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    PAPER SERIES

    IS RUSSIA FRIEND OR FOE?

    FEARING A WEAK,EMBRACING A STRONG RUSSIA

    THERE IS NO ALTERNATIVE TO ENGAGEMENT WITH MOSCOW

    NIELS ANNENGERMAN BUNDESTAG

    WORLDVIEW MATTERSTHE KREMLINS BEHAVIOR LIMITS THE SCOPE OF WESTERN ENGAGEMENT

    JOSEPH WOODTHE GERMAN MARSHALL FUND OF THE UNITED STATES

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    2009 Te German Marshall Fund o the United States. All rights reserved.

    No part o this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any orm or by any means without permission

    in writing rom the German Marshall Fund o the United States (GMF). Please direct inquiries to:

    Te German Marshall Fund o the United States

    1744 R Street, NW

    Washington, DC 20009

    1 202 683 2650

    F 1 202 265 1662

    E [email protected]

    Tis publication can be downloaded or ree at http://www.gmus.org/publications/index.cm. Limited print

    copies are also available. o request a copy, send an e-mail to [email protected].

    GMF Paper Series

    Te GMF Paper Series presents research on a variety o transatlantic topics by staf, ellows, and partners o the

    German Marshall Fund o the United States. Te views expressed here are those o the author and do not neces-

    sarily represent the view o GMF. Comments rom readers are welcome; reply to the mailing address above or by

    e-mail to [email protected].

    About GMF

    Te German Marshall Fund o the United States (GMF) is a non-partisan American public policy and grant-

    making institution dedicated to promoting greater cooperation and understanding between North America

    and Europe.

    GMF does this by supporting individuals and institutions working on transatlantic issues, by convening leaders

    to discuss the most pressing transatlantic themes, and by examining ways in which transatlantic cooperation canaddress a variety o global policy challenges. In addition, GMF supports a number o initiatives to strengthen

    democracies.

    Founded in 1972 through a gi rom Germany as a permanent memorial to Marshall Plan assistance, GMF

    maintains a strong presence on both sides o the Atlantic. In addition to its headquarters in Washington, DC,

    GMF has seven o ces in Europe: Berlin, Bratislava, Paris, Brussels, Belgrade, Ankara, and Bucharest.

    About Brussels Forum

    Brussels Forum is an annual high-level meeting o the most inuential American and European political, corpo-

    rate, and intellectual leaders to address pressing challenges currently acing both sides o the Atlantic. Partici-

    pants include heads o state, senior o cials rom the European Union institutions and the member states, U.S.Cabinet o cials, Congressional representatives, Parliamentarians, academics, and media. For more inormation,

    please visit www.brusselsorum.org.

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    Is Russia Friend or Foe?

    Brussels Forum Paper Series

    March 2009

    F W, E S RThere is no alternative to engagement with Moscow

    N A

    G B

    W M

    The Kremlins behavior limits the scope of Western engagement

    J W

    T G M F U S

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    Fearing a Weak,Embracing a Strong Russia

    There is no alternative to engagement with Moscow

    Brussels Forum Paper Series

    March 2009

    N A*G B

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    Fearing a Weak, Embracing a Strong Russia

    There is no alternative to engagement with Moscow5

    The question

    of how Russia

    will behave in

    the future has

    a considerable

    bearing on foreig

    policy planning

    for Germany and

    the EU.

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    Introduction

    1

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States6

    Russias

    own internal

    perspective on

    recent history is

    key to analyzing

    this problem.

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    The Russian Question

    According to Moscow2

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    Fearing a Weak, Embracing a Strong Russia

    There is no alternative to engagement with Moscow7

    It is not just

    Russias growing

    authoritarianism,

    but also its

    marginalization b

    the West that ha

    been key factors

    in the countrys

    alienation.

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States8

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    Fearing a Weak, Embracing a Strong Russia

    There is no alternative to engagement with Moscow9

    It is not Russias

    strength that we

    should fear, but

    its weakness.

    It is for the

    United States to

    recognize this

    fact just as the

    EU already did.

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    Russias Weaknesses:

    Aspects of a Common Analysis3

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States10

    In the face of

    increasing global

    threats, we

    should therefore

    step up pressure

    internationally

    in terms of what

    is expected of

    Russian crisis

    management.

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    16 D ., . 6.

