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Changes of Violence in Sport

GÜNTER A. PILZ (F.R.G.)

Abstract

In the course of a development sociological analysis the question is asked, ifviolence in sports in the course of civilization process increases or decreases. The

seeming contradiction between the thesis of decrease of violence in sports andthe thesis of increase of violence in sports is solved by differentiating betweenexpressive, pleasant, affective violence on one hand and instrumental, affectless,rational violence on the other. It can be seen that within long term developmenttrends in society of increasing control of affects and monopolizing violence, ex-pressive violence in sports is more and more repressed, tamed, i.e. compared to

earlier forms of sports expressive violence in sports today has decreased. On theother hand change of sports towards success orientation, increasing economical,political, and public significance of sports leads to an increase of instrumentalviolence in the sense of a consciously planned, aggressive rule violation in the

interest of higher aims. In contrast to this an analysis of development of female

sports shows - because of the change in power balance between sexes, the

change of female behavior standards - that in female sports as well an increaseof instrumental as of expressive violence can be noted in the sense of an ad-

justment process to general social violence standards.

Following the newest discussion on the problem of ’sports and vio-lence&dquo; one can distinguish between two apparent contradicting theses:

1. Within long-term social changes, the changes of control of vio-

lence, the increasing control of affects and monopolizing of violence, vio-lence in sports is more and more repressed, tamed, i.e. compared to

earlier forms of sports, violence in sports today has decreased (see: Elias,1975).

2. Changes of modern sports with regard to success orientation, in-creasing signification of sports success, economical, political and publicvaluation of sports success, leads to an increase of violence in sports-(see : Weis, 1976).

The apparent contradiction between the thesis of decrease of violencein sports and the thesis of increase of violence in sports can be solved-

by diffferentiating between two forms of violence:

expressive, pleasant, affective, joyful violence on one hand,and

instrumental, affectless, rational violence on the other hand.. at SAGE Publications on August 16, 2016irs.sagepub.comDownloaded from

http://irs.sagepub.com/

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The following explanations will show, that within a long-term social

change, expressive violence in sports is more and more r epressed,tamed; expressive violence in sports has decreased. However, the changeof modern sports aiming towards an increasing social significance of

sports leads to an increase of instrumental violence, in the sense of a

consciously planned, aggressive rule violation out of interest of higheraims. In contrast to this an analysis of development of female sportshows - because of the change in power balance between sexes, the

change of female behaviour standards - that in female sports as wellan increase of instrumental violence can be noted in the sense of a

process of adjustment to general social violence standards.In opposition to the unhistorical and static view of sports which is

predominant in sports sciences, I agree with Elias (1975, p. 105) that

&dquo;sports is a manifestation of specific social developments&dquo;. The outwardappearance and the problems of sports today can - from this point ofview - only be explored, interpreted and understood by examiningthem in the context of long-term changes of society and sports.

1. DECREASE OF EXPRESSIVE VIOLENCE IN MALE SPORTS

For better understanding, it seems necessary to describe the term

-expressive violence. Expressive violence means violent actions which

are allowed by the regulations of sport. These actions are exercised andperceived with positive feelings and do not charge the social conscience.In this way, expressive violence corresponds with the socially toleratedlevel of physical violence and with the sports specific standards of vio-lence as they are described by Elias (1977) with the term &dquo;Angri f f slust&dquo;(pleasure form for attacking). Following the development of the rules

of different sports, we can notice a strong decrease of violence. The

changes of the rules were mostly aiming at decreasing and repressingthe socially tolerated level of physical violence that is connected with

the sports rules. Thus Dunning (1979) interprets the development of foot-ball and rugby as a tendency to more civilized forms of behavior. A

comparison of the &dquo;structural properties of Folk-Games and Modern

Sports&dquo; (Dunning, 1979, p. 33 f.) can elucidate this tendency.These comparisons show how football has become more and more civ-

ilized ; they show the growing &dquo;civilization&dquo; of the game in the sense

of a growing decrease of expressive violence. &dquo;They mean that, as partof the incipient modernization of football, the players began to be ex-pected to exercise a higher degree of self-control and that some of themore violent features of the game in its earlier stages began to be erad-icated to more stringent control&dquo; (Dunning, 1975, p. 111). Comparingthe rules, the earlier forms of sports, the &dquo;folk-games&dquo; were considerablyless organized, less differentiated, more wild, and brutal, than today.

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TABLE 1

The Structural Properties of Folk-Games and Modern Sports (Dunning,1979, p. 33 f.; selection by G. A. Pilz)

They allowed a considerably higher level of socially tolerated violence(Dunning, 1979; Rittner, 1978).

It seems to be worthwhile to prove these aspects by some extractsof reports of earlier sport events. Thus commentaries of the fights duringthe antique Olympic Games in Greece are more like horror stories thanreports of sports events. Drees (see Elias, 1975, p. 93) gives an accountof two boxers in the classical antiquity: &dquo;The first gives his opponenta punch on his head, that he survived. As the other one however neg-lected his cover, the opponent struck him with stretched-out fingers inthe side and teared out his intestines and killed him in this way.&dquo; Itwas not seldom in the antique Olympic Games that an athlete killed

during a single combat was subsequently declared Olympic winner be-cause of his having fought especially bravely, because of having died ahero. In the Pancration, the antique form of boxing and wrestling theathletes were allowed to cut out the opponent’s eyes. Reading the rulesof today’s Olympic wrestling it can be easily seen how strongly ex-



