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Mortuary Preferences: A Wari Culture Case Study from Middle Horizon PeruAuthor(s): William H. IsbellSource: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 15, No. 1 (Mar., 2004), pp. 3-32Published by: Society for American ArchaeologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4141562Accessed: 22/09/2008 12:14

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A R T I L E S

MORTUARYPREFERENCES: A WARI1 CULTURE CASE STUDY FROM

MIDDLE

HORIZON

PERU

William

H. Isbell

Mortuary

practices

reveal

a

great

deal about the

social

organization

of prehistoric

cultures

and their

landscape of places.

However,

tombs are

favored

targetsfor

looters,

making

it

difficult

to determine

original

burial

practices.

Very

ittle

was

knownabout

Wari

burial

during

the

Middle

Horizon

(A.D.

500-1000),

even

though

Wari

was

an

imperial,

early

Bronze

Age

culture with

a

spectacular

urban

capital

in

highland

Peru. Excavations

at the

secondary

Wari

city

of

Conchopataproduced

remainsof more than200 individuals, rom disturbed and undisturbedcontexts.These burialsas well as informationrom

other sites

permit

an

initial

description of

ideal

patterns

of

Wari

mortuary

behavior.

The

orms

abstracted

reveal

graves

rangingfrom poor

and

ordinary

citizens

to

royal potentates,

supporting inferences

of

hierarchical

political

organization.

It is

also clear

that the

living

accessed

graves

of

important

people

frequently,

implying

some

form

of

ancestor

worship.

However,

unlike the later

Inkas, Wari

ancestors were venerated

in their

tombs,

located

deep

within residential

compounds

and

palaces.

El

estudiode las

prdcticasfunerarias

es

invalorable

para

el conocimiento

de

las

culturas

prehist6ricas

y

los

pueblos

antiguos.

Desgraciadamente,

as

tumbasson

tambie'n

l

blanco

avorito

de

los

saqueadores,por

lo

que

resulta

dificil

en muchoscasos

interpretar

as

prdcticas

originales.

Pese a la

importancia

de una

cultura como

Wari,

un

imperio

de

la

Edad del

Bronce

que

tuvo

una

espectacular capital

urbana en la

sierra

del

Pert,

conocemos

muypoco

respecto

a

sus

prdcticas funerarias.

Las

recientes excavaciones

en

la ciudad secundaria

wari

de

Conchopata

han

permitido

recuperar

restos

humanos,

en contextos

funerarios

disturbados

no

disturbados,

orrespondientes

ma's

e 200 individuos.

Estos

entierros

y

la

informacidn

isponible

de

otros sitios waris

(incluyendo

al

centro urbano

de

Huari)

hacen

posible

plantear

una

descripcio'n

nicial de

patrones

ide-

ales de la

conductafuneraria

wari

durante

el

Horizonte

Medio

(500-1000

d.C.).

Las

ormas

interpretadas

evelan

umbas

que

corresponden

anto a ciudadanos

pobres

y

ordinarioscomo a

gobernantes

reales.

Ademds,

as

tumbas

de

las

personas

impor-

tantes

presentan

evidencias

de haber

sido abiertas

con

frecuencia

luego

del

entierro,

mplicando

alguna

orma

de

culto

a

los

ancestros.

Archaeological

tudies f

tombs

ndmor-

tuary

emains

havebeen critical or

under-

standing

he

prehistoric

ast

since

at least

Sir Leonard

Woolley's

(1934)

discovery

of the

Royal

Cemeteries

of

Ur.

In the

1970s,

grave

and

cemeteryanalysisbecamemorerigorousandsys-

tematic

with the

methodological

nnovations sso-

ciated with

processualarchaeology

Brown

1971;

Goldstein

1980, 1981;

Saxe

1970;

Tainter

1978).

Postprocessual archaeology

and

the

study

of

ancient

andscapes

ffera

potential

oreven

broader

understandings

rom

mortuary

tudies,

examining

places

of the dead

as

spatial

metaphors

nscribed

into builtenvironments

f the

past

(Bradley

1989,

1998;

Cannon

1989,

2002;

Carr

1995;

Parker ear-

son

1982, 1993,

2002;

Silverman

2002;

Thomas

1996).

These

landscapes

f

death

were

designed

o

communicate,

o

archaeologists

ould

notbe

doing

theirjobs if they rejectedthe hermeneuticchal-

lenge

to read

and

nterpret

hem.

However,

mean-

ingful

understandings epend

on

archaeologists

determining

ow ancient

people

ntended

burial o

be conducted.

This s

usually

more

difficult

o deter-

mine

than

magined.

Graves,

and

especially

he interments

f

impor-

tant

ndividuals,

realmost

always

targets

of

plun-

William H. Isbell

a

Department

f

Anthropology,

State

University

of

New Yorkat

Binghamton,

Binghamton,

NY

13902-6000

Latin American

Antiquity,

15(1),

2004,

pp.

3-32

Copyright@

004

by

the

Society

for American

Archaeology

3



4

LATIN

AMERICAN

NTIQUITY

[Vol.

15,

No.

1,2004

der and

destruction.

Tombs were loci of

power

withintheir

social

arenas,

making

hem

targets

of

aggression. They

frequently

contain

significant

wealth,

attracting

ooters.

Furthermore,

mortuary

behaviormaynotrepresent nevent,butaprocess,

consisting

of a

sequence

of acts

over an

extended

period

of

time.

How

can

the

archaeologist

differ-

entiate

the

opening

of a

grave

to

add

a

newly

deceased member of

the

family,

to remove

an

ancestor's

bones,

or

to

participate

n some

activity

from

robbing

a

grave

or its

wealth?

At

least n

part

becauseof

this

problem,

hereare no

generalsyn-

theses

of

mortuary

practices

for

prehispanic

Andean

cultures uch

as

highland

Chavin,

Recuay,

Pucara,Tiwanaku,

r

Wari.

Archaeologists'

iscussionsof

landscapes

f

the

deadmust

be basedon

intended

onditionsof inter-

ment.But

the

archaeological

ecord

presents

nap-

shots of

complex

processes,

some

intended

by

the

mournersbut

others

resulting

from

looting,

con-

struction,

rosion,

etc.,

frozen as

confusing

mate-

rial

contexts.

An

inventory

of

popular

burial

patterns

must

emphasize

he

original

deals.

While

this

obscures

variation

and

inferences

about ndi-

vidual

agency,

in

the

long

run

the abstraction

f

idealpatterns r normsseeks to recognizecultur-

ally

relevant

distinctions,

on

the

basis of

which

organizational

structure

may

be

inferred,

and

observed

ranges

of

behavior an

be more

cogently

discussed.To

abstract

ntendedor

ideal

patterns

n

archaeologist

must

work

qualitatively,

valuating

as

many mortuary

ontexts

from

the

same

culture

and

time

period

as

possible.

Effects from

destruc-

tive

processes

such as

looting

mustbe

evaluated n

opposition

to

impacts

from

intended

mortuary

processes hatmayhavegoneonoveralongperiod

of

time,

such as

refurbishing rave

goods.

These

effects

must be

distinguished

from

differences

intended

o

express

status,

class,

gender,

age,

or

other

socially

relevant

variables. No

explicit

methodology

exists

to

assure

success,

although

large,

carefully

excavated

amples

are

essential.

In

the

archaeological

tudy

of

Wari

mortuary

behavior,

t was

impossible

o

move

directly

rom

excavation

data o

prehistoric

ctivity.

nformation

was

confusing

and

contradictory,

n

large part

because o

many

mortuary

ontextsweredisturbed.

Was

everypit

and

chamberwithafew

humanbones

a tombthat

hadbeen looted?Or

had humanbones

been

trophies

or amulets

hatwere

deposited

here

and

there,

and not

exclusively

in tombs?Was

any

disturbancea result

of

looting,

or had

mortuary

practices

been

a

prolonged

process

involving

reopening

a

grave

several times?Was

secondary

buriala Waripracticeor did bones becomedisar-

ticulated

by

other

post-interment

rocesses?

t

was

only

through

comparison

of

many

cases that

pat-

terns

began

o

emerge.

Unfortunately,

nformation

has

been

poorly

recorded

or

manyyears;

herefore

comparative

ata were not

accumulating

uickly.

Archaeologists

discovering

disturbedWari

burials

paid

ittle

attention,

or

they appeared

o offer

only

insignificant

craps

of information bout he

past.

More

recently,

t has become clear that even

dis-

turbedremains

are valuable or

comparative

ur-

poses,

when

carefully

described.

Archaeologistsengaged

in

inferring

past

cul-

tural

patterns

mustavoid

excessive nfluences

rom

theory

and

expectations

in their

comparative

abstraction

of ideals and norms. If we

employ

favored heoretical

onvictions

or

analogies

o

help

infer

ntended

burial ormsand

mortuary rocesses

and

then

go

on

to use the same

theory

o infer

cul-

tural

meanings,

our results become

overly

laden

with

theoretical

conviction

(Isbell

1995;

Wylie

1992a, 1992b).Forexample,JalhDulanto 2002)

describesscattered

humanbones and their

spatial

contexts for

a firstmillenniumB.C. settlement

on

Peru's

central

coast

that

mply

an

ideal

involving

processing

of ancestors' emains

n

a manner

quite

foreign

o

anything

known

nAndean

ethnohistory.

However,

his convictionsabout

continuity

n

Inka

ancestor

worship

and

mortuary

ractices

ead

him

to

emphasize

imilaritieso ethnohistorical

escrip-

tions while

de-emphasizing

differences.

The

out-

comeis preferred atternsmoresimilar o thoseof

the

Inka

than

warranted

y

the actual

data.

Intended

Patterns

of Death

at

Conchopata

This

study

s

possible

becauseof recent xcavations

at

Huari's

secondary

city

of

Conchopata.2

They

have

revealed

he remainsof

more

than200

indi-

viduals from burial

contexts

of

the

Wari

culture.

Conchopata

s one of

many

Wari

capitals,

sec-

ondary

ities,

provincial

enters,

andcommunities

(Figure

1)

that

were

spread

across the Central

Andes

during

the Middle Horizon

(A.D.

550-1000).

Most

archaeologists

nterpret

Huarias

the

capital

of a vast

mperial

tateof the samename



Isbell]

MORTUARYREFERENCES:

WARI

CULTURE

ASESTUDYFROMMIDDLE ORIZON

ERU

5

Pampa

Grande4?

