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Bilingual/Bi-Annual Pashto/English Research Journal

Issue No 18.Volume No 9

July-Dec 2017

TAKATOO ISSN:2075-5929

Editor: Prof.Dr. Naseebullah Seemab

Co-Editor: Abdul Rehman Kakar

Department of Pashto,University of Balochistan,Quetta Email:[email protected]

Department of Pashto,University of Balochistan,Quetta

Patron in Chief: Prof.Dr.Javed Iqbal,

Vice Chancellor,

University of Balochistan,Quetta

Chief Editor: Dr.Faizullh Khan Panezai

Editor: Prof.Dr . Naseebullah Seemab

Co-Editor: Abdul Rehman Kakar

Composer: Abdul Jamil Khan Tareen

INTERNATIONAL EDITORIAL BOARD

1. Prof. Dr. Lutz Rzehak, Central Asian Department, Humboldt University

Berlin, Germany

2. Prof. Dr. Heinz Werner Wessler, Department of Lingustics and Philology,

Uppsala University Sweden

3. Prof. Dr. Jonny Cheung, Department of the languages and cultures of the

near and Middle East, University of London

4. Dr. Anders Widmark, Faculty Member, Department of Lingustics and

Philology, Uppsala University Sweden

5. Dr. James Caron, Faculty Member, South Asia School of Orientel and

African Studies, University of London

6. Prof. Dr. Halil Toker, Chairman, Department of Urdu language and

literature, Faculty of Letter, University of Istanbul, Turkey

7. Dr. Dawood Azami, Program Manager, British Broadcasting Corporation

(BBC), London

8. Prof. Dr. Zarghona Rishteen, Department of Pashto, Faculty of Languages

and Literature, University of Kabul, Afghanistan

9. Prof. Dr. Muhammada Jan Huqpal, Department of Pashto, Faculty of

Languages and Literature, University of Kabul, Afghanistan

NATIONAL EDITORIAL BOARD

1. Prof. Dr. Syed Waqar Ali, Chairperson History Department, Quaid-I-

Azam, University, Islamabad.

2. Prof. Dr. Nasrullah Jan Wazir, Director, Pashto Academy University

of Peshawar

3. Prof. Dr. Abdullah Jan Abid, Chairman Pakistani Languages, Allama

Iqbal Open University Islamabad.

4. Prof. Dr. Zubair Hassarat, Professor Govt College Mardan, Khyber

Pashtoon khwa

5. Dr. Ali Kumail Qazal Bash, Assistant Prof. Govt. Degree College,

Zhob

6. Dr. Altaf Yusafzai, Assistan Professor, Department of Urdu, Hazara

University Mansehra, Khyber PashtoonKhwa.

7. Dr. Barkat Shah Kakar, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Pashto,

University of Balochistan, Quetta.

8. Dr. Noor Ul Basar Aman, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Pashto,

University of Malakand, Khyber PashtoonKhwa.

9. Dr. Himayet ullah, Research Fellow National institute of Historical

And Cultural Research , Quaid-I-Azam University, Islamabad

Pakistan.

Dear Authors, Co-Authors and Readers!

Department of Pashto, University of Balochsitan,Quetta has been

regularly publishing the Bi-Lingual, Bi-Annual Research Journal

TAKATOO since 2009. The Higher Education Commission of Pakistan

(HEC) has recognized the Research Journal "TAKATOO" in August

2011. The published material in TAKATOO can be utilized for

scholastic and academic purposes.

Disclaimer:

The published material in the journal TAKATOO contains

exlusive/independent opinions of the authors. The journal‘s agreement

to the analysis/opinion of the author is not necessary to be the same.

Subscription Rate:

Domestic: Rs. 300/-

Outside Pakistan: US $ 07

GUIDELINES FOR CONTRIBUTORS

The prime objective of the Research Journal "TAKATOO" is to provide a

forum for the scholars engaged in the research of Pashto language and

literature. Following are the guidelines for the scholars/researchers

contributing articles to the bilingual/bi-annual Pashto research journal

TAKATOO.

1. The authors may send their research papers both in English and Pashto on

the themes pertaining to Pashto language, literature, history, art, culture,

linguistic, Sufism (Tasauf), anthropology and archeology.

2. The research paper must be typed on A-4 size paper having an abstract in

English about 100-150 words.

3. Manuscript should be between 4000- 6000 words (including end notes and

references).

4. Quotations from foreign texts must be translated in the body of the paper,

and accompanied by the original in the endnotes.

5. The author‘s name, e-mail and mailing addresses and institutional affiliation

should appear on a separate title page.

6. Two hard coppies and a soft copy of the research paper may please be sent

to the Editor.

7. The authors are required to use MLA citation styles.

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS:

1. Ehsanullah Ehsan M.phil Scholar Pashto Academy university of

Peshawer KPK.

2. Rehmat Bibi M.phil scholar, Pashto Department, University of

Balochistan, Quetta

3. Dr. Abdul Rauf Rafiqi Director Khan Shaheed Chair University of

Balochistan Quetta

4. Safia Rehman Panizay M.phil scholar, Pashto Department, University of

Balochistan, Quetta

5. Muhmmad Nasim Department of Pashto,University of Balochistan, Quetta

6. Dr. Naseebullah Seemab Prof. Dept. of Pashto, University of Balochistan, Quetta

7. Faisal Rehman Faran Ph.D Scholar, Pashto Academy University of Peshawar

8. Karan Khan Ph.D Scholar, Pashto Academy University of Peshawar

9. Muhibullah Khan Kakar M.phil scholar, Pashto Department, University of

Balochistan, Quetta

10. Dr. Faiz ullah Khan Professor, Department of Pashto University of

Balochistan Quetta.