50

pressive violence has decreased since the antique Olympic Games. Tounderstand this disproportionate degree of tolerated violence in the an-tique sports, as compared with today, it is necessary to put it into re-lation with the standards of the control of violence, the socially toler-ated degree of violence and the norms of the antique Greek society.Elias (1975, p. 101) is right, when he points out, that in antique Greecethe protection of the citizens wasn’t exclusively the task of the state,and therefore family ties were much more important than today. Re-latives had to protect each other against violence. To do physical vio-lence, to glorify violence, was to a certain degree vitally necessary. Acontrolling institution that could condemn physical violence wasn’t yetexisting. No social conscience had taken shape as yet, a sensitivity forviolence. Physical violence such as~torturing and killing, also watchingsuch actions didn’t bring forth horror but joy and amuse.ment. In con,sequence of the growing economical involvement natural economy wassubstituted by capital economy. According to this development a morecalculated, more rational, and more far-seeing behavior had become nec-essary and, connected with it, also an increasing control of affects andof physical violence (compare: von Krockow, 1980, p. 4). The increasingdifferentiation, the increasing division of labour in the course of the

civilizing process leads to a growing control of the &dquo;affect-economy&dquo;(A f f ekthaushalt), and also to a distinct sensitivity of physical violence.In other words: corresponding to the change of the way of productionacts of cruelty, taking delight in physical violence, have become moreand more controlled by society. Violence in sports is therefore alwaysto be seen and interpreted in the context of the general norms andstandards of socially tolerated physical violence of the standards oi

violence-control and the social conscience concerning physical violence,In this way Dunning (1979) shows, how from 1840 onwards physicalviolence, regarded as legitimate in Rugby, began to be reduced bywritten conditions and prohibitions. Some of the more brutal practiceaof earlier time were rooted out and, to the extent that a player couldbe persuaded or compelled to adhere to the new rules, the game did nolonger exclusively resemble serious fighting. Could one see the athletesretiring home in the earlier football-games or &dquo;folk-games&dquo; &dquo;as from

a pitched battle, with bloody pates, broken bones, and of joint, andsuch bruses as serve to shorten their daies&dquo;... (Dunning, 1979, p. 27), the&dquo;game had begun to grow more civilized as well as more complex&dquo;. Thiscan be seen &dquo;from the seven 1945 rules dealt with physical force&dquo;

(Dunning, 1979, p. 93 f.).

1. &dquo;Charging is fair in the case of a place kick as soon as the ballhas touched the ground; in the case of a kick from a catch, as soon asthe player’s foot has left ground and not before.&dquo;



51

2. &dquo;No player being off his side shall hack, charge, run in, touch theball in goal or interrupt a catch.&dquo;

3. &dquo;A player standing up to another may hold one only, but mayhack him or knock the ball out of his hand if he attempts to kick it or

go beyond the line of touch.&dquo;

4. &dquo;No hacking with the heel or above the knee is fair&dquo;.

5. &dquo;No player but the first on his side may be hacked except in a

scrummage.&dquo;6. &dquo;No player may wear projecting nails or iron plates on the soles

or heals of his shoes or boots.&dquo;

7. &dquo;No player may be held unless he himself is holding the ball.&dquo;

The decrease of expressive violence in sports can also be seen in thefollowing change of football rules: since 1874 kicking, to beat and tread-ing the opponent is forbidden: 1884 the referee is installed. Thus: chan-ges of the rules of sports can be interpreted and seen as an increasingprocess of repressing physical, expressive violence. In addition to this,the changes of expressive violence differ to a high degree from societyto society, from social class to social class, from sport to sport. In sometypes of sport that is: in the so-called combat-sports such as boxing,wrestling, ice-hockey, handball, football, violence is less subdued than in

other sports such as for example volleyball, track and field. These sportsoften allow a higher degree of physical violence than society. The bal-ance between expressive and instrumental violence in these types of

sport shifted more in the direction of expressive violence. It is, in this

context, certainly not very surprising, that these types of sport are

exercised by people belonging to social classes in which physical vio-lence is yet tolerated as legal means of asserting one’s interests, in whichphysical violence adds to the amusement of its spectators. Thus, the

repression of expressive violence, the sensitivity for physical violence

differs from culture to culture, from society to society, from social classto social class, therefore we find in different types of national sportsdifferently tolerated degrees of physical violence. Thus players of &dquo;Amer-ican football&dquo; give the following reasons for playing such a rough game:

&dquo;because you could beat others&dquo; ... &dquo;harder and you could knock

people and all, and moreover show how cruel you are (Mantell 1972,p. 123 f.).

The well-known American football player Joe Namath says of hissport:

&dquo;Football is a mirror-image of life in the American society. Everyonewants to get ahead and the opponents want to prevent him, everyonehowever has to assert himself. Both, football and life move on brutal.

After football, there is only one further increase: war&dquo;.

And his colleague, the defensive player Dwight Wight reckons: at SAGE Publications on August 16, 2016irs.sagepub.comDownloaded from


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&dquo;On the playground I do not make any prisoners! I kick, beat, andstrangle, if anyone crosses my path, gets in my way&dquo; (Pilz, 1979, p. 23).

To summarize: The development of the civilization which impliedcontinuous social tendencies and changes for example the change of theforms production, the control of affects and physical violence becamestronger and stronger; a process which also took place in sports. Eventypes of sport which were less influenced by these tendencies and whichtoday are still thought as brutal types of sport are in comparison withearlier stages of development comparatively &dquo;peaceful&dquo;. The history ofthe rules of the different sports is lately also a history of reducing, re-pressing physical violence. At the beginning of the new season of hand-ball the International Federation of Handball has changed the handballrules with the intention to make the game less brutal. These new hand-

ball rules like those of football for example: installation of penaltiesafter rule violations (in 1890); the banishment of a player from theplay~groun~d after a severe foul (1909); the yellow and red card (1970)were introduced with the intention to sanction stronger also instrumentalviolence, to counteract the increasing &dquo;brutalization&dquo; of handball and

football games.