IKalki n Palacio

Yarnobabanba

San

os

e

Mar

\

j-'k cac

ampa

Moche

Honcn

mp,

stHuari

Sphere

ariWifica

i

v,

aJargampata

tnnc

opata

opataaPikillactacha

May-mis>

XJin•olca

Huaro

Pacheco el

a c a

d e l

t

Lukuro-Uyu

Iwa

wi

a

Tiw

anak

•aniKal~amarca

B a u f

Nno

-

--------I

T i w a n a k u

p h e r e

e

Wari

Centers

A

Wari Influenced Centers

San

Pedro

W

K

Tiwanaku

Centers

de

Atcama

500

Km.

Figure

1. Central Andes

showing

Middle Horizon centers

including

the

capital,

Huari,

provincial

Wari

cities and

other

contemporary capitals.



6

LATINAMERICAN

NTIQUITY

[Vol.

15,

No.

1,

2004

with ts network

of centers

documenting

ts admin-

istrative tructure

Isbell

1983,

1985,

1991,

1997b;

Isbell and

Schreiber

1978;

Lumbreras

1974a,

1974b,

1985;

McEwan

1991,

1996,

1998;

Schreiber1991, 1992).But agreements not uni-

versal.

Alternative

ositions

considerHuariand

he

Middle Horizon

a confederation

of

lineages

(J.

Topic

1986, 1991, 1994;

T.

Topic

1991;

J.

Topic

andT.

Topic

1992,

2001),

or

a mosaic of

indepen-

dentcities

engaged

n

intensive

commerce

Shady

1982,

1988;

Shady

andRuiz

1979).

Of

course,

new

understandings

f the

andscape

f death

during

he

Middle

Horizoncan

help

resolve

this

debate.

Conchopata

s

located

n the

southern

nd

of

the

AyacuchoValley,

about10

km from he

capitalcity

of Huari

Figure

2).

It has a

long history

of occu-

pation,

but

during

he centuries

when

Huaridom-

inated

much

of

Peru,

Conchopata

was the second

city

of the

imperial

heartland nd

the

largest

urban

center

n the

Ayacucho

Valley's

outhern

ettlement

enclave.

Today

ts ruinsare

overrun

y

the modem

city

of

Ayacucho,

resulting

n

the destruction

of

most of the

ancient

archaeological

one

(Figure

2).

Originally

he settlement

overedat

east

20

ha,

and

possibly

as much as 40 ha.

Presently,

only

about

threeharemain,probablyhefocusof theoriginal

civic center.

All of

our

new

information bout he

dead comes

from this

tiny portion

of

the old

city

(Isbell

2001a).

However,

this well-documented

sample

of some

200 individuals s

probably

he

largest

collection

of

archaeologically

excavated

burials

rom the

Wari

heartland.

All

come

from a

densely

urbanized

reaof more

or less

continuous

buildings,plazas,

and

patios

(Figure

3).

At some

time,

most

of

this

survivingportion

of

Conchopata

may have been enclosed by a perimeterwall, of

which

a

northwest

nda southeast

omer

have

been

preserved.

Be thatas it

may,

Conchopata

was

long

recognized

s a

community

f

potters

because

arge

numbers

f ceramic

manufacturing

ools were

dis-

coveredat

the site

(Pozzi-Escot

1985, 1991;

Pozzi-

Escotet. al

1994,

1998).

However,

once we learned

to

recognize

mortuary

rchitecture nd

how it var-

ied with

status,

t became clear

that the

surviving

portion

of

Conchopata

contained tombs

that

included

elaborate

nd

wealthy

examples.

The site

could

nothave

been a town

of

craftspeople

f more

or less

middle

status.

Rather,

t

appears

o have

been a

landscape

of

palace

compounds

occupied

by

lowly

servants,

middle-level

citizens,

wealthy

elites,

and

probably

ven

petty

kings

or

governors.

Architecture,

tratigraphy,

eramic

styles,

and

radiocarbon

ates

reveal

ive

phases

of

occupation

at

Conchopata.

During

the

Huamani

phase

(240

B.C.-A.D. 300) we know thatConchopatawas

occupied,

but

ittlecultural

material

an

be

assigned

to this

time.

During

the

Mendosa

phase

(A.D.

300-550),

Huarpa

and

Curz

Pata

pottery

styles

were

in

use. Several

graves

were

discovered

n

the

north-central

ortion

of

surviving

Conchopata,

ut

these

burials

represent

a distinct

pattern

of

inter-

ment.

Modest

tombs

appear

o

have

been

located

in

an

open

area

with no

architecture,

lose

enough

to one

another

o

imply

a

cemetery.

Bodies

were

flexed

and

placed

in

simplepits

or cavities

in the

bedrock,

requently

accompanied

by

one

or

more

ceramic

vessels,

and

probably

by perishable

tems

as well.

Another

grave,

reportedly

discovered

by

earthmovers

while

leveling

the

landing

strip

sev-

eral

hundred

meters

southeast

of

our excavation

area,

ontained

Curz

Pata

pottery,

o it also

belonged

to the

Huamani

phase.

But

it is

reported

o

have

been

a

bottle-shaped

haft

tomb

with a

skeleton

extended

on

its back

(Lumbreras

974:112a

.

No

other

bottle-shaped

haft

tombs

or extended

buri-

als areknownatConchopata.

The

Silva

phase

(A.D.

550-700)

initiated he

Middle

Horizon

at

Conchopata

nd

s

characterized

by

oversize

Conchopata-style

eramics

as

well

as

Chakipampa

nd

Ocros

pottery.

Less-fancy pot-

tery

usually

designated

Huamanga

was

also

in

use.

There

is a

great

deal

of

evidence

for

large-scale

building

at

Conchopata,

although

many

of

these

early

buildings

were

disturbed

by

later

activities.

The remains

document

a

significant

hange

n

the

landscapeof the deadbetween he lateEarly nter-

mediate

period

and

Middle

Horizon

imes

that

con-

tinued

through

he

Silva

phase

as

well as

the

next

two

phases

at

Conchopata.

Human

bodies

were

no

longer

placed

in

open

cemeteries

but below

the

floorsof

rooms

and

patios.

These

roomsand

courts

were

parts

of extensive

building

compounds

and

because,

as

discussed

below,

at

least

some

of the

burials

were

revered

and

given

offerings

ong

after

death,

groups

of descendents

must

haveresided

n,

and

expected

to

remain

n

charge

of,

the

residen-

tial

compound

of theirancestors.

The Middle

Hori-

zon

landscape

of

the dead

constructed

a new

association

between

large

building

compounds,

ancestors,

and

a social

group

thatwas

probably



Isbell]

MORTUARY

REFERENCES:

WARICULTURE

ASE

STUDY

FROMMIDDLE

ORIZON

ERU

7

THnawasin.

Hu

ta

BaB.s

.

ghway

to Huanta

San

Miguel

04

Azangain

River

River

wacochba

blapm

hrao

Huari

Military

Base

im

ap

4.

ero

Churu

Jargampata

u a m a n g a

BaaBasin

MyuyuOrqo4

Conchopata,

Nawinpukyu

_

i

AyacuchoValleyho

Moder

/

o

Ayacucho

urban

.

ConchopataArchaeological

Zone

0Civic

Center

Suburban

Periphery

Edge

of Mesa

A y a c c h o ~ l l e

L ~ 9

Figure

2.

Map

of

Ayacucho Valley

and

the

Conchopata

archaeological

zone.



8 LATINAMERICAN

NTIQUITY

[Vol.

15,

No.

1,

2004

based on descent.

Conchopata's

argest

architec-

tural

complexes

seem

to have

palacesoccupiedby

rulersor

governors.

It s

probable

hat

he

mortuary omplex

n

room

EA-203belongsto theSilvaphase (Figure3), but

it

was excavated

ears

ago

and,

apparently

ecause

of

severe

looting,

it

was never

described

n

print.

This tomb

complex

belongs

to

Type

5a

of the fol-

lowing proposed

ypology

and t could be the ear-

liest

mortuary

oom

at

Conchopata, epresenting

the first

elite

gravecomplex

constructed

nder he

floors of a

palace

The Huisa

phase

A.D.

700-850)

was

the

major

occupation

at the

Conchopata

ite. Oversize-Con-

chopatapottery

ontinued

n

use,

but

probably

dis-

appeared

before the

end of

this time.

Huamanga,

Chikipampa,

nd Ocros

pottery styles

were

very

popular.

Huisa is the

phase

to

which

the

majority

of

the burials

employed

n

this

analysis appear

o

belong, although

t seems that

the most

elaborate

tombs continued n

use

though

the final Alarcon

phase

(A.D.

850-1000).

During

that

phase,

there

is

no evidence for

construction

or

occupation

of

palaces

except

for

the tombs

thatwere still

in

use,

or

perhapsbeing

reused.

However,

Alarcon

phase

roomsnearbyhavesimpletombs that areconsis-

tent

with the

proposed ypology. Huamangapot-

tery

was

popular

n Alarcon

imes,

but

occasional

pieces

of

Vifiaque

and Atarco

style

ceramicsalso

appear.

Mortuary

emains

rom

Conchopata's

inal

hree

phases

seem

very

similar,

at

least on the

basis of

current

data,

so

descriptions

rom all three

phases

were combined.

Along

with less

detailed

nforma-

tion as well as

restudy

of

undescribed

raves

rom

former xcavations,heyprovide he dataonwhich

the

followingpreferential atterns

rebased.

Many

of

the tombs suffered

significant

disturbance,

ut

some were

intact.

However,

even

damaged

ombs

furnishedvaluable nformation.

Conchopata's

Middle

Horizon

mortuary

remains

ppear

o fall

nto

seven

preferential roups

or

ideal

types

of

interment,

escribedbelow.

I omit

one

type

of non-burial

t

Conchopata,

n

which

human remains were

deliberately

defleshed

and

disarticulated before

they

were

eventually

deposited

n thefloorsof

temple

buildings.

Norwill

I

explore

nfantandchildburials

xcept

when

they

co-occur with adultburials.3 will

make

compar-

isons with

mortuary

ontexts rom

Huari

andother

Middle

Horizon

cities

in

the

central

highlands

o

fill out

Wari's

cultural

record,

and to confirm

ts

mortuary

deals.