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    Fearing a Weak, Embracing a Strong Russia

    There is no alternative to engagement with Moscow11

    In many conflict-

    ridden regions

    in the Black Sea

    area, the Baltics,

    the Middle East,

    and Southeast

    Europe, it is

    almost impossibl

    to imagine long-

    term solutions

    that leave out,

    let alone are in

    opposition to,

    Russia. We share

    these problems

    with Russia, and

    neither of us can

    resolve them

    alone.

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States12

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    Ax R, Gy R: A S R-, The Washington Quarterly, S 7, . 137-145, .138-13.

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    Europes Strategic Partnership

    with Russia4

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    Fearing a Weak, Embracing a Strong Russia

    There is no alternative to engagement with Moscow13

    With astonishing

    continuity and

    supported

    across party

    lines, German

    foreign policy ha

    rejected Russias

    occasional offer

    of a special

    relationship.

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States14

    Successful

    strategy cannot

    be based on

    selective

    cooperation.

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    5 G E,Mission WeltfriedenDeutschlands neue Rolle inder Weltpolitik, F, .

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    Fearing a Weak, Embracing a Strong Russia

    There is no alternative to engagement with Moscow15

    For all of us,

    however, the

    solution lies in

    reducing our

    dependency on

    fossil energy

    sources.

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States16

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    Fearing a Weak, Embracing a Strong Russia

    There is no alternative to engagement with Moscow17

    Our policy toward

    Russia must

    be embedded

    not only in the

    EU framework

    but also in the

    transatlantic

    framework, if it is

    to be successful.

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    Approaching Russia in the Future

    5

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States18

    Yet, Russia has

    to live up to the

    human rights

    standards it

    subscribed to by

    joining the Council

    of Europe and

    the OSCE.

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    Fearing a Weak, Embracing a Strong Russia

    There is no alternative to engagement with Moscow19

    Russia cannot

    be compelled

    to reforms by

    external forces;

    the will for chang

    must come from

    within.

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States20

    We need to define

    common fields

    of policy and

    projects, including

    the energy

    sector, drug

    control, dealing

    with Islamic

    fundamentalism,

    and the urgent

    need to stabilize

    Afghanistan.

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    Fearing a Weak, Embracing a Strong Russia

    There is no alternative to engagement with Moscow21

    NATO needs a

    new Harmel

    report. In

    other words, a

    fundamental

    agreement on

    the way ahead.

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States22

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    Worldview Matters

    The Kremlins behavior limits the scope of Western engagement

    Brussels Forum Paper Series

    March 2009

    J W*

    T G M F U S

    * J W G M F U S (GMF). H E, E, . F 5 GMF, M. W y V P N Sy A W H.

    I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4

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    W G A D . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

    NATO E . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

    T R Ey. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36C . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States24

    H G A Ry T R y y y Gy U S. A , U S xyy y Iq, A, P, I, M E, R, C j . T Gy R y

    . W

    y y R y y G-A . T , y x G A R.I x R x y R . A y Gy U S, x y y

    R.

    Introduction

    1

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    Worldview Matters

    The Kremlins behavior limits the scope of Western engagement25

    Views in

    Washington and

    Berlin, within

    each governmen

    and among

    Russia analysts,

    vary on how to

    calibrate politica

    statements and

    responses in

    answer to Russia

    rhetoric and

    actions.

    B , y U S Gy R. T C W S x B W . E , ,y W B y R Ay. A , - W , -

    . B y. B , . W y , A G y x R.

    I Gy U S,

    R ( ) . F x, y y - . I U S, y R R G ( G y

    Iq) R y P Cz R . V W B, R y,

    y R .

    O W , y y M, , y U.S. V P J B, x. T B R y M Kyyz M ( U.S. A; y y)

    C I S (CIS)y y.

    N, ,y W B y y . T , , U S Gy y, R. D Iq A y y

    , Gy ( US) y y E R. Ay, , , M -,, .

    M, R y, M

    y . T U S Gy R G E (G8), j M. O I , M y, U S E,

    Where Germans and

    Americans Agree2

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States26

    Leaders of the

    United States

    and Germany

    continued to

    engage on

    friendly terms

    with President

    and later Prime

    Minister Vladimir

    Putin, despite

    extraordinary

    rhetoric that

    was matched by

    threatening action.

    G, . TU S y R G E, Gy, y E . D R, U S E, Gy, K . L US Gy y P PM V P, xy

    y .V M R Az SO . S,

    R y x, y .

    T j y , , B W. T Gy NATO M A P (MAP) U G, j U.S. . T y yy

    B y . B , B W, .

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    Worldview Matters

    The Kremlins behavior limits the scope of Western engagement27

    W R T y R .