2. INCREASE OF INSTRUMENTAL VIOLENCE IN MALE SPORTS

To be able to comprehend the change of instrumental violence in

sports, it is useful, to quote some of the &dquo;Ten Commandments of the

Sport&dquo; (Diem, 19602, p. 24):- &dquo;Win proudly without boating, lose without excuses or grumbling;

more important than the victory is the deportment&dquo;.- &dquo;Follow without words the referee even if he seems to fail.&dquo;- &dquo;No success in sport is worth an hour of illness.&dquo;- &dquo;Practice sport for the sake of spor’t without self-interest and inor-

dinate ambition, loyal to the rules.&dquo;- &dquo;Don’t avoid any combat, renounce knightly with any accidental

advantage, strive instead of the applause of the spectators after the

praise of your conscience.&dquo;- &dquo;Look always for the strongest opponent and regard him as your

friend, the guest is always right.&dquo;The appearance of sports today shows that those &dquo;Ten Command-

men’ts&dquo; are merely idle, unfounded statements buB: no longer the guideof the .athletes’ behaviour. Some headlines of reports about sport eventsin the newspapers will prove this thesis: &dquo;Violence at the ball;&dquo; &dquo;Vic-

tory and Death from the ampoule;&dquo; &dquo;Brutality of the combat-game;&dquo;&dquo;Handball with punch of carate,&dquo; &dquo;Football in Germany is becomingmore and more brutal.&dquo;

The &dquo;Little Football World-Championship&dquo; in Uruguay in 1981 caused at SAGE Publications on August 16, 2016irs.sagepub.comDownloaded from


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the following headlines in German newspapers: &dquo;Football brutal - the

spectators suffered with the heroes&dquo;; &dquo;Fists, Treads, Headcuffs - Bra-zilians and Argentinians came to blows after the stopping signal.&dquo;

Thus also a lot of empirical studies on violence in sports show, thatthe use of instrumental violence, of violent actions that violate the

rules, are constitutive elements of being successful in sports (compare:Albrecht, 1979; Faulkner, 1974; Frogner and Pilz, in press; McCarthyand Kelly, 1978; Heinild, 1974; Pilz, 1979, in press; Smith, 1979). ’In his

most interesting study based on 268 Bundesligahandball-games (thehighest league in Germany) Albrecht (1979, p. 87) could prove, thatsuccessful teams commit significantly (< .001) more fouls than un-

successful, losing teams (606:476). Moreover: the winners commit signif-icantly (< .001) more physical fouls (552:300) than the losers. It is

to be noted, that physical fouls were defined as violation of rules thatlead to injuries of the opponent. Albrecht (1979) concludes from his

study, that the winner of a handball game, besides other reasons, winsbecause the members of this team commit fouls more frequently andaccordingly play more violent than the loser team. The already namedalteration of handball rules shall help to prevent in future that onlythe most violent teams be successful. Beyond this it is intended thatthere is no longer a direct and causal connection between playing foul,brutality and success (compare Vick and Klein, 1981). Kurrek (1974)states in his analysis of the role of foul-play in international handballat the Handball World Championship 1970 an average of 40.5 fouls andviolations of the rules, 34.1 percent of which can be classified in the

categories of violent, brutal actions. He also noted a significant differencebetween the foul play of winners and losers. Winners committed signif-icantly more fouls than losers. McCarthy and Kelly (1978) and Smith(1975) have come to the same results. McCarthy and Kelly (1987, p. 93)showed that aggressive players not only scored significantly more goals,but also acquired significantly more assists. Aggression was defined inthis study on the basis of certain types of norm violations as, e.g. elbow-ing, boarding, roughing, cross-checking, fighting, spearing, kneeing,slashing. These results are reflected in comments of sportsmen too. Onoccasion of a Bundesliga football game that finished as a draw becauseof a goal in the last minute of game, the coach and the president of theclub who had to take the equalization-goal said:

&dquo;Our fellows are too naive, too ingenuous. In such a situation, therewas only one solution: cut down&dquo;!

And the centre forward and German national footballplayer of thisclub, Klaus Fischer said:

&dquo;In that situation there was only one solution: shave, to shave the

shooter before he shoots.&dquo;



54

Jupp Kapellmann, national player and manager of the football clubMunich 1860, said about the situation of the German professional soccer:

&dquo;We don’t differ from animals. We carry out our struggle for exis-tenc.e with all means. Each one must try to execute tthe other one.&dquo;

And one of the best and well-known German lootballplayers PaulBreitner (1980, p..25 f.) writes in hits book:

&dquo;Football resembles boxing. There will be grasped fiercely, there

will be kicked against and slapped on all that is moving. That’s reality....One thing is clear, and this is advantageous for pupils as well as forBundesligaplayer before I allow the opponent to mark a goal, I have to

prevent him from doing so with all means - and if I can’t succeed with

fair means, I have to do it with a foul-play. Rather a penalty than a

goal. Those who don’t confess this fact, are deceiving themselves or

they aren’t football players&dquo;.Thus it isn’t surprising, that Heinild (1974, p. 21) could prove in his

study, that 70% of the questioned footballplayers agreed to the statementthat an opponent who is in an obviously advantageous position must bebrought down unmercifully, that 54% are of the opinion, that in im-

portant games all means are allowed to win the game, that 69% are ofthe opinion, that in a match a player may attempt anything provided heis not caught. This violent behaviour is assumed or the other way roundtaught - as Smith (1974); Faulkner (1974); Pilz (1979); Frogner andPilz (in press); and Vaz (1974) have proved empirically - by socializingthrough sport, for example in ice-hockey and football careers. With in-creasing experience of the game and higher capacity of performance, thedisposition to commit violent actions accordingly increases. The tech-

niques of violent behaviour are accepted, legitimated and reinforced by thereference groups, namely coach, teammates, and spectators (see: Smith,1979; Frogner and Pilz, in press). Instrumental violence is learned and

trained systematically during the sporting career. Volkamer (1979, p.109) reports that - corresponding to this fact - 25% of the questionedjuvenile sportsmen openly confessed, to train unallowed behaviour duringthe training following the motto: &dquo;allowed is, what the referee doesn’tsee&dquo;. The idea of &dquo;fair-play&dquo; has to give way during the process of

sport socialization more and more to a &dquo;sporting moral&dquo; which means

that success and the interest of the team are of the highest importanceabove all other things. Fairness is being replaced increasingly by success-oriented, violent standards of behaviour. ’The following Table 2 will illus-trate this fact. &dquo;The priority of the team interest tends to become moreaccentuated with the increase of age while the role of fair play gets miti-gated respectively, thus the success of one’s team supersedes fair playas a source of norms in game behaviour&dquo; (Heinild, 1974, p. 40).