Wari

Burial

Type

1-Individual

Interment

This form

of burial

onsists

of a

singlebody

placed

in a small

pit

excavated

nto

the

ground

and cov-

ered

withearth

Figure

).

Sometimes

he

grave

was

capped

with a

flat stone

or

two,

and

occasionally

a

few

flatstones

were

used to

line

the

sides

of the

pit.

Bodies

appear

to

have been

tightly

flexed

and

placed

n the

grave

either

eated,

on the

back,

or on

one side.

Traces

of textiles

and

cordage

uggest

hat

at

least some

bodies

were

wrapped

n cloth and

bound

with

rope.Examplesappear

o

have been

located

n

patios,

courts,

and

narrow ooms.

Except

when a

stone slab

was used

to

cap

the

pit,

there

s

no evidence

hat hese

grave

ocations

were

marked.

Occasionally,

Type

1

graves

ncludeaceramic

ves-

sel,

a stone

bead,

or some

other

object,

but

typi-

cally, imperishable

rave

furnishings

are absent.

Wari

Burial

Type

2-Multiple

Interments

Undisturbed

multiple

interments

were

found

in

Architectural

nclosure

EA-65

and EA-151

(Fig-

ure3). Bothwereprobably penpatioareasrather

thanroofed

chambers.

Like

individual

nterments,

multiple

nterments

onsist

of

unlined

pits

covered

by

soil,

and

perhaps

a stone

or

two,

with few or

no

grave

urnishings,

nd he

flexed

remains

of two

to

fouror five

bodies

of adults

and

sub-adult hildren.

It is

apparent

hat burials

could

be added o

these

graves

as

time

passed,

so

it seems

likely

that

Type

1

interments

urned

nto

Type

2.

Like

Type

1

indi-

vidual

graves,

Type

2

graves

show little evidence

formarking f their ocations.However, heywere

reopened

or

subsequent

burials,

so

people

of

the

community

must have

remembered

he

locations

of the

graves.

Perhaps

here

were markers

hathave

now

disappeared.

Future

bioarchaeological

study

will show

whether ones

ound

disarticulated

ndmoved

about

in

Type

2

graves

were

moved

simply

to

accommo-

date the

addition f

more

bodies,

or whether

ome

more elaborate

ctivities

were

involved. t

may

be

that

Multiple

nterment

raves

contained

members

of the same

family

or

social

group.

Wari

Burial

Type

3-Cist

Interment

This

important

class of

Middle

Horizon

graves



10 LATIN

AMERICAN

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[Vol.

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Type 6

Type

1

Type

3

profile

prfilei

p r o f l n e

p l a n

1~~z~~

l a n

Type

7

Type 2

Type

4

p r o f i l e

p p c i f i l e

plan

Figure

4.

Illustrations of

Wari

Burial

Types

1, 2,

3, 4, 6,

7.

bers of

mortuary

ooms that I

classify

below as

Type

5a,

demonstratingunity

in

grave

forms at

Conchopata

nd other

Wari

ettlements.

However,

there s no evidence for

ttoco

in

Type

1

and

Type

2

Wari

graves.

And

only

the more elaborateburi-

als that

have ttoco also have evidence for intro-

ducing

small

luxury

items into the

grave

as

offerings.

At other

Middle Horizon

Ayacucho

sites,

Type

3 cist interments

ppear

o occur

n

isolationor

in

cemetery groupings, in buildings, and in open

places.

Theymay

contain heremainsof one or sev-

eral

individuals,

but often contain

incomplete

assortmentsof human bones.

Grave

furnishings

were

occasionally

included,

but

rarely

are the

objects

numerousor of

significant

value.

Wari

Burial

Type

4-Bedrock

Cavity

Interment

Bedrock

cavity

burial

mployed

deep

tombsexca-

vated

nto

he

bedrock

underlyingConchopataFig-

ures4, 5, and6).They appearo havebeen marked

by

raisedbench-like tructureshatoften hadttoco

holes in

them.

They

were locatedunder he floors

of

buildings

hat

were

probably

oofedrooms

n the

residential

reasof

larger ompounds.Perhaps

his

kindof tomb shouldbe

recognized

as another ari-

ant of the

mortuary

oom,

which

I

have classified

below as the

Type

5

burial,

an issue to

be resolved

by

further

tudy

of

Wari

mortuary ractices.

Bedrock

cavity

tombs have

different

shapes,

probably

because he contours

weredetermined

y

cracks

n

the rockthat

made t easier o remove

he

stone.

Most,

but

not

all,

the bedrock

cavity

tombs

discoveredat

Conchopata

were looted.

All

appear

to havecontained heremains f more hanoneper-

son,

and

significant

umbers

f

pots

as well as other

offerings.

Onebedrock

avity

ntermentwas found

intactbelow

Conchopata's

oom

EA-31

(Figure

5).

To construct he

tomb,

earth and then stone

had

been cut

away

to

produce

a broad shaft-like

entrance,

with

two burialchambers

n the

deepest

northern

part

of the

excavation,

one to the north-

east andone to

the northwest.

A

ttoco

about 15

cm

in

diameter

hathad been cut

through

he bedrock

at the northwest dge of the tomb shaftappearso

have servedboth

burialchambers.

The northwest hamberwas

open,

having

been

looted,

and contained

many fragments

of

human



Isbell]

MORTUARY

REFERENCES:

WARI

CULTURE ASE

STUDYFROM

MIDDLE

ORIZON

ERU 11

Figure

5. This

bedrock

cavity

tomb was cut

though

the floor of room

EA-31,

and a

ttoco

was

also

opened

through

the

rock to its left. All photographs are by William Isbell.

bones as well

as

pieces

of broken

pottery,

but the

northeast

hamber emained losed behinda

rough

stone wall. It

contained everal ndividualswhose

bones were almost

totally

consumed

by

chemical

actionwithinthe sealed environment f the

grave.

Two adults were

tightly

flexed.

One,

associated

with

tupus,

has skeletal features

diagnostic

of a

female.The other

adultwas associatedwith half of

an archer'sbow and

anotherwooden

object

that

may

be a reworkedbow stave.Based on the bow,

it seems

probable

that the individual was

male,

although

sex

determinationrom the bones them-

selves was

impossible.

n

the rearof the

grave

were

additionalbones in

extremelypoor

condition hat

may represent

arlier nterments

n

the same

grave.

A

jar

in

the

grave

contains a human fetus and a

radiocarbon

ample

rom

vegetable

fiber

bindings

about one of the

cadavers

produced

a terminal

Huisa

phase

date.

The most impressiveunlooted bedrockcavity

intermentwas discovered

during

our 2000 season.

The

grave opening

was found in

room

EA-105,

partially

overed

by

a bench-likeconstruction

hat

had a circularhole

in

the

top suggestive

of a

ttoco,

except

that t did not

penetrate

nto the tomb

(Fig-

ure

6).

Small

luxury objects

of

turquoise

and

Spondylus

hell were found

n

this hole.

The flooraround hetombentrancewas

covered

with sherds

from

large

ars,

but there was

no

lid,

only

earthand rocks

in

the mouth.

A small

plain

pot

with constricted

pening

was

also found at

the

entrance nto this bedrock

cavity

tomb.Below

the

roughly

80-cm-diameterombmouthwasa

spher-

ical

cavity

almost

2

m wide and

about

1.6

m

deep,

excavated nto the bedrock.The

grave

yielded

27

ceramic

vessels,

including

several

miniature

pots

that seem to imitate oversize

offering

urns,

small

objects

of

green

stone,

numerous

opper

upus,

and

the remainsof

15

individuals.

Osteological

exam-

ination documented

two fetuses

in

jars,

three

infants,

part

of a

child,

ajuvenile,

one

malebetween

23 and 27

years

of

age,

and six

adult females of

various ages, as well as a seventh skeleton too

incomplete

o be

sexed,

but

probably

also an adult

female

(Tung

2003;

Tung

and Cook

2002).

The

male was

placed

n

the

bottomof the

grave

seated



12

LATIN AMERICAN

ANTIQUITY

[Vol.

15,

No.

1,

2004

Figure

6. The bedrock

chamber

tomb in

room

EA-105

had

large pots

and other

objects just

inside

its entrance. Its bench

and

ttoco

can be seen

just

behind the tomb

opening.



Isbell]

MORTUARYREFERENCES:

WARI

CULTURE

ASESTUDY

FROM

MIDDLE ORIZON

ERU 13

on

crossed sticks

of wood that

may

have been the

frameworkof a

stool or

mortuary upport.

sus-

pect

thatthis was

the

primary

burialof the

group,

probably

a

husband

accompaniedby

polygynous

wives anddeceasedinfants.If my inferencesare

correct,

t

seems

likely

thatthis

grave

belonged

to

a

nobleman,

or

the

numberof wives seems

too

large

for a

commoner.

The

skeleton

of a

pregnant

woman was

found

just

inside the

tomb

opening.

It was

completely

articulated s

though

untouched ince the

body

had

been

placed

nto the

tomb.It

appears

o have

been

addedafter

other

burials

mmediately

elow,

which

were

disturbed

nd

partially

disarticulated.

istur-

bance of these

skeletons was consistent

with the

intrusion

of

the final

female

body

when the other

bodies still

had

connective tissue

holding

their

bones

together,

but

when

theirremains

were deli-

cate

enough

to

permitparts

of

the

skeleton o

sep-

arate

from

one another. This is a

convincing

demonstration

hatWari

ombs were

reopenedby

intention o

add ndividuals

nd

t

seems

likely

that

it

occurred

many

times.

We can also

conclude hat

bones

were

removed

when

the

tomb was

opened,

for

some

of

the

skeletons

n

this

unlooted

grave

are

incomplete.So Wariburialwas a

process,

not an

event. The

last woman

added

to the

grave

n EA-

105

was

about45

years

of

age

and was

pregnant,

but she

probably

lso

was a wife of the

young

man

interred

arlier

at the bottomof

the

grave.

Another

Type

4

Bedrock

Cavity

Interment

was

in

EA-40,

and

disturbed

xamples

were found in

rooms

EA-9 andEA-64. A

unique

case

in

a

larger,

probably

open patio

came

from EA-6.

Wari

Burial

Type

5a

and

Type5b-Mortuary

Room

Interment

This

kind

of

burial s named

Mortuary

oomInter-

ment

because ombs

occupy

so much

of the

space

within a

room that it is

difficult to

imagine any

other

activityexcept

burialandburial

itual

within

the

enclosed

androofed

area

Figures

7,

8,

and

9).