    T R barely a state atall. T j ( y) K.C Rz y R , M

    .A x R y, K . I R yz .

    T R difficult partner.T R y S U, .I , R PDy M x yy , . T Gy U S y R, y. S ,y y, R W W R. T

    M y , . O, , x. T

    Gy. T B, , U.S. y , S FA R 7 y8. T y U.S.P B O , y .

    A R y 19th century power y 1 y . T R

    , , .M R R , R , . T A 8 G-R q SO Az x, R P CzR y U.S. y. A x, R K

    S S. T B S G P Cz R M . M , y , , .T xy j y U.S.Sy S Czz R yj y y z S O Az. T R

    y K .S B , y R. My E NATO EU R .

    Four Models of Viewing Russia

    3

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States28

    The 2007 cyber

    attacks against

    Estonia and

    Georgia provided

    a vivid example of

    how less formal

    mobilization of

    young talent in

    pursuit of state

    aims can serve

    the regime. Loyalty

    to that regime,

    rather than to

    broader principles

    of service or to

    pluralistic politics,

    marks these

    groups.

    A y R 20th century authoritarian, or even totalitarian,states M . T-P V P 5 S U [] y, KGB , . S M : ,

    y , y , y.I P R, , y.B y S U, Iy Gy 13. T

    . F y y . P j , x,

    ( j , )y y . H y(, , ), R x-y y y .

    F, j K (y y,

    , ) y . T , , ( y j)

    , y . T x M y . Ey y R y, y y . T z y y . T 7

    y E G x z y . Lyy , , . T . Ry, y, jy R y W 1, y W R

    R . F .R y R .

    M, y y R.T I Iy, S x y, xy y y P R . P Iy R . Iy

    S , y KGB . Iy yy . H S U, y W- y R y,

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    Worldview Matters

    The Kremlins behavior limits the scope of Western engagement29

    The experience

    of the 1990s has

    soured Russia

    even on the

    unqualified word

    democracy. And

    Russia seems

    to blame the

    apparent chaos

    and poverty of th

    1990s not just

    on the concept o

    democracy, but

    on democracies

    themselves,

    especially the

    United States.

    y P y. Iy W z K . I y Oxy. Iy y y (, q R ), y y , y P R .

    T y R y. B R y :W y. T x 1 R q y. A R y 1 j y, , y U S. W

    R z jy x S , y y S , R W . I , R EU NATO .T R y EU NATO , W ( j W )

    R. A y, R j y W , j y j y W ,

    j x Wz W (, y U S). T M .

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States30

    For Russias

    closest neighbors,

    respect has often

    been demanded

    in the form of

    brutal obeisance.

    In Western

    institutions

    and nations,

    the demand is

    often registered

    as boorish and

    crude, sometimes

    excused and

    sometimes

    rejected.

    H y Gy, U S, R, R . W R

    A , R , , , y - R , , . T -

    . F R , . I W , , x j. B R , M y , . W R x ,

    .

    W y R , x Iy R:

    W . W y y, y C . T ; y R , y R . Ty R q R y, y R OxC I R

    y y y . C, x. B y R

    C B Gyz , R S D:

    O y y qy y . T x NATO .W y

    . W y z y y. Oy .

    S q ( ) Wz. T R xy

    , x y . I , R q , W, W A , R W xy y q.

    R, , W, , y. T :

    q R y y , R E q x R y . My

    The Elements of Moscows Worldview

    4

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    Worldview Matters

    The Kremlins behavior limits the scope of Western engagement31

    But, unlike the

    Soviet approach,

    military power is

    now secondary

    to economic or

    resource power i

    achieving Russia

    goals.

    E R y y . B P y y S U. R P T B Gz R Ay.T P y x . A , P y x .

    P y x

    R . W y x M, . R y C A, C, G, , , A L A. T y R y , y . My y ,

    I Vz R- x y (, , G). B, S , y y R . T x y : - U y - U 6, - B S, Cz R y

    y U.S. y. W R , P S , ,

    R y R y W y y. A x, TNK-BP.

    A R , W R , Oxy. Oxy, q, x y R y

    . O R Ox C A ROx C, P , T y . Ty y y R , y Oxy . T M R R . T y

    Ox C y , K I, y y R Ox C x .H , , y K , P. F , P y E P I, y y T .