It is important to notice, that the use of instrumental violence de-pends on the situational context. Thus the use of instrumental violence



55

during a very important football game (far example cup-final) is

much more obvious than in a game among friends or on a training-game (see also Fig. 1). As Table 3 and Figs. 2 and 3 show, the degree oflegitimation of instrumental violence and the frequency of the real use ofit during a game correspond to the age of the juvenile football players.The older they are, the more they are brutal and think it alright. In thiscontext the coach seems to be the most important agent of socializationof instrumental violence: the younger the football players are, the more

TABLE 2

Attitudes towards Fairness: Changes during the Sporting SocializationProcess (Heinila, 1974, p. 41)

The same reesults got Frogner and Pilz (in press) by exploring the attitudes of juvenile

football players towards norms and rules of sport (see Table 3).

TABLE 3

Comparison of the Degree of Legitimation of Violent Actions (lva) andthe Frequency of the Real Execution of These Violent Actions (fva) dur-

i~ig a Football Game, Differentiated by Age (Frogner and Pilz, in press)

. the numbers indicate the percentage of the questioned football .players who legitimatethese actions middling till very.

.. the numbers indicate the percentage of the questioned football players who sometimes

up to execute these violent acts during a football game.



56

the coach trains instrumental violence. The oldest juvenile football

players seem to have already internalized the use of instrumental vio-lence and positive feelings concerning it, so that the coach is no more

as frequently forced to train these behaviour patterns as he has to do it

with younger football players.In this context a result of the pretest seems to be highly interesting:

&dquo;to insult a player of one’s own team&dquo; is valuated by the juvenile foot-ball players significantly worse than &dquo;to insult a player of the opponentteam&dquo;. Moreover: to insult players of one’s own team&dquo; was valuated

with few exceptions much worse than physical attacks, that means vio-lent physical attacks against the players of the opponent team. The

&dquo;sporting moral&dquo; of the boys legitimates physical attacks against the

opponent much more than the insult of a player of the own team!

Beyond that, alterations of instrumental violence in the sense of be-

coming used more and more are not only limited to the so-called com-bat-sports which imply physical contacts. Even types of sport that for along time assumed the appearance of being a distinguished and fair typeof sport, nowadays need additional mechanism to control violence, to sanc-tion violent patterns of behaviour. In Riding Sport horses are doped; inthe &dquo;kingly&dquo; game of chess psychological warfare is becoming moreand more important for winning; in tennis, yellow, green and red cardsand high fines were introduced to sanction the players for the increasingviolent actions on the tennis courts. The former U.S. Tennis profession-

Fig. 1. Degree of legitimation of violent actions differentiated by important andtraining games (Frogner and Pilz, in press).



5T

Fig. 2. Degree of legitimation of instrumental violence, differentiated by age-

(Frogner and Pilz, in press).

Fig. 3. Frequency of instrumental violence during the football game, differentiatedby age (Frogner and Pilz, in press).



58

Fig. 4. Degree of the pressure of the coach on playing aggressive, differentiated

by age (Frogner and Pilz, in press).

al Arthur Ashe states in the Tennis Times: &dquo;we have given up the funin tennis in favour of the money&dquo;. Tennis is a really good example tao

show, that the significance of sports, and above all, the valuation ofsuccess in sport has been changing in the course of the past decenniaand within these changes, violent patterns of behaviour have become amore and more constitutional element of sport success. At the very mo-ment, when sport has emerged from his private sphere sporting eventshave become a routine action that no longer belonged to a recreation,entertainment and private range. More and more, sport underwent therules of profitability, of success and competition in the strongest sense.Heinild (1974, p. 12 f.) is right, when he maintains that with the in-

creasing demands in sport, the increasing socially and economical sig-nificance of sport successes, the &dquo;sacred ideology of amateurism&dquo; is su-

perseded by a &dquo;technocratical moral&dquo;, that is exclusively oriented to

.success:

&dquo;The issues in sport which really count are the very success and the-complete devotion to the pursuits for this goal for records&dquo; (Heinila1974, p. 12 f).

The increasing use of instrumental violence can be explained bythe alterations in the development of society which meant: industrializa-tion, monopolizing of violence, control of affects, increasing glorification,of performance and success, instrumental use of the body (see: Rittner,1976). This tendency of the increasing use of instrumental violence in



59

sports can not be interpreted as a counter movement against the long-term trend of reducing and monopolizing physical violence (as Alias

(1977) has described it). It is rather a process of adaptation to sociallytolerated standards of violence. By shifting sport from the more privatesphere to the public sphere, sport loses more and more its original play-orientation, while performance and succes orientation are prevailing.Self-control, self-constraint and fun are overlapped by external con-

straints and seriousness. Just those external constraints elucidate the in-

creasing use of instrumental violence in sport and influence the balancebetween expressive and instrumental violence in favour of the latter.

Summary: in the course of the &dquo;civilizing process&dquo; we can confirmtwo contrary movements: on the one hand a reduction of expressiveviolence in sports and on the other hand a process of adaptation to in-strumental violence. According to general social standards, violence in

competitive sport is dealt with in the same way as it is dealt with in

the greater social figuration. The use of violence is adapted to the socialnorms of the modern industrial society, in which success seems to be

more important than being considerate. The question of the balance be-tween expressive and instrumental violence thus is a question of the stan-dards of violence in society, of the significance and the consequences ofbeing successful or successless in sport. For the male sport we can confirma diminuation of expressive violence and an increase in instrumental vi-olence which means an adaptation to competitive norms in economical

figurations.

3. CHANGE OF VIOLENCE IN FEMALE SPORTS

The preceding statements which described the alteration of the ballance between expressive and instrumental violence in favour of moreinstrumental violence in male sports may have to be modified with re-gard to female sports. Because of the change of power balance betweenthe sexes and the change of female behaviour standards in female sportsboth instrumental and expressive violence has increased according to

general social violence standards. The alteration of the power balancebetween sexes in favour of a &dquo;greater full scope of liberty and decisionfor the female sex&dquo; (Krumrey, 1979, p. 202) had the effect that expres-sive and instrumental patterns of violence - even if not yet generallytolerated in society - were more and more executed by women. A shortsummary of the development of female sports may prove this.