In

some

cases a

secondroomand

even a third oom

appear

o have been

part

of the

mortuary omplex,

although

these

secondary

mortuary

rooms

were

probably

not filled with

tombs.

However, ooting

has

usually

disturbed he

original

conditions so

severely

that

nterpretations

annotbe

precise.

At

least six

examples

of

mortuary

ooms are known

at

Conchopata.They

are

room

EA-138,

with its

neighbor

EA-110

that were both looted

severely.

A

second,

and

perhaps

he

largestmortuary

oom

complex,

consisted

of

EA-38

(Figures

3 and

8),

probably

ombined

with

EA-44,

and

perhaps

EA-

31. Mortuary oomsthatappear o haveincluded

only

one architectural

pace

are

EA-39,

EA-150,

EA-153,

and

EA-203

in the western

part

of Con-

chopata,

across

he

highway

rom

ourexcavations.

Mortuary

rooms EA-38

(Figure

8)

and

EA-150

(Figure

9)

are

he best

preserved

nd

provide

much

of

the information

necessary

or

identifying

Bur-

ial

Type

5a

and

Type

5b,

respectively.

Type

5a

mortuary

ooms

(Figures

7 and

8)

con-

tain

several

circular r

rectangular

tone-lined

ist

tombs

and skeletalremainsfrom numerous

ndi-

viduals.

Mortuary

ooms

of

Type

5a

all

probably

contained

severalcist

chambers,

but one

appears

to have

been the

principal

cist,

which also

may

have been

the first tomb

in theroom. The

princi-

pal

cist orburial

hamber

was

either ircular

r

rec-

tangular,

and

apparently

could have two

and

perhaps

morechambers.

t was

sealedwitha

heavy

capstone

pierced

by

a

notchor

hole,

the

ttoco.

All

examples probably

contained

he remainsof sev-

eral

ndividuals,

lthough

one

has

been

discovered

intact. Overthe

capstone

a small offeringhouse

somewhat

ess than

1 m tall

was

built,

containing

an

altarchamber.

The

offering

house hada flat

top

and a

small

trapezoidal

ntrance

n

one

side.The

floor of the

offering

house was

the

grave

id,

with

the

ttoco

providing

a

tiny

passage

from the altar

chamber

f the

offering

house

nto

theburial

ham-

ber

that contained

human

bodies. It seems

likely

that

ttoco

were

usually

sealed

with stone

plugs

shaped

much

like

champagne

orks.

The

offering

house was constructed n theheavy stonelid, so

once the little

building

was

in

place

it

would

have

been

mpossible

o

re-open

hecist without

destroy-

ing

the altar

chamber

walls.

Consequently,

on-

struction

of the

offering

house terminated

he use

of

the

principal

cist,

and

probably

nitiatedexca-

vation

of,

and

burial

n,

secondary

ists within

he

mortuary

oom.

There

likely

was

both a

chrono-

logical

order

anda

hierarchy mong

he

nterments

in multi-cist

burial

mortuary

ooms.

In some

mortuary

ooms,

additional ist

tombs

were excavated

through

the floor almost

every-

where hatwas

possible.

Sometimes

partitions

ere

constructed

rounda

seeminglysecondary

ist,

or

set

of

cists,

creating

a

subsidiaryoffering

house



14 LATIN

AMERICAN

NTIQUITY

[Vol.

15,

No.

1,

2004

Type

5a

Type

5b

Primary

urialChamber

With

Offering

HouseConstructed

BuralRoom

On Burial

Chamber

Lid

tWith

Doorway

over

hambereringouse

Ttocoe

RoomRo

pranance

T

locoiiiiN

Figure

7.

Illustrations

of

Wari

Burial

Type

5a

and

Type

5b.

Figure

8.

Mortuary

Room EA-38 is an

example

of

Wari

Burial

Type

5a.

The

offering

house,

now

lacking

a

roof,

is con-

structed

over a

massive lid

of the

primary

burial chamber. Its

ttoco

notch is visible at the

top edge

of the stone.

Secondary

cist tombs were located around the

primary

burial chamber.



Isbell]

MORTUARYREFERENCES:

WARI

CULTURE ASESTUDYFROMMIDDLE ORIZON ERU 15

Figure

9.

Mortuary

Room EA-150 is an

example

of

Wari

Burial

Type

5b. The

offering

house,

with roof

intact,

is con-

structed over a chamber that

was

entered from

the

side,

where its

rectangular

lid,

now

broken,

has

collapsed

into the

void. The

ttoco

notch is located

inside the

offering

house.

with an altar

chamber.

Occasionally,

an

adjacent

roomseems tohave been

part

of the

mortuary

om-

plex, having

its own cist tombs excavated nto its

floor,

and walls that

may

have been

parts

of offer-

ing

houseswith

altar hambers.

Unfortunately,

oot-

ing

has made t difficult

o determine riticaldetails

of construction

chronology,

but

what

does seem

clear is that in

Type

5a

mortuary

ooms,

the con-

struction

f an

offering

house overa tomb

signaled

its

importance.

t also meant hat he tombwas dif-

ficult if not impossibleto re-opento insertaddi-

tional burialsor to remove

any

remains.

Mortuary

ooms of

Type

5b

represent

an

elab-

orationon

Type

5a

that could be

entered

and re-

entered,

without

disturbing

the

offering

house.

These tombs had a

separate

ntrance o one

side,

sealed

by

a flatstone

(Figures

7 and

9).

A

large

rec-

tangular

urial hamber

was constructed elow the

floor of the

mortuary

oom and

capped

with stone

slabs at aboutthe same level as the floor.A

ttoco

was

constructed etween he stone intelsatone end

of the

chamber,

nd

an

entrance hatcouldbe sealed

with a

single

stone slabwas

placed

at the otherend.

An

offering

house with altar chamberwas built

over

he

ttoco,

covering

about70

percent

f thebur-

ial

chamber,

ut

eaving

the entranceand

covering

stone

exposed.

This kindof

mortuary

nitcouldbe

re-opened epeatedly,

while the

offering

house and

ttoco remainedundisturbed.

All

the

mortuary

rooms discovered at Con-

chopata

were

looted,

but

gold

artifacts

were found

in

mortuary

ooms

EA-138

and

EA-150.

This s the

only gold

discovered n our excavationsat Con-

chopata,

so there seems little doubt hat

mortuary

rooms were the

pinnacles

of the local

interment

hierarchy.Only hemostpowerfulandwealthyres-

idents could afford so much

luxury.Study

of the

skeletal remains from

mortuary

ooms is still

in

progress,

and,

of

course,

all were disturbed.How-

ever,

preliminary

vidence indicatesa

significant

preponderance

f female

skeletons,

onsistentwith

a

high-status alace

areawherea

king

andhis noble

kinfolk were attended

by

numerous

wives,

concu-

bines,

and

serving

women.

Wari

Burial

Type

6-Wall Interment

This

type

of interment

mployed

a chamber ut out

of,

constructed

within,

or attached

o,

a thick wall

(Figure

4).

We did notdiscover

any

wall interments

during

our excavationsat

Conchopata,

but

Lum-



16

LATIN

AMERICAN

NTIQUITY

[Vol.

15,

No.

1,

2004

breras

1974a:

180-181)

reported

ne

example

on-

taining

wo

individuals

during

his

investigations

t

the

site. It is

possible

that t

represents

late addi-

tion

to a Silva

phase

wall at

Conchopata

nd that

wall burial s a late Wari eature.Numerouswall

burials

have been

reported

rom Huari

Gonzalez

Carr6

and

Bragayrac

Daivila

1996)

and Middle

Horizon

Batan

Urqo

(Zapata

1997),

so

although

burial

Type

6 does

not

seem to

havebeen

very

pop-

ular n the

civic centerof

Conchopata,

t was

appar-

ently

a

significant ype

of

Wari nterment.

Wari

Burial

Type

7-Communal or

Sacrificial

Group

Burial

One

example

of a mass

grave,probably

a

groupof

sacrificial

victims,5

is

reported

or

Conchopata.

This

unique

example

contained ive

young

females

covered

by

a

stone moundor cairn

(Figure

4).

All

appear

o

have been

buried

at

the same

moment.

This

interment

was discovered n

1977 about

1

m

northwestof a

ceramic

offering

of

oversize face-

neckjars

Isbell

1987;

sbell

andCook

1987,

2002).

It is

likely

that he women

participated

n the same

event in

which the

giant

face-neck

jars

were

smashedand

buried

Cook

1987,

1994).

Wari Tombs at Other

Settlements

I

doubt

that this

descriptive

discussion,

based on

Conchopata

burials,

exhausts the

range

of

Wari

mortuary practices. Expansion,

revision,

and

reevaluationswill

surely

be

required

as we learn

more about

MiddleHorizon

mortuaryandscapes.

However,

t is

clear hat hese deal

omb

ypes

have

equivalents

t

other

Ayacucho

ettlements,

s

well

as atmore distantWaricommunities.

Tombs of

Type

1,

individual

interment,

are

described or

the

Wari

sites of

Jargampata

Isbell

1977:29)

and

Azangaro

(Anders

1986:619-620).

Similar

graves

existed at the Rio

Pampas

site of

Taqsa

Urqo,

but were

destroyedby

roadconstruc-

tion.

However,

I

suspect

that

many examples

of

Wari

Type

1

burialshave

gone

unrecognized,

nd

perhaps

even

unreported,

ecause

they

contained

no

stylistically

datable

objects.

Type

2

multiple

nterments re as

poor

as

Type

1

graves

andare

probably

lso

under-reported.

ne

example,

described

by

Schreiber

1992:249-250),

is a

grave

ontaining

wo

individuals tJincamocco.

This tomb was a little fancier

than

Conchopata

examples,

or the

pit

was

partially

tone linedand

covered

with

simple

slabs

of

rock,

but no

offerings

were

included.

Type

3

cist interment urials

havebeen

reported

for Aqo Wayqo (Ochatomaand Cabrera2001:

83-96),

whereat eastone contained

ottery,

upus,

and other

furnishings.

However,

these

examples

had

no ttoco.

A similarburial

was found at

Naw-

impuquio,

with a

stone-lined

double chamber

(Cabrera

1998)

that

is somewhat

arger

and more

elaborate

hanmostcist

nterments,

lthough

t also

lacked

a ttoco.

