities, ethnic and religious, participating in a spirit of tolerance and compromise.” She went on to close with the assertion that “those who refuse to make those commitments do not deserve a seat at the table.”

This paradigm shift in both American foreign policy and in the geo-political conditions of Middle East has arrived at a pivotal moment in history. A moment where the common future of humanity is becoming more visible as the

smoke of a century’s worth of development and strife settle in the face of more pressing issues like global food shortages, climate change and poverty.

If these challenges are to be overcome on a global scale they will require global cooperation; not extremism. If government’s are to come together in achieving the worthy targets set out by the

U.N. Millennium Development Goals it will be done through the collective efforts of citizens and their protectors, not by despots or ineffective regimes. Extremism can no longer be allowed to hold a credible influence in the world’s path to overcoming the extreme challenges we already face. Though nearly ten years of America’s war on

terror have largely dismantled networks of extremism, this fight is long from over. The North Western Frontiers of Pakistan remain ungoverned and largely impenetrable by the Pakistani government for both political and logistical reasons. If left unfettered, an uneducated, battle-hardened and predominantly male population could reemerge to destabilize the region.

We must be aware that the path towards global development is finally being made visible, as Hillary Clinton announced in her speech the challenge from here “is to help our partners take systematic steps to usher in a better future where peoples voices are heard, their rights respected, and their aspirations met.”

The End of an Era: A New Path for the Middle East

“The common future of humanity is becoming more visible as the smoke of a century’s worth of development and

strife settle in the face of more pressing issues like global food shortages,

climate change and poverty.”

The International Relations Review http://buiaa.org/ir-review/

ISSN 2151-738X (Print) ISSN 2151-7398 (Online)

Vol. 2, Issue 3 Since 2009

Aura Lunde

Rosie Mansfi eld

Young Woo Nam

Sommai Pham

Christine Power

Matt Richter

Amalie Steidley

Aaron Stanley

Sarah Chudnovsky

Tim Singer

Helena Carpio

Giuseppe Caruso

Jatnna Garcia

Edward Hill

Sarah Miller

Madeline Rosenberger

Stephanie Solis

Katrina Trost

This issue’s cover shot by Matt Richter, COM ’11Taken in Bhutan, 2010.

Thank you to all our editors and contributors

Christine Power

Matt Richter

Amalie Steidley

Aaron Stanley

Sarah Chudnovsky

Tim Singer

Helena Carpio

Giuseppe Caruso

Jatnna Garcia

Edward Hill

Sarah Miller