Till the middle of the 18th century, females had been excluded fromphysical exercises almost totally. At the end of the 18th century - be-cause of social changes - physical exercises became part of the edu-cation of girls. The exercises had the character of traditional female

patterns of behaviour such as: lightness, gracefulness, elegance, grace,



60

beauty. Competitions and all physical exercises which gave the slightestimpression of violence were forbidden for females. The social patternsof propriety, highly esteemed female charm and dignity and supportedan inequality of power balance between sexes. Females had to pleasethe men and had to be their subjects. These ideas influenced the earlierphysical exercises of women. At the beginning of the 20th century -bringing forth the women’s lib movement, with the idea of emancipa-tion - competition in female sports gained more significance. Compe-titions first took place in types of sport, which are traditionally femaleand which fit into the picture of the &dquo;female peculiarity&dquo; (such as gym-nastics, tennis, ice skating, swimming, track and field). The effects of theFirst World War had a great influence on the development of women’slib and female sports. Because of the confusion of the war, females

had to prove, that they also could perform a man’s job. In the followingyears competitions and more &dquo;serious&dquo; forms of sport activities were

opened for females. Expressive and instrumental violence in female

sports however burst forth in the last 20 or 30 years. Gibbs (1976, p. 3)is right:

&dquo;It is only in the last 25 years that it has been realized that womencan be as fiercely competitive, as strongly aggressive and just as highlyskilled as their male counterparts.&dquo;

These changes are particularized in the following explanations.

3.1. INCREASE OF EXPRESSIVE VIOLENCE IN FEMALE SPORTS

The changes of expressive violence in female sports are shown in thefollowing example on the basis of the development of the numbers offemale members in selected sports.

A comparison of the numbers of members of sports federations ofthe German Sports Federation (DSB) in the period from 1972 till 1979shows an over-average increase of female members in the followingsports: volleyball (+546%); basketball (+151.7%); football (+240.4%),tennis (+165.4%); judo (+129.8%). A differentiation of types of sportinto different categories such as &dquo;prestige sports&dquo; (sports that demandhigh financial expenses and are mostly exercised by the upper class);indirect-aggressive sports (physical contact is nearly excluded); &dquo;ritual-

ized-aggressive sports&dquo; (physical violence is a constitutive element of thesports established in the rules) shows that the ritualized-aggressive andopen-aggressive sports had the strongest increase of female members -that means sports, that allow within their regulations the highest de-gree of expressive violence.

Thus we can conclude, that mostly those sports, that allow and de-mand a more or less high degree of expressive violence, have the great-est increase of female members. The tendencies can also be remarked



61

in the physical education at schools. Especially football and handball aremore and more favoured by female pupils, far more than volleyball andbasketball. These alterations in female sports towards an increasing useof expressive violence can also be noted in the development of com-

petitions for females at the Olympic Games.

Z1ABLE 4

Increase of Female Members of Selected and Differentiated Sports of thePeriod I972--1979 in percent (Pilz, in press)

. Table 5 shows that up to 1972 females were mainly admitted to thosesports that correspond to the traditional female patterns. Since 1976

&dquo;rougher&dquo; sports such as basketball, handball and rowing, 1980 also hockey,were opened for females and in 1984 marathon-running for females is

part of the Olympic programme. On the other hand, we can’t neglect

TABLE 5

Female Competitions at the Olympic Games (see also: Pfister, 1980, p. 279)



62

the fact that Olympic sports in which females up to now are not acceptedcan be numbered among the &dquo;open-aggressive&dquo; sports: boxing, weight-lifting, football, judo, cycling, wrestling, water-polo. NeveTtheless, we canexpect, that especially cycling, judo and football will soon be openedfor females at the Olympic Games. All these sports are already exer-cised by women on the national and international level.

Even boxing and weight-lifting (in the form of body-building) aremore and more competitively exercised by females on a national andinternational level. Thus, the development of female sports, especiallythe opening of the so-called combat-sports for females, the increasingvariety of sports for females, and the increasing acceptance of sports,that allow bodily contact and other forms of expressive violence, con-firm the tendency of increasing expressive violence in female sportsNamely the development of female football in the Federal Republic ofGermany since 1970 from 23,000 female football players in 1970 to nearly400,000 in 1981 supports this thesis. Moreover, football has dispropor-tionately the most female members of all contact and team sports in theFederal Republic of Germany, the German Football Federation is afterthe German Gymnastic Federation and the German Tennis Federationthe Federation with the most female members.

As Table 6 shows the two team sports, that demand the highest de-gree of physical, expressive violence: &dquo;football&dquo; and &dquo;handball&dquo; rank

widely before all other female team sports.

TABLE 6

Female Members of German Sports Federations, increase from 1974 to

1979 (Knoop et al., 1980, p. 14)



63

As Elias (1977, p. XIII) postulated, the changes of the social standardsof patterns of behaviour that are allowed and forbidden also lead to a

change of structures of the social personality, we can also prove an

adaptation of the personality structures of male and female athlete

(see: Smith, 1972; Pilz, 1979, in press; Balazs, 1977; East, 1974; Harris,1973). The personality structures of female and male athletes differ lessthan the personality structures of female and male non-athletes. Espe-cially personality traits such as &dquo;aggressivity&dquo;, &dquo;dominance&dquo;, &dquo;risk tak-

ing&dquo;, &dquo;need for achievement&dquo;, are assumed by females.The increasing use of expressive violence in female sports is not to

be apprehended as a counter movement against the general tendency toreduce expressive violence within the society as well as in male sports.Because of the traditional female patterns of behaviour, females weremore or less excluded from the use of violence. With the socially ac-cepted balance between male and female patterns of behaviour and thenegation of the traditional female patterns it was possible for the fe-males to use expressive violence. Thus females sport is more and more

adapting itself to male sport, with its standards of expressive violenceAccording to this ’tendency we can also expect that women’s sportwill adapt itself to the instrumental violence standards of male sports.So Smith (1972, p. 107) means:

&dquo;Impelled by the increasing importance of winning and as the val-ue-climate in sport subtly changes in the direction of the legitimationof female violence, together with the appearance of appropriate refer-ence groups for the social learning of violence, female sport may ‘b’e

moving toward the male model....On the other hand, the fact, that fe-males have avoided thus far, many of the problems rife in male sportargues well for the view that women’s sports will resist becoming sca.lar-down replicas of sports for men.&dquo;

The following explanations will show, that this optimistic view of.