Perhaps

his

represents

a subclass

of cist

burials

consisting

of a

stone-lined vault

instead

of

just

a

pit

cut into

earth.

A

Type

4 bedrock hamber

omb s found

at the

planned

architectural

complex

of

Azangaro

(Anders

1986:617-619).

Accounts

of

what seem

to be

Wari

ites in the Rio

Pampas,

outh

of

Ayacu-

cho,

suggest

hatbedrock

hamber

ombs

may

exist

thereas

well.

Type

5a

mortuary

oom

nterment

s also known

at

Huari

Figure

10).

My

students

andI excavated

an

example

n

the

Moraduchayuq

rea

Isbell

et al.

1991:34-36

and

Figure

18).

The

presence

of

only

scattered

ragments

f human

bone madeus reluc-

tantto

identify

the chambersas

mortuary

n func-

tion without

he

kindof corroboration

e now have

from

comparisons

with

Conchopata.

At

Mora-

duchayuq,

wo

rooms,

each

5.3

m

long

and

2

m

wide,

connect

through

a

doorway.

The northend

of the

inner

room is raised

about

20 cm

with the

primary

ist

locatedon this

bench and covered

by

a

heavy

circular

tone with

two

ttoco. Remains

of

an

offering

house are

represented

y

wall

bases on

two

sides

of the lid.

In this

mortuary

oom,

there

aretwomore argecistswithlidsandttoco,and n

the

neighboring

oom,

four

cists,

one

with lid

and

ttoco still

in

place.

All

the tombs

had been

looted,

anda

great

quantity

f fine

pottery

of Middle

Hori-

zon

Epoch

IB,

all

severely

broken,

was foundscat-

tered about.

The

pottery

was

mostly open

vessel

forms,

such

as bowls

and

cups,

appropriate

or con-

suming

food and

drink

Cook

1994).

A second

example

of a

Type

5a

mortuary

oom

is fromthe Cuzco

MiddleHorizon

site of Batan

Urqu Figure11).

Partof a

larger

Wari

community

knownas

Huaro,

he Batan

Urqucomplexmight

be

described

as a

cemetery

buildingcontaining

vari-

ous

mortuary

ooms

Zapata

997).

Mostsimilar o

the

Conchopataxamples

s the

primary

urial

Zap-



Isbell]

MORTUARY

REFERENCES:

WARI

CULTURE ASESTUDYFROM

MIDDLE ORIZON

ERU

17

N

Cist3

Raised

tep Pit

A

in

floor

135

Pit

C

1

m

Stone id with

toco

covering ist

nexcavated

134

Raised

tepV

infloor

234

3acy

161

MoraduchayuqCompound,

Huari

Figure10. Huari'sMoraduchayuq ompound howinga burialroom of Type5a. (Redrawnrom Isbell et al. 1991:

Figures

6 and

18)



18

LATINAMERICAN

NTIQUITY

[Vol.

15,

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2004

ata

1997:Figures

3,

34)

consisting

of

a

huge

stone-

lined cist

with

heavy

rock

lid and

central ttoco.

Remains

of a small

rectangular ffering

house sur-

mount he

lid,

and

many

other

cist

tombsandmor-

tuaryrooms are locatedclose by.Therecan be no

question

that

the

Batan

Urqu

mortuary omplex

represents

an orderof

magnitude

or

two

grander

than

anything

at

Conchopata,

but

the

mortuary

behavior s

clearly

hat

of a

Type

5a

Wariburial.

I

believe that

ConchopataType

5b

mortuary

rooms are

formally

similar o

numerous

xamples

from

Huari,

but the

Huari

tombs

have been so

severely

damaged

that

most are

difficult to

con-

ceptualize

in their

original

form.

Called

cheqo

wasi

(stonehouse),they

are

megalithic

chamber

complexes,

often of two

or even three

floor

levels

(Figures

12

and

13).

No

one has

attempted

o deter-

mine their

original

forms,

although

we

have sev-

eral

descriptions

f the

ooted

architecturalemains

(Benavides

1984,

1991;

Bennett

1953;

Gonzailez

Carr6

and

Bragayrac

Daivila

1996;

P6rez

1999,

2001a,

2001b).

Based

on these

discussions,

my

own

researchat

Huari,

and the

new

Conchopata

comparisons,

conclude that the

majority

of the

megalithic

chambers

were

enclosed within

the

rough

tonewallsofarchitectural

ompounds.

They

were

re-openable

mausoleums

similar to

Con-

chopata'sType

5b

mortuary

ooms.

Type

5

mortuary

oomsdescribed

or Huari

an

enclose

one

large

chamber

omplex

or

several mall

chambers,

robably

anging

rom wo

to five.

Small

and

simple cheqo

wasi

probably

were entered

by

removing

he id

(Figure

12).

More

complex

exam-

ples

consist of a

subterraneanoom

or

complex

of

rooms

entered

rom

one

side

through

a

crawlway,

perhaps lsocoveredbyaheavystone(Figure12).

The

upper

evel

is

often

a

room,

or

room

complex

that

may

have been

closed

except

for

ttoco. Other

ttoco connect the

upper

chambers

with

the lower

chambers.

In

form,

Huari's

cheqo

wasi are like

Type

5a

and

5b

mortuary

ooms rom

Conchopata,

except

that

they

are much

grander.

propose

that

these

megalithic

ombs

be

recognized

as

another

subclass,

Type

5c

(Figure

12)

All known

Type

5c mortuary

ooms rom

Huari

were

ooted,

probablymany

imes,

beginning

n the

distant

ast.

n

early

postconquest

imes

hey

served

as

quarries

or

construction

tone,

furnishinghuge

expertly

worked

ashlars hat could

be re-cut into

mill

stones,

water

onduits,

and

other

tone

objects

used

to construct he colonial

city

of

Huamanga

(now

Ayacucho).

But excavations n and

around

themhave

revealed

many

human emains

n thedis-

turbed

ontexts.

As our

understandingsrow,

here

seems little doubt that the chamberswere elite

tombs.

If

the Batan

Urqo

Type

5a

mortuary

oomsare

grander

han

Conchopata's

y

an order

or two of

magnitude,

ome of Huari's

arger

cheqo

wasi

are

greater

han

Conchopata's

ype

5b

mortuary

ooms

by

half a

dozen

ordersof

magnitude.

Huari's

heqo

wasi

must have

been tombs for

kings

or

nobles

whose

statuswas

a full

social

level above

the

fan-

ciest tombs discovered

at

Conchopata.

Megalithic

tone

chambers

f

Type5c

are

com-

mon at

Huari,

but are

very

rare

f

they

exist

at

all

outside

he

capital

ity. Only

one

example

has

been

reported.

n

southern

Ayacucho,

morethan100

km

from

Huari,

Schreiber

1992:154-155)

reports

at

least

one

(and

possibly

more han

hree)

semi-sub-

terranean

hambers

uilt

of

large

labs

of

cutstone.

This settlement

appears

o have

been

quite

small

but locatednear

he entrance

nto a

valley

thathad

a

sizable

complex

of

Wari

administrative

rchitec-

ture and extensive

agricultural

erracing.

Perhaps

it became heestateof aHuarimonarchwhoserel-

atives

were

eventually

buried

there,

but

excava-

tions

are

required

o confirm he existence

of these

rural

cheqo

wasi,

much

less

infer

their

meanings

in the

vast

Wari

andscape

of

death.

Uncommonat

Conchopata,

Type

6 wall

inter-

ment was

frequent

at

Huari

and

at

Batan

Urqu

n

Cuzco

(Zapata

1997).

Wall

graves

are

only

found

in

very

thick

walls,

which

are

rareat

Conchopata,

at

least

in

the civic

centerwhere

our

excavations

havebeen concentrated.

Type

6 wall interment

equires

dditional

nves-

tigation

n

the future.Burials

rom

the

Vegachayoq

Moqo

sectorof

Huari

Figure

14)

aredescribed

by

Vera Tiesler

Blos

(1996).

Most of the

human

remainswere

looted fromtombs

withina

massive

wall

that was built across a

courtyard

when

the

functionof the architectural

omplexchanged

rom

palace,

to

mortuary

monument,

o

popular

ceme-

tery

(see

Isbell200

ib).

Itis nowclear hat his

mas-

sive

wall,

more than2 m

thick,

had

manylarge

niches,

one

containing

a

collection

of

secondary

burials

(Bragayrac

1991),

as well as numerous

chambers for

wall interments. These

were not

nichesbut

crypts

or

primary

urialshatwere

prob-



Isbell]

MORTUARY

REFERENCES:

WARI

CULTURE ASE STUDYFROM

MIDDLE

ORIZON ERU 19

0600

Remains f

--'

--offering

house

andaltar hamber

......

constructedver

primary

tomb

Mortuary

r o o m s

0

10m

...

....I

Figure

11. Batan

Urqu,

Cuzco,

mortuary building

with burials of

Types

5a and 6.

(Redrawn

from

Zapata

1997:

Figures

5 and

34).

ably

sealed

except

when

occasionally reopened.

Some were

probably

ntrudednto the wall after ts

construction,

while others

appear

to have been

shapedas the wall was built(Pdrez1999;Tiesler

Blos

1996).

I

suspect

that the

large quantity

of

human

remains

ound

along

the

edge

of this same

wall-and attributedo

post-Middle

Horizonmor-

tuaryactivityby

Tiesler-are

actually

Huariburi-

als

pulled

from

their

wall

chambersand scattered

about

he foundationarea

by

looters.

At Batan Urqu in Cuzco, Zapata (1997)

describesa

largerectangular

uilding,poorlypre-

served,

but

originally

about 33

m

by

89

m,

with

parts

of

its

perimeter

wall

standing

lmost

1 m

high



20

LATIN

AMERICAN NTIQUITY

[Vol.

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2004

Type

5c

Huari

Mortuary

Room

Type

5c

Huari

Mortuary

Room

with

two

small

chambers

with one

large

chamber

omplex

:

Plan

a r

Chamber2

Entrance

: r2

I

2

Profile

7m.Profile

Figure

12.

Huari's

cheqo

wasi or

megalithic

mortuary

rooms of

Type

5c.

(Redrawn

from

GonzAilez

Carre

and

Bragayrac

Divila

1996: 20 and from

PNrez

2001a:

Figure

32).

and about

1.3

m

thick.