    T Ox C R y ( S ) y W . B R , , x, U

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States32

    R. I y R y, Ox R (R M R, R Byz, , y, Oxy R y). I R Ox y, G.

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    Worldview Matters

    The Kremlins behavior limits the scope of Western engagement33

    While both

    American and

    German leaders

    searched for

    policies that

    would reduce

    the possibilities

    of a hot war,

    Germany took

    this search to a

    further dimensio

    with the policy

    of Ostpolitik.

    The differences

    stemming from

    this effort to

    reduce the risks

    set by simple

    geography have

    implications toda

    W R R , G A R. W G A , y y y y. B y , R.

    T y.I C W, U S R xy y xy. T y NP, , U S R . B A, xy.M N H A , N

    A R. A A A, R . G xy R , y . Pyy, B M W.

    T Gy C W xy . G , ,

    E NATO W P, y . T , U S S U, E y . W

    A G ,Gy y Ostpolitik. T y y y. GF M F-W S Ostpolitik C W, U S j. A , U S Gy, y ,

    C W x y.

    Gy Gy R.A R, Gy R , 1 R . R 3 Gy x 7, ( x ) $74.6 . I 7, R US - $6.8

    . O , , Gy U S y ( 7, U.S.-G $134 ).

    T G-R y . T G R y . A x y . I y,, j -

    R y W, Gy.T G R U S.

    Where Germans and

    Americans Disagree5

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States34

    Germany appears

    willing to accept

    a limit on NATOs

    enlargement as

    determined by

    Russia. This is

    tantamount to

    German readiness

    to grant Russia

    a sphere of

    influence. For the

    United States,

    such a move

    signals an end

    to the eastward

    expansion of

    liberal Western

    institutions and,

    thus, European

    integration as

    viewed from the

    Western side of

    the Atlantic.

    T NATO q B y F non y G nein. Gy y . W Gy A , Gy NATO MAP U G.

    T -C W NATO C US. I y,

    R . F U.S., U.S. P G H.W. B Gy. B A, R. By , y. T j NATO P y . B x A V . By 8, y

    A 3 (M, A, C) y, y , ()G j M .

    T y U G.B MAP NATO, y M A. T y A V . T U S, B

    , MAP . Gy, C AM , .

    G MAP

    G U. Y NATO MAP. T y x MAP y y , , NATO , , EU . O qy : y W ( A Gy W); y ( F R Gy

    154 j NATO, C y); MAP ( j , q y; y MAP y U G); Gy MAP ( y).

    F G y ( , ) y

    G j MAP U G y R, j y . T- q G A R . T - .

    Gy NATO y R. T G R

    . F U S, x W , , E W A. T . I

    NATO Enlargement

    6

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    Worldview Matters

    The Kremlins behavior limits the scope of Western engagement35

    G y y A NATO. I G R.

    W F, , y q. S, R NATO Gy

    , y, . T, j E W , R , - y, G nein R.

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States36

    Although the

    success of North

    Stream would not

    inherently rule

    out an alternative

    to Russian-

    controlled transit

    routes, it would

    do so in practice.

    In so doing,

    Chancellor Merkel

    has apparently

    sided with those

    who argue

    that European

    dependence

    on Russian gas

    is actually an

    interdependence

    that ensures

    Russia must play

    by reasonable

    rules in energy

    relations.

    A R y. W y R y y E, R , y. G y, E A , y Rj .

    B - Jy , y R

    y , G (y G C G S) . A RR G W. B x G y.

    A U.S. D Ey, R , x , I. S y E y , R E y q.B y Gz . T y , R G, y x R .

    T U S E, y y -

    Azj , y T I, W E. T Gy. I Jy ,M, , R- NS , -

    R U. S Gy F R G, R yF P N Szy EU .A N S y R- , .I , C M y E R y

    R y y y .

    T y Gy R y. R y , y . B E Gy.F, Gy y .T y y

    y- W , q

    , - - y K, .

    Ey j y E. T E , . T y

    j U S E R, y y R WE. R y , E . A

    The Role of Energy

    7

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    Worldview Matters

    The Kremlins behavior limits the scope of Western engagement37

    M N S,O y y y U S. T y , j U.S..

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    The German Marshall Fund of the United States38

    We are at a

    moment when

    differences

    regarding

    Russia have the

    potential to open

    major strategic

    divergences

    between the

    United States

    and Germany.

    W R j U S Gy. S E, y Iy P M S B, y Gy. O q .

    T . T U.S. xy . A E,

    Gy , y . T -WW II R y M, y q -

    , W B. T y .

    Conclusion

    8

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    OFF I C E S