Smith may have to be modified.

3.2. INCREASE OF INSTRUMENTAL VIOLENCE IN FEMALE SPORTS

In their studies and analyses on women’s sports, especially on fe-.

male football Knoop et al. (1980); Rabe (1976); Tschap (1978) and Thom-as (1979) argued, that female sports, female football will not developaccording to the male model: traditional female qualities will be moredominant than male qualities such as violence, dominance. In our studyon juvenile male and female football players (Frogner and Pilz, in press}we found no confirmation of this thesis. On the contrary: female foot-ball players expected to the same degree as male football players, thatthe players have to play brutally and aggressively. Moreover: girls used



64

TABLE 7

’Comparison of the Frequency of the Real Execution of Instrumental Vio-.lence during a Football Game and the Degree of Legitimating It, Differ-

entiated by Sex (Pilz; Frogner and Pilz, in press)

frequently violence just like boys during the game. The female footballplayers openly confessed that more than 30% of their fouls are instru-mental ones and over 50% of the fouls of their oppenents are instru-mental ones. The most interesting result however is the fact, that femalefootball players confess that they frequently execute violent acts duringthe game, but that they have not internalized these actions because of

..-..-- _

Fig. 5. Frequency of instrumental violence during a football-game, differentiated

by sex (Frogner and Pilz, in press).



65

Fig. 6. Degree of the legitimation of instrumental violence, differentiated by sex.

traditional patterns. These female football players - contrary to their

counterparts - distinctly distinguish between the frequency of their

violent behaviour during a game and the legitimation of instrumentalviolence. The male football players more than the female football play-ers legitimate acts li’ke pushing the opponent with the elbow, trippingthe opponent-player up and pushing the use of this instrumental vio-

lence between boys and girls. In the answers of the girls there is a con-siderable difference concerning violent acts and their legitimations. Girlsact as often violent as boys, but they do not legitimate this behaviourto such an extent as boys.

These results elucidate the conflict between female patterns of be-

haviour and the requirements of competitive sports. This thesis is also

supported by the following fact: female football players significantlymore frequently were exchanged by the coach because they didn’t playrough and violent enough. Girls were more frequently praised by thetrainer when they had prevented a goal by a violent foul; the coach moreoften trains girls in playing violent and hard than the boys. The girls ob-viously, because of their sex-specific socialization-experiences, must betrained more intensively than boys to play rough and violent.

This data confirm the tendency towards an increasing use of instru-mental violence in female sports. Studies in the field of female hand-

ball point out the same facts (see Frogner, 1980; Pilz, in press). Reportsabout team-sports of females in the newspapers confirm additionally thethesis of an increase of instrumental violence in female sports: &dquo;hard



66

Fig. 7. Degree of pressure of the coach on playing aggressively, differentiated bysex (Frogner and Pilz, in press).

and athletic: handball becomes also in female sports rougher and rougher&dquo;(see Pilz in press). The female team sports develop in the same way asthe male sports: in a long-term view the female sports will become ascompetitive, as violent and aggressive as male sports.&dquo;

The coach and the best player of the German Football Champion infemale football states accordingly:

&dquo;If the development in female football continues in this way and if

the German Football Federation accepts the introduction of a female

national team, then the struggle for concurrence will become rougher.&dquo;Studying the problems of doping during the last two years, leads to

the suspicion, that this form of instrumental violence appears more

frequently in female than in male sports. -

TABLE 8

Evaluation of the Reports on Doping and the Doping-Problems in a Ger-man Newspaper during the Period o f August 1979 till July 1981, Differ-

entiated between Male and Female Sports (Pilz, in press)



67

The former possessor of the world record in female discus-throwingLiesel Westermann (1977, p. 133 f.) consequently states, that in the fe-

male sports the &dquo;attraction of the adventure performance sport&dquo; has

faded and made place to a &dquo;naked brutality of a struggle for existenceof performance for performance&dquo;. The doping-tests during the OlympicWinter Games in Lake Placid 1980 proved that 7.7% of the male and 7.7%of the female test-pieces had testosterone-values in an amount which liesabove the normal values. The suspicion of having additionally taken

testosterone at the Olympic Games in Moscow 1980 concerned 5% maleathletes and 10% female athletes. Especially the use of instrumental

violence in sports in which females have been competing for a longtime, in which high performances of females have long been sociallyaccepted and admired, females compete with the same hardness, vio-

lence and inexorability as the males. The use of prohibited means forbeing successful in these sports reached dimensions, which seem to

excel the dimensions of comparable types of sport of males.To summarize: In the course of the changes of social norms and pow-

er balance between sexes, patterns of violence became also acceptablefor women. The use of expressive and instrumental violence is not a prob-lem of sex, but a problem of the social standards of violence, a problemof the power balance between sexes, a problem of the sporting patternsand a problem of the significance of sport and sporting success. To sum-marize with Weis (1976, p. 15):

&dquo;The more sports are organized and professionalized, the more par-ticipation and performance are extrinsically rewarded and, therefore,open to other influences. Intrinsic motivation, on the other hand, wouldemphasize participation for its own sake and play-type qualities. If, as

a consequence of organization and professionalization, victory as the

goal of all athletic striving becomes more important than the means bywhich it is achieved, if, finally the economic or other results of winningfurther increase their significance, then, the probability will also inn-

crease that rules of sport will be violated in favour of other interests&dquo;.