Along

the

interiorbottom

of the west

wall,

he found

Type

6

wall burial

ham-

bers of various

forms,

from

rectangular

o semi-

circular o

elongated,usually

containing

disturbed

bones of several

individuals,

adults as well as

infantsand children

Figure

11).

Based

on

these

reports

t

appears

hatwall

inter-

mentsrepresent etanotherkindofWarigrave hat

was

probably

opened

and

reopened

for the addi-

tion,

and

perhaps

he

removal,

of humanbodies and

defleshed

bones,

respectively.

Few

offerings

or

grave urnishings

have been foundwith wall

inter-

ments.

Perhaps

his s because o

many

were

ooted,

but more

probably,

t is because

they

were similar

in

status o

Type

3 cist

interments.

Type

8

Royal

Interment

The

Monjachayoq

area of Huari is

also named

canterdn

Bennett 1953:19)

or stone

quarry

n

Spanish.

Before

the

1970s

it had

gaping

holes 15

to 20

m in diameter nd

half as

deep

thatwere

par-

tially

filled with

huge

rocks,

including

fragmehts

of

finely

worked

ashlars,

curiouslyshaped

stones

that

ooked like conduits

or

aqueducts,

nd circu-

larslabs

resembling

mill stones.

Nearby

was

a

long

subterranean all filled

with humanremains.

Although

extremely damaged,

clearing

and

excavationby Ismael Perez(1999, 2001a,2001b)

in

1997

has

finally

revealed

enough

of the ancient

architecture t

Monjachayoq

o

get

a sense

of its

original

form.

Monjachayoq

onsisted

of four or

five subterraneanevels

of construction

with the

deepest

reaching

10

m or more below

the

ground

(Figure

15).

On

the surface

here

appears

o have

been a

perimeter

wall,

a

D-

shaped emple

build-

ing,

a

large

structure,

nd

maybe

a street

or

corri-

dor.Under

his,

and

apparently

elow the

original

ground evel,

was

a

complex

of four

halls,

end to

end,

of

well-made

rough

stone

masonry

with

mas-

sive cut stone slabsfor the roof

and he floor.At the

south

end,

the hall

complex passed

over a

deeper,



Isbell]

MORTUARY

PREFERENCES:

A WARI

CULTURE CASE STUDY FROM MIDDLE

HORIZON PERU

21

Figure

13. This

mortuary

room at Huari

contains a medium sized

cheqo

wasi,

or

megalithic

tomb of

Type

5c.

second subterraneanevel of

architecture

Figures

15, 16,

and

17).

Monjachayoq's

econd subterraneanevel con-

tains

21

cells constructed

of ashlars

n

combina-

tion with

rough

stonework

Figures

16 and

17).

This

constructionwas disclosed

by

cleaning

one of

Monjachayoq's aping

holes of loose

stone,

reveal-

ing a surfaceexposedby lootersandsubsequently

worked

by

colonial stonecutterswho

converted

ancient

ashlars nto

millstones,

water

conduits,

and

other

tems

requisitionedby

Spanish

architects

n

the

new

city

of

Huamanga.

n

fact,

the 21 cham-

bers are

exposed

becausemassive

covering

stones

were

removed,

along

with several levels of con-

struction bove

hem.

Pdrez

1999)

foundstones

n

the

process

of

being

re-cut,

along

with an

exhausted

iron chisel of the

colonial masons.

Huari's subterranean

megalithic complex

of

cells must have been

opened

and

looted,

perhaps

in

prehispanic

imes.

During

he colonialera

Span-

ish contractors

egan quarrying

tone from Mon-

jachayoq,recutting

ts

original

onstruction locks

fornew

requirements

n the colonial

capital

of Hua-

manga.

n

spite

of this

destruction,

herecan be lit-

tle

question

hat he

complex

of

21

cells

represents

a

mortuary

roup,

of

subsidiary

burial

chambers,

or

perhaps offering

houses built above an even

granderprimarymortuary

hamber.

Underthe complexof 21 cells is a thirdbase-

ment

level,

accessible

only by

a shaft. It is a hall

whose

plan

resembles a

llama

viewed

in

profile

(Figures

16 and

18).

Pdrez

(1999)

observed that

entry

was at the mouth of the

symbolic

animal.

And,

at the

tip

of the

llama's

tail a

still-deeper

le-

ment was

constructed,

hat

might

be considereda

fourth

underground

evel. This is a circular ham-

ber,

lined with

rough

stonework,

3.7 to

4 m

deep,

reaching

1.2

m in

diameterat the

bottom,

with a

flat-stone id that once sealed it. It looks remark-

ably

like a

primary

urialcist froma

Type

5a

Wari

mortuary

oom,

as well

as the

primary

urial ham-

ber

in

the Batan

Urqumortuary

oom.



22

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SProbable

Walls

:

•

SmeNiches

4

Wall

Tombs

St

t

surface

So

..6

wall tombs

P

icstonesd

ecorated

alls

niches

D

Shaped

FirsdinTe

er r

.

esu

lo

hbuildinsFloorlevel

TW ace

FfPill

of

stones

Floors

canal

Floor

Fo

Figure

14.

Map

of Huari's

VegachayoqMoqo

sector.



Isbell]

MORTUARY

REFERENCES: WARI

CULTURE ASESTUDYFROMMIDDLE

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ERU

23

---------

-----

W-

----

--

-I

---------------

----------

*

I

Vegachayoq

M o q o . . . y

S e c t o r

SPossible

ntrance

S-

ashlars

I

V g

onjachayoq

ectorarchitectural

First

ubterranean

0

meters

wallslevelalls

ashlarUncleares

Clearedn

1973

Second subterranean

level cells

Third

subterranean

evel

Surface walls

llama-shaped

hall

--

Figure

15.

Map

of

Huari's

Vegachayoq Moqo

and

Monjachayoq

sectors.

For details of subterranean levels

in

Monjachayoq

Sector,

see

Figure

16.



24 LATINAMERICAN

NTIQUITY

[Vol.

15,

No.

1,

2004

Original

ntrance

to

llama-shaped

all

tomb

6

1

N

Cylindrical

cyst-tomb

of fourth

Cells of second

subterraneanevel

subterraneanevel

Llama-shaped

loters' entrance

Vto llama

shaped

0

1

2

hall

tomb

of third

hall

tomb

subterranean

evel

meters

D

~a7~s7G

3

7 ~ = 3

5

~c~fV

? ? ? ? m e t e r s

Figure

16.

Map

of Huari's

Monjachayoq

Sector

showing

the

second,

third,

and fourth subterranean

levels.

Nothing

of the

original

contents of Mon-

jachayoq'shugeundergroundomplex

s left

today.

Many

humanbones were removed from the first

basement

halls

n

1977.The

21

chambers nd lama

gallery

of the second and third basements were

excavatedmore

recently,

but

they

contained

only

secondary

ill,

withoccasional

ragments

f human

bones,

pot

sherds,

and stone

tools.

Even

the

lid

of

thedeepestcist hadbeenremovedandnothingwas

foundwithin.Of

course,

ragmentary

nddisturbed

humanremains

were scattered

hroughout

he

fill

of this

impressivecomplex, confirming

ts mortu-

ary

function.

The

form, size,

and

impressive

construction f

the

Monjachayoqmortuary omplex place

it on a

par

with

royal

burial

platforms

rom Peru's

great

north oastal

city

of

ChanChan

see

Conrad

1982).

I

feel secure

n

identifying

he

Monjachayoq

ub-

terranean uildingcomplexas a royalWari omb,

even

though,

as

atChan

Chan,

egal

bodiesand heir

offeringsdisappeared

enturies

ago.

Curiously,

he

Huari

epulchre

s

virtually

he inverseof

Chimu's

royal

burial

platforms-a

royal

atacomb.

t

rep-

resents the

supreme

hierarchical evel

in

Wari's

landscape

of death.The

Monjachayoq

omb

ma?

be listed as a

Wari

Type

8 Subterranean

hamber

Complex

Interment,

probably representing

an

emperor

who ruledHuariand all

its

possessions.

Within he Huari

ite,

I do not think hat

Type

8

interment

is

unique

to

Monjachayoq.

Near

the

northeastcorner of Huari's architecturalore is

another

great

hole,

filled with

broken

blocks,

ash-

lars,

and

stones,

that is also called

canterrn.

I

believe thatexcavationswill reveal

another

mega-

lithic subterranean

tomb

complex

of a Huari

emperor,

lso looted

long ago,

and

quarried

or its

fine worked tones.

Perhaps

new excavation am-

paign

will revealan unlooted

royal

tomb at Huari.

Wari's

Landscape

of the Dead

Wari

people

nscribed

espect

or,

and

engagement

with,

the dead into the built environments f their

cities andtowns.At

Conchopata

hey

creatednew



Isbell]

MORTUARYPREFERENCES: A WARI

CULTURE CASE STUDY FROM

MIDDLE

HORIZON PERU 25

Figure

17.

Wari

Type

8

Royal

Tombs are

represented by

the

megalithic

subterranean

complex

at

Monjachayoq,

Huari.

The

second subterranean

level

consists

of

21

cells that

probably

served as

secondary

tombs

and

offering

chambers.



26

LATIN

AMERICAN

NTIQUITY

[Vol.

15,

No.

1,

2004

Figure

18. The

third subterranean level of Huari's

Monjachayoq royal

tomb was

probably

the

primary

burial chamber.

It consists of a narrow

hall whose

plan

resembles a llama

in

profile.

Located 6 to 8

m

below

the

original ground

surface,

the looted

chamber

now

contains construction rubble and

fragments

of human bone.

kinds of

buildings

where the

living

venerated he

dead,

who were interred elow the floors.

Some

of

these tombs

were

modest,

otherswere substantial

anda few were

pretentious.

he

most

powerful

es-

idents created

mortuary

rooms for their

bodies,

where

hey

would

be visited

by generations

f their

descendents,at least some of whom would even-

tually

be added o the

same

complex

of

tombs.

Conchopata

has half a dozen

mortuary

ooms

with tombs thathave

great

ids,

ttoco,

and

offering

houses

filling

the entire

pace.

This

mortuary

and-

scape

affirms hat

Conchopata

was not

just

a

city

of

craftspeople,

but of elites and

nobles,

occupy-

ing palaces

and

commanding

esourcessufficient

to construct

mpressive

ombs and

provision

hem

with wealth that ncluded

gold.

But the

poor

con-

dition of Middle Horizon ombs made it impossi-

ble to describe

Wari

mortuary

behavior

directly.

This

has been achieved

only by abstracting

deal

or

preferred

patterns

rom a multitudeof

graves,

many

disturbed

uta few

intact,

rom

Conchopata

and related

settlements,

ncluding

he Huari

capi-

tal

itself. The

resulting ypology

of ideal

mortuary

classes is

remarkably omplex

andhierarchical.

t

suggests

so

many

nferences hat

only

a few can be

discussedhere.

Wari's Middle Horizon

landscape

of death

linked ancestorsand descendents

with a

house or

palace.

This

surelypromoted

he formalization

f

royal ineages

or

dynasties

known

n

many

cultures

as

great

houses.

Wari

nterment

mphasized

ta-

tus differenceand

social

inequality

n its

spatial

metaphors.Type

1

and

Type

2 interments

were

small,

unmarked,

nd

lacking

n

material

objects.

Type

2

multiple

interments

may gradually

have

becamemore

popular,

lmost

replacing

ndividual

interments.Kinties, or whatever ormed he basis

for

mortuary rouping,

became

emphasized

even

more as

multiple

interments

of the Middle

Hori-

zon

replaced

ndividual

graves

and cemeteries

of



Isbell]

MORTUARYREFERENCES: WARI

CULTURE ASE

STUDYFROM

MIDDLE ORIZON

ERU

27

the

Early

ntermediate

eriod

Mendosa

phase.

Per-

haps

in

the

new urban

milieu,

new

principles

of

affiliation

were

explored

or

creating

new

kindsof

relationships

Smith

2003).

Ttocoopenings ntotombsbecamepopular ur-

ing

the

Middle

Horizon,

implying

an

increased

desire to maintain

contact

with

ancestors.How-

ever,

Type

1

and

Type

2

intermentshave no

ttoco

and containno

luxury

goods.

It

appears

hat ow-

status ndividualswere

buried

ogether,

n

affiliated

groupings,

but

they

did

not become reveredances-

tors.

Wari

Type

3

cists,

as

well

as

Type

6

wall

inter-

ments,

are

a

step higher

in

the social

landscape.

Type

3

graves ometimes,

but

not

always,

had toco

openings,

while

Type

6

seems not

to

have

had hem.

I

suggest

that these

burials

represent

ypical

resi-

dents of

Wari

cities,

neither

powerful

nor

impov-

erished.

Type

4

bedrockchamber nterments

ppear

o

havebeenthe burial

places

of

minor

nobles,

at east

at

Conchopata.

They

had

ttoco

openings

and con-

tained

many

grave

goods. Type

4

burialsare fre-

quent

at

Conchopata,

mplying

that

the

surviving

portion

f

that

city

was

a

palacecompound,

rcom-

plex of associatedpalace compounds

occupied

n

large part

by

elites.

Bedrockchamber

ombs that

were not

disturbed

appear

to have

held

family

groups,

and

at

least some

examples

are best inter-

preted

as

the

polygynous family

of

a man with

many

wives.

In

fact,

female

remains

considerably

outnumberhe

males in

our

Conchopata steolog-

ical

sample,

a fact

thatI

ascribe

o the

seraglio-like

natureof

the

palatial

sector we have

investigated

at

Conchopata.

BurialType5a and5b mortuary oomsrepre-

sent he

pinnacle

of the

nterment

ierarchy

t

Con-

chopata.They

havettoco

openings,

combinedwith

an

offering

house with altar

hamber.These

graves

contained

gold

and

other

objects

of

wealth,

although

none has been

discovered

unlooted.

As in

bedrock

chamber

ombs,

mortuary

ooms

contain

a

predominance

f

female

skeletons,

seeming

to

confirm he

mportance

f

polygyny,

and he

mpor-

tanceof womenand heir

abor orthe smaller

num-

ber

of

elite men.

I

propose

hat he

persons

buried

in

Conchopata'smortuary

ooms

were rulers

and

their

close

family

members,

probably

petty

kings

or

curaca,

to use anAndeanterm.The

discovery

of

similarbutmore

magnificent

mortuary

oomsat

Batan

Urqo

in Cuzco

implies

Wari

kings

of

simi-

lar

noblerank

n the distant

ity

of

Huaro,

but

udg-

ing

by

the

graves,

Batan

Urqo's

kings

were

probably

wealthier

han

Conchopata's

ulers n

a

regional cale of powerandaffluence.Type5aand

5b

burials

eem

to

represent

fourthevel of

social

status

n ancient

Wari

ulture,

perhaps

ulersof

sec-

ondary

cities and

governors

of

provincial

errito-

ries.

Mortuary

ooms

of

Type

5a

and5b

were

he

apex

of

the

funerary

hierarchy

at

Conchopata

and

at

Huaro/Batan

Urqu,

but

they

were

modest when

compared

with Huari's

cheqo

wasi-megalithic

chamber

tombs-but

placed

in

mortuary

rooms

similar

o those of

Conchopata.

This demonstrates

that the

fourth-level uracas

of

Conchopata

were

significantly

out-ranked

y

more

powerful

nobles

at

Huari,

who could build

truly

magnificent

mau-

soleums.

Furthermore,

ype

5c

megalithic

mortu-

ary

rooms

appear

o havebeen

imited

o

Huari,

nd

perhaps

one

provincial

site

in the

south,

where

some

Huari

prince may

have

established

a

royal

villa

or

country

state.

Consequently,

ype

5c

buri-

als

must

represent

fifth

hierarchical

evel

of

sta-

tus

and wealth

in

Wari

culture

and

society.

Their

limitation o thecapitalcity impliescentralization

of

political

power,

with

deceased

nobles

being

buried

only

in the

great city.

Wari's

andscape

of

death

proclaims

Huari's

unique

hierarchical

osi-

tion,

contradicting nterpretations

f

the Middle

Horizon

hat

argue

or

equivalent

ities

or confed-

erations

of

lineages.

Supremepower

and wealth

n

Wari's

mortuary

landscape

s

represented

y

Type

8

royal

nterment,

a sixth

level

in the

power

hierarchy.

Still

poorly

known, these tomb complexes were vast and

impressive.

Further esearch

will

probably

prove

that

hey

were

the tombs

of Huari's

mperors.

And

they

significantly

urpass

all

other

graves

of Mid-

dle Horizon

date

anywhere

within the

Wari

sphere-Pachacamac,

Cuzco,

Huamachuco,

Nasca,

or

Moquegua.

Their

only

appropriate

lace

was Huari

tself,

where

hey probably

defined

cen-

trality,

or

there

arehintsthat

socialrelations

with

these dead

emperors

never

ended,

and

that social

memory

was constructed

round heir

tombs.

Wari's

dead,

or

perhaps

more

correctly,

the

higher-status

ead,

were

n

continued

elationships

with he

iving.Offerings

f some

sort,

but

certainly

including

small

luxury objects,

were introduced



28

LATIN

AMERICAN NTIQUITY

[Vol.

15,

No.

1,

2004

intotombs

hough

toco

openings.

Offering

houses

with

altar

chambers,

built over the tombs of

Type

5 as well as

Type

8

royal

tombs,

may

have con-

tained

many

otherkinds

of

gifts.

This

shows that

progenitorswereobjectsof adoration, ndthat he

people

of

Wari

practiced

ncestor

worship

of

some

sort.

In

the sixteenth and

seventeenth

centuries,

Andean

peoples practiced

religions

that

empha-

sized ancestor

worship

Doyle

1988;

Duviols

1988;

Isbell

1997a;

Salomon

1995).

Corpses

of

impor-

tant

lineage

founders and

political

leaders were

mummified ecause

heirbodieswere

holy

objects

of

public worship.

The

cadaverwas

carefullypre-

served,

even

bodyexuvia-fingernail cuttings

and

trimmedhair.

Some mummies

resided

in

special

mortuary

owns,

others

emained

n

their

homesand

palaces,

and,

at least

some of the

time,

dead Inka

kings

sat

ogether

n a

great

hallwithin

Cuzco'ssun

temple

(MacCormack

991).

Founders'

mummies

and

deceased

kings

were

publicfigures.

They par-

ticipated

n

feasts,

traveled

about,

and were

avail-

ablefor

consultation.

They

demanded nd

received

fine

clothing,

foods,

and other tems

of

conspicu-

ous

display,

nd

witnessing

heir

njoyment

f

these

gifts seems to havebeen an essential

part

of wor-

ship by

their

descendents.

It would be

attractive

o

imagine

similarmum-

mies

populating

Wari's

andscape

f

death,

but his

seems

unlikely.

Wari

mortuary

acilities

were not

designed

to

preserve

mummified lesh.

Underthe

floors

n

the

ground,

Wari

deadwere soon

reduced

to

bones.

Furthermore,

ome of

the

bones,

but not

mummified

cadavers,

were removed

while other

parts

of the

body

remained n

the

graves.

Appar-

ently,Wariancestorswere deliberatelydismem-

bered,

something

that

would have

horrified nka

worshippers.

Many

of the

higher

statusWari

ombs

were eas-

ily opened

and sealed

again,

but it

seems

unlikely

that

hey

contained ounders'

mummies

who were

brought

out for

public

worship.

The

entrancesof

these

tombswould

have made t

difficult o

extract

and

replace

wholemummies.But the

evidencefor

Type

5a tombs is even

more indicative.Their

pri-

mary

cists were

impossible

to

re-open

once an

offering

house and altarchamberhad

been con-

structed ver thelid.

Principal

ists of

Type

5a

mortuary

oomscon-

tained

mportant

ncestors,

but it is

impossible

to

imagine

Inka-style

mummies

trapped

in these

tombs,

beyond

the reach of their descendents.

While there

were

important

evelopments

n

Type

5

tombs that

appear

to document

significant

changes ntreatmentsndmeaningsof deadances-

tors

though

he

Middle

Horizon,

Waridescendents

who

employed

Type

5a

mortuary

ooms

contented

themselves

with

communicating

with their

princi-

pal

ancestor

hrough

a ttoco

At

Conchopata,

nd

apparently

t Huari

as

well,

elaborate

mortuary

ooms were

located far

from

public

areas.

They

were intended

or

private

ere-

monies,

not

public

display.

In

fact,

built environ-

ments

of death

mply

that admission

o

mortuary

rooms

was

limitedandexclusive.

Perhaps

ntrance

instated

power

thathad to

be controlled.