This thesis is of value for the male as well as for the female sports.The question if patterns of violence or peace, patterns of cooperation orcompetition dominate, depends on the intention with which people exer-cise sports, depends on the structural conditions of the sports, and de-pends at least on the socially tolerated level of violence. The changesof violence of females in sport can from this point of view be explainedfinally by the fact that women’s sports has become adapted to the de-mands and norms of performance sport and to the structures of the

different sports. To say it with Gerber (see Berlin, 1974, p. 382):&dquo;One can’t coinpete in sport and be non-competitive; one can’t shoot

for goals and be non-aggressive; one can’t practice for two physicallydemanding hours a day and be physically weak; one can’t put one’s skill



68

on the line against an opponent and be too afraid to take risks; one can’tcome out on the court or field or pool against opponents who have de-monstrated their superiority and be wanting in courage; one can’t giveup many hours a week to train for competition and not have self-disci-pline ; one can’t accept results of the contest as proof of who’s the bestfor the moment and be un~objective; one cant strive to win, win, win,and not be achievement-oriented.&dquo;

Thus indeed, one can’t compete in, males’ as well in females’ sportand not use instrumental violence.

REFERENCES

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Balazs E. (1977), A Cross-Cultural Comparison of Some Outstanding Sports-Women,in: M. Adrian and J. Brame (eds.), "NAGWS Research Reports", Vol. III, Washing-ton, pp. 105-116.Berlin P. (1974), The Women Athlete, in: E. W. Gerber et al., The American Wom-en in Sport, Menlo Park, pp. 283-400.Breitner P. (1980), Ich will kein Vorbild sein. Unser Fussball - so wie ich ihn

sehe (I Do Not Want to Be a Model. Our Football As I See It), München.

Diem C. (1960), Wesen und Lehre des Sports und der Leibeserziehung (TheEssence and Teaching of Sport and Physical Education), 2nd ed., Berlin.

Dunning E. (1975), Industrialization and the Incipient Modernization of Football,"Arena", I, pp. 103-139.Dunning E. and Sheard K. (1979), Barbarians, Gentlemen and Players. A Sociologi-cal Study of the Development of Rugby Football, Oxford.East E. (1974), Experiences and Observations of a Student-Athlete, in: Aapher (ed.),Development of Human Values Through Sports, Washington, pp. 65-67.

Elias N. (1975), Die Genese des Sports als soziologisches Problem (The Genesis of

Sport as Sociological Problem), in: K. Hammerich and K. Heinemann (eds.),Texte zur Soziologie des Sports (Texts on the Sociology of Sport), Schorndorf, pp.81-109.

Elias N. (1977), Uber den Prozess der Zivilisation (On the Process of Civilization),Vols. I and II, Frankfurt.Faulkner R. R. (1974), Making Violence by Doing Work: Selves, Situations and theWorld of Professional Hockey, "Sociology of Work and Occupations", 3, pp. 288-

312.

Frogner E. (1980), Eine soziologische Untersuchung über Aggression im Sport (So-

ciological Study on Aggression in Sport), Ahrensburg.Frogner E. and Pilz G. A. (in press), Untersuchung zur Einstellung von jugend-lichen Fussballspielern und-spielerinnen zu Regeln und Normen im Sport (Re-search on the Attitude of Young Baseball Players - Male and Female - Re-

garding Rules and Norms in Sport).Gibbs R. (1976), Women in Sport, "Mod. Athlete and Coach", 14 (3), pp. 2-5.

Harris D. V. (1973), Involvement in Sport: A Somatopsychic Rationale for Physi-cal Activity, Philadelpiha.Heinilä K. (1974), Ethics of Sports, Research Reports of the University of Jyväskylä4.



69

Knoop F. et al. (1980), Bestandaufnahme im Damenfussball (On Women’s Foot-

ball), Frankfurt.Krumrey V. (1979), Strukturwandlungen und Funktionen von Verhaltensstandardsanalysiert mit Hilfe eines Interdependenzmodelles zentraler sozialer Beziehungs-typen, in: P. Gleichmann, J. Gaudsblom and H. Korte (eds.), Materialien zu NorbertElias’ Zivilisationstheorie, Frankfurt, pp. 194-214.Kurrek B. (1974), Die Rolle des Foulspiels im internationalen Hallenhandball (TheRole of Foul Play in International Indoor Handball). Unpublished Dissertation,Deutsche Sporthochschule Köln.

Mantell D. M. (1972), Familie und Aggression (Family and Aggression), Frankfurt.McCarthy J. F. and Kelly B. R. (1978), Aggressive behavior and Its Effect on Per-formance over Time in Ice Hockey Athletes: An Archival Study, "Intern. Journalof Sport Psychology", 9 (2), pp. 90-96.Pfister G. (ed) (1980), Frau und Sport (Women and Sport), Frankfurt.Pilz G. A. (1979), Attitudes Toward Different Forms of Aggressive and Violent Behav-ior in Competitive Sports: Two Empirical Studies, "Journal of Sport Behavior",2 (1), pp. 3-26.Pilz G. A. (in press), Wandlungen des Kampf- und Angrif fsverhaltens, besondersder Aggresivität von Frauen in Sport. Gesellschaftliche und psychische Entwick-lungstrends sozialer Kanons im Frauensport (Changes in Fighting Spirit and Ag-gression, Especially as Regards Aggressiveness of Women in Sport. Social and

Psychic Developmental Trends of Social Canons in Women’s Sport).Pilz G. A. (in press), Wandlungen des Kampf- und Angriffsverhaltens im Sport.Eine entwicklungssoziologische Studie am Beispiel des Frauensports (Changes in

Fighting Spirit and Aggressive Attitudes in Sport. Developmental Study on Wom-en’s Sport).Rabe F., Geschlechtsrollenverhalten und Schichtzugehörigkeit im Damenfussball(Sex Role Behavior and Strata in Women’s Football), Universität Hamburg. Notpubl.Rittner V. (1976), Sport, Bediirfnisstruktur und sozialer Wandel (Sport, Structure

of Needs and Social Change), "Stadion II", 2, pp. 159-195.Rittner V. (1978), Sport als Kulturexport (Sport as Export of Culture), in: E. J.

Tetsch (ed.). Sport und Kulturwandel (Sport and Change in Culture), Stuttgart,pp. 34-41.

Smith M. D. (1972), Aggression and the Female Athlete, in: D. V. Harris (ed.),Women and Sport: A National Research Conference, Penn. State HPER Series No.

2, Philadelphia, pp. 91-114.Smith M. D. (1974), Violence in Sport: A Sociological Perspective, "Sportwissen-schaft", pp. 164-173.Smith M. D. (1975), The Legitimation of Violence, Hockey Player’s Perception ofTheir Preference Groups, Sanction for Assault, "Canadian Review of Sociologyand Anthropology", 12 (1), pp. 72-80.Smith M. D. (1979), Social Determinants of Violence in Hockey: A Review, "Ca-nadian J. of Applied Sport Sciences", 4 (1), pp. 76-82.Thomas A. (1979), Fussball, eine Sportart für Frauen? (Football, a Type of Sportfor Women?), in: Albrecht, D. (ed.), Fussballsport - Ergebnisse sportwissenschaft-licher Forschung (Football Sport - Results of Research in Sport Science), Berlin,pp. 218-235.

Tschap A. (1978), Emanzipation der Frau durch Sport? (Emancipation of Women

through Sport?), in: Tschap, A. (ed.), Sport als gesellschaftlicher Faktor (Sport asa Social Factor), Frankfurt, pp. 41-52.Vaz E. W. (1974), What Price Victory? - An Analysis of Minor Hockey Players’



70

Attitudes toward Winning, "International Review of Sport Sociology", pp. 33-55

Vick W. and Klein G. D. (1981), Die Regeln 8 und 17 als Kernpunkte der Neu-fassung des Regelwerkes (Rules 8 and 17 as Main Points in the new editions of

Rules), "Lehre und Praxis des Handballspiels", 4, pp. 16-20.Volkamer M. (1979), Individuelles sportliches Handeln von 3—6-jährigen Kindernin einer Gemeinschaft (Individual Features of Sport Activity of 3-6-year-oldChildren in a Community), in: Osnabrücker. Turnerbund (ed.), Lehren und Lernenim Vorschulalter, Osnabrück, pp. 104-110.von Krockow C. (1980), Sport, Gesellschaft, Politik (Sport, Society, Politics), Mün-chen.

Weis K. (1976), Aggression, Violence, and Sports. Paper presented at the Interna-tional Congress of Physical Activity Sciences, July 11-15, Quebec; see also: Weis,K. 1976, Abweichung und Konformismus in der Institution Sport (Deviation andConformism in the Institution of Sport), in: G. Lüschen and K. Weis (eds.), Die So-ziologie des Sports. Darmstadt, pp. 296-315.Westermann L. (1977), Es kann nicht immer Lorbeer sein (One Can’t Always WinLaurels), Wien-München.

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CHANGEMENT DE LA VIOLENCE AU SPORT

,

R6sumt ’

.

L’analyse de 1’evolution du point du vue sociologique doit fournir la r6sponsea la question si la violence au sport augmente ou diminue au cours du processusde civilisation. La contradiction apparente entre la th6se de la repression de la

violence et celle de 1’augmentation peut Ctre 6wit6e en distinguant la violence



71

expressive r6l6ant l’affection et le desir, et la violence instrumentale peu affective.Quand on observe les tendances 6 long terme de 1’evolution des societes, on cons-tate un c6ntrole de I’~tat passionnel et uns monopolisation de la violence, ce quimene a une repression de la violence au sport à notre 6poque par raport auxformes du sport dans le pess6. De l’autre c6t6, le sport moderne 6L orients de plusen plus vers le succes, vers une 6valuation 6conomique, politique et publique, cequi mene a une augmentation de la violence instrumentale au sens d’une violationconsentie des regles au nom a objectifs sup6rieurs. Au sport f6minin, dependant,on remarque une augmentation de la violence instrumentale et expressive au sensd’un processus d’adaptation au niveau general de la violence dans las soci6t6 enti6re.Ce phenomene s’explique par le changement dans les positions des deux sexes atdans le comportement traditionnel de la femme.

WANDLUGEN DER GEWALT IM SPORT

Zusammenfassung

Im Rahmen einer entwicklungssoziologischen Analyse wird der Frage nachge-gangen, ob die Gewaltanwendung im Sport im Laufe des Zivilisationsprozesses zu- oder abnimmt. Der scheinbare Widerspruch zwischen der These der zumehmen-den D5mpfung, Zuruckdrangung der Gewalt im Sport wird dadurch aufgel6st, daBzwischen expressiver, lustbetonter, affektiver Gewalt einerseits und instrumentel-ler affektarmer Gewalt andererseits unterschieden wird. Dabei zeigt sich, daBim Rahmen langfristiger gesellschaftlicher Entwicklungstrends, der zunehmenden

Kontrolle der Affekte und Monopolisierung der Gewalt, die expressive Gewalt imSport zunehmend zuruckgedrangt und geb5ndigt wird, d.h. daB im Vergleich zu f rtihe-ren Formen des Sports die expressive Gewalt im heutigen Sport erheblich gerin-ger ist. Andererseits fuhrt der Wandel des modernen Sports in Richtung einer

zunehmenden Erfolgsorientierung, zunehmenden wirtschaftlichen und politischen,6ffentlichen Bewertung sportlicher Erfolge, zu einer Zunahme der instrumentellerGewalt, im Sinne einer bewuBt geplanten gewalttdtigen Regelverletzung im Inte-

resse ubergeordneter Ziels. Dcmgegenüber zeigt eine Analyse der Entwicklung desFrauensports, aufgrund der Wandlungen der Machtbalance zwischen den Ge-

schlechtern der Wandlungen weiblicher Verhaltensstandards, dass im Frauensportsowohl eine Zunahme instrumentaller, als auch expressiver Gewalt, im Sinne eines

Anpassungsprozesses an gesamtgesellschaftliche Gewaltstandarts, zu verzeichnen

ist.



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