Adjacent

facilities

do not include

courtyards

r

plazas arge

enough

for

the

assembly

of

many people.

We do

not

yet

fully

understand

ow the

Waridead were

incorporated

n

grander

ituals

where socialmem-

ory

was

constructed,

ut

current

nformation

ug-

gests

the

possibility

that

defleshed and

disarticulated

ones of deceased

ancestors

could

have been

objects

of

display

n

public

landscapes

of death.

Unfortunately,

he

image

of Inka-stylemum-

mies is

excessively powerful

n Andeanarchaeol-

ogy,

becoming

an untested

assumption

for

interpreting

arlier

mortuary

emains

see

Kaulicke

2000).

Inkaancestor

mummies

were

kept

in

open

sepulchres

and

brought

out

to

participate

n cere-

monialactivities

of the

living,

n

many

cases as the

focus of

adoration.

TheresaandJohn

Topic

(1984;

see also Isbell

1997a:204-208)

reported

he

possi-

bility

of

Inka-like

mummies

roma

late

Early

nter-

mediateperiod/MiddleHorizonmortuary uilding

at

Cerro

Amaru n

Huamachuco,

lthough

he con-

text was disturbed

and

required ignificant

nter-

pretative

nference. Also

on the basis

of

highly

disturbed

uman emains

argued

hat

Jargampata,

a ruralMiddle

Horizon installation

25

km from

Huari,

may

have

included a room

within its resi-

dential

quarters

wheremummies

were

kept

(Isbell

1997a:

187).

But new

mortuary

nformationrom

Conchopata

hows hat he deceasedwere

accessed

though

ttoco

openings,

andthat removalof

com-

plete

bodies or

participation

n

public

ritualswould

have been difficult or

impossible.

GordonMcE-

wan's

(1998)

inference

that Inka-like ancestor

mummieswere the

principal

religiousobjects

of



Isbell]

MORTUARYREFERENCES: WARI

CULTURE

ASE

STUDYFROM

MIDDLE

ORIZONERU

29

Wari's

regional

administrative enterat

Pikillacta

now

seems

very

unlikely.

Quoted

in

a recent

National

Geographic Magazine

article

(Morell

2002:123),

McEwan

tated

hat

Pikillactawas used

as amummy toragedepotwhereWarieadersheld

captured

ncestor

mummies

hostage

o

insure

polit-

ical

compliance

from

their

living

descendents.

Without

material

vidence n

support

f

this

asser-

tion,

and

n

light

of

inconsistencies

between Mid-

dle Horizon

Ayacucho

mortuary

acilitiesand

hose

associatedwith

Inka

public display

of

mummies,

such

ancestor

bundles

eem

unlikely

n

Pikillacta's

landscape

of death. If

ancestor

mummies

existed

at

Pikillacta,

hey

were

part

of the

culture

of the

conqueredpeoples

of

Cuzco.

There

can be

no doubt

that this

study

of

Wari

mortuary

andscape

is

preliminary.

Much

more

informationmust

be

collected and

compared.

As

data

ncrease,

o

will the

refinement

f

ideal

types

of

Wari

mortuary

practices,

as

well

as actual

cases-the

occasional

ntact

tomb-providing

bet-

ter

understanding

of

variability

and

individual

strategies

n the

treatment f Wari

dead. But

even

in

preliminary

orm,

this

typology

of

Wari

mortu-

arypreferences

urnishes

a

tool

for

inferring

ocial

andpoliticalhierarchy uring heMiddleHorizon,

while t

createsa

new

understanding

f

Wari's

and-

scape

of

death.

Acknowledgements:

he

Conchopata

Archaeological

Project

is

directed

by

Dr.

WilliamH.

Isbell,

Dr. Anita

G.

Cook,

M.A.

Jose Ochatoma

P.,

and

Lic.

MarthaCabrera

R. de

Ochatoma.

It

is administered

y

Alberto

Carbajal.

Special

recognition

s

due the

sponsors,

and

particularly

he

National

Geographic

Society

that has

been the

primarypatron

since

1998. Initial

support

was a

grant

rom Wenner

Gren

n

1997

to

Ochatoma.

Additional

unding

has

come

from

the Curtiss

T.

and

Mary

G.

Brennan Foundation, Dumbarton Oaks, and the Heinz

Foundation.

Excavations

were conducted n

1997,

1998, 1999,

2000,

2001-02 and

2003

with

permission

granted

o Professor

Ochatoma

1997-1998)

and Dr. Isbell

(1999,

2000, 2001-02,

2003).

I

wish to

thank he

co-directors,

nd

also the

archaeol-

ogy

students,

especially

those

from the

State

University

of

New

York-Binghamton

(Catherine

Bencic,

Juan

Carlos

Blacker,

Juan

Leoni,

Greg

Ketteman,

Mike

Calaway,

Marc

Lichtenfeld,

Ariela

Zycherman,

Kris

Mearish,

Amy

Groleau,

Dan

Eisenberg,

Brian

Finucane,

and Meridith

Davis),

La

UniversidadNacional

San Crist6balde

Huamanga

Lorenzo

Huisa,

Carlos

Mancilla,

Ismael

Mendosa,

Maximo

Lopez,

Teresa Limalla, Irela Vallejo, Alina Alvarado, and Edgar

Alarc6n),

he

Catholic

University

of

America

Barbara

Wolff,

Nikki

Slovak,

David

Crowley,

Teresa

Carmona,

and

Eric

Schmidt),

La Pontifica Universidad

Cat6lica

del

Perdt

(Gonzalo

Rodriguez,

Manuel

Lizarraga,

and Antonio

Gamonal),

the

University

of

Pittsburgh

CharleneMilliken),

the

University

f NorthCarolina

Tiffiny

Tung),

he

University

of

California-Berkeley

Bill

Whitehead

and Matt

Seyre),

La

UniversidadNacional de San Marcos

(Patricia

Mayta),

and

from

Argentina

Mabel

Mamaniand Silvana

Rosenfeld),

who

have contributedo the research

by

directing

xcavation

rews

and/orparticipatingn analyses. Special recognitionis due

Alberto

Carbajal

A.,

my

friend,

our

project

administrator,

nd

an

insightful archaeologist.

I want to thank Dr.

Luis

Lumbreras,

urrentdirectorof Peru's InstitutoNacional

de

Cultura,

or his

encouragement.

Through

he

years

unequaled

support

has come

from Dr.

Enrique

Gonzalez

Carr6,

n

his

posts

as

Rectorof the UniversidadNacional San Crist6bal

de

Huamanga,

Director

of the Museo Nacional de

Arqueologfa,

and

Directorof Peru'sInstitutoNacionalde Cultura.

Gonzalez

had a

storage

facility

added to the

archaeology

aboratory

f

the Universidad

Nacional

San

Cristobal de

Huamanga

expressly

for materialsexcavated at

Conchopata.

want

to

thank the directors

of

Ayacucho's

Instituto Nacional

de

Cultura,

Ulyses

Lareya,

Teresa

Carrasco,

Mariano

Benites,

and Severino Castillo for

their

help,

friendship,

and

advice.

Cesar

Alverez,

director f

Ayacucho'sarchaeological

museum

Hipolito

Unanue,

also contributed

to the success of the

ConchopataArchaeological

Project,

as did

many

others.I

also

wish

to

thank

my

university,

he

State

University

of New York

at

Binghamton,

and

my

colleagues

in

anthropology,

or

sup-

port

and

encouragement.

Dr.

Cook's

Catholic

University

of

America,

and the Universidad Nacional San

Crist6bal

de

Huamanga

ave also contributed

enerously.

Finally,

my

wife

Judy Siggins

has been a source of continual

help

and

inspira-

tion. She

has

managed

our home and

family

life

during my

long researchabsences, she read and edited my proposals,

reports,

and

manuscripts,

nd

she is the

best

consultant

nyone

could

hope

for.

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Bioarchaeological

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Evidence from

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1992a

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edited

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pp.

260-288.

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pp.

165-206.

Boletin

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PUCP

Vol. 1. PontificaUniversidad

Cat61lica

el

Peru,

Lima.

Notes

1. Huari s also

spelled

Wari.

his name refersto

the

archaeological

uins of a

great

city

in Peru'scentral

highland

Ayacucho

Valley.

It also refers to the art

style

and

archaeo-

logical

culture that

probablyoriginated

n the

city,

and

was

spread

acrossmuch of the CentralAndes

during

he Middle

Horizon

(A.D.

550 to

1000).

To reduce

the

confusion,

I

have

proposed

(Isbell

2002)

that Huari e used for the

city

and

its

contents,

while Wari be

employed

for the

broadly

dif-

fused

culture

and its distinctiveart found outside the

capital

city.

I follow that

practice

n this

article.

2.

I

wish to

recognize

the

co-directors,

project

adminis-

trator,

ponsors,

and other

participants

ndcontributorso

the

Conchopata

Archaeological

Project.

Please

see

Acknowledgments

t the

end of the

article.

Special

thanks

are

due Dr.

Tiffiny

Tung

for her

painstaking

analyses

of

the

Conchopata

skeletal

remains,

and

the

preliminary

nforma-

tion presentedhere.Bioarchaeological tudyof these materi-

als is

continuing.

3.

This discussiondeals with the burial

of adultsand

uve-

nile

children.

Except

where

they

were

placed

in what

appear

to have been

family

tombs,

the burial

of fetuses and

infants,

as

well as

young

children,

was

significantly

different

from

burialfor adults and

youths.

This

probably

expressed

prac-

tices

appropriate

or different

age

grades.

Complete

analysis

of

Conchopata

burial

practices,

including

the interment

of

children,

will

be

presented

n

the future.

4. A

tupu

is a

long

pin

with

flat

head

ethnohistorically

used

by

women to

fasten a

wrap-around

arment

over

their

shoulders.

5.

Challenging

Isbell and

Cook's

original

conclusion

that

the

women were sacrificial

victims,

recent

re-examination f

the

bones

by Tiffiny

Tung

failed to

detect

evidence of violent

death.

Of

course,

strangulation,

oison,

and

other

techniques

for

killing

would leave

no

detectable

evidence,

especially

on

poorly

preserved

bones,

as

these are. But the conclusion

that

the

women were sacrificed

requires

more examination n

the

future.

Submitted anuary

31, 2003;

Accepted

October

3,

2003;

RevisedNovember

18,

2003.

ishbell - mortuary preferences_a wari case.pdf

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