11. Lal Bacha Azmoon Prof, University of Kabul Afghanistan.

12. Dr. Asal Marjan Assistant Professor Pashtoon Khwa Mutaleati

( Muhib Wazir) Markaz Bacha Khan University of Charsada. 13. Keran Sinin Assistant Professor Pashtoon Khwa Mutaleati

Markaz Bacha Khan University, Charsada.

14. Dr. Zafarullah Bakhshalai Assistant Professor Department of Pashto

Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan. 15. PalwashaGhilzai M.phil scholar, English Department, University of

Balochistan, Quetta

16. Dr. Faria Saeed Khan Professor,English Department, University of

Balochistan, Quetta

17. Azam Jan Assistant Professor, Department of Communication &

Media Studies, Hazara University Mansehra, KPK

18. Dr. Shujaat Ali Khan Assistant Professor, Department of Communication &

Media Studies, Hazara University Mansehra, KPK

19. Mohammad Nafees Professor department of environmental Sciences, UoP,

KPK.

20. Naeem Butt Assistant Professor department of English, UoP,KPK

21. Raj Wali khan Lecturer in English Department of English NUML

Peshawar campus.

22. Robina Bibi Lecturer in English Department of English NUML

Peshawar Campus

23. Dr. Fazal Rabbi Assistant Professor, Dept of Pakistan Studies,

University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad

24. Abdul Qadar Khan Prof. & ChairpersonDepartment of Political scince,UOB

25. Adil Zaman Associate Prof. Department of Political scince,UOB

26. Naseebullah M.Phil. Scholar Department of Political scince,UOB

Contents (ENGLISH PORTION)

S. No. Researcher Title Page

1 Naseebullah

Abdul Qadar Khan

Adil Zman

An overview of habib jalib

constribution in the politics of

Pakistan under the leadership of

Khan Wali khan

9

2 PalwashaGhilzai

Dr. Faria Saeed Khan

Women Marginalization: An

Epistemological Connection among

Leopard andthe Fox, JuliusCaesar

and I Am Malala.

19

3.

Azam Jan

Dr. Shujaat Ali Khan

Needs Gratification of Pashtuns of

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Through

facebook and Twitter Use

26

4 Mohammad Nafees

Naeem Butt

Review of Ghani Khan‘s Poem

Chengi (Insects) and Rachel

Carson‘s Silent Spring: An eco-

centric academic perspective

14

5 Raj Wali khan

Robina Bibi The Analysis of Marxist

Philosophy in Ajmal Khattak‘s

poem ―Faisla‖ (Decision): A

Critical Discourse Study

18

6 Dr. Ghazala Kausar

Islam Badshah

Samreen Zaheer

Effects Of Terrorism And The

Poet‘s Plea: Textual Analysis Of

Poem ―O‘ God! What Will

Happen?‖ By Israr Atal.

61

TAKATOO Issue 18 Volume 9 9 july-Dec 2017

AN OVERVIEW OF HABIB JALIB CONTRIBUTION IN THE

POLITICS OF PAKISTAN UNDER THE LEADERSHIP OF

KHAN ABDUL WALI KHAN

Naseebullah

Abdul Qadar Khan

Adil Zaman

Abstract: Habib Jalib, a renowned revolutionary poet, who always supported

political and democratic movements in Pakistan. A diehard

political figure who challenged the might and majesty of tyrant

dictators and alleged democratic usurpers when they were in

power. Habib Jalib joined National Awami Party (NAP) in 1956

and remain loyal to his party all his life. Jalib as a political activist

worked under the leadership of Khan Abdul Wali Khan. Both

personalitiesstruggled together for many years in the restoration of

true democracyand getting equal rights for supressed ethnic

nations in Pakistan. Unlike their contemporary politicians and

poets, wali Khan and Jalib never compromised to their ideals

which they recommended for themselves. This study will highlight

the role of Habib Jalib in Pakistan‘s politics and also point out

hisassociation with Wali Khan for the restoration of democracy in

Pakistan.

Keywords: Poet, Revolutionary, leadership, Democracy, Dictatorship.

Introduction:The political history of Pakistan have nurtured a rich political

literary tradition. This tradition has its deep rooted origin from the day this

country got independence. In fact, the student of politics science can probably

reiterate the whole political history of Pakistan only by reading the poems of

these writers. Among those literary stalwarts who addressed politics by their

rebellious and far-reaching effects oriented poems, the name of Habib Jalib will

remain distinguish from the rest. The name of Habib Jalib will always be at the

apex of those devotees of true democracy who rendertheirlife and work to see the

better political and democratic conditions in Pakistan.

Habib Jalib, a renowned socio-political activist and a revolutionary poet had

innate capacity of bravery and courage,was basically a Mohmand Pashtun(Tahir

Asgar.2009)from Miyani- Afghana village of India(Nasir Jalib.2013). Jalib was

among those exceptions who stand out from the rest and became a beacon light of

change and hope for the downtrodden have-nots class; rather for the whole Nation.

Habib Jalib raised his voice against overwhelming odds of military cum civilian

M.Phil. Scholar Department of Political scince,UOB

Prof. & Chairperson Department of Political scince,UOB

Assosiate Prof. Department of Political scince,UOB


rulers and struggled for more than three decades as a political activist for restoring

democratic ideals and give life blood to the masses rights. He remained a stanch

advocate of masses rights all his life, inspired by Economic & Political system of

Communism.

His political career was attached with National Awami Party (NAP) under the

charismatic leadership of Khan Abdul Wali Khan. Jalib joined the party in 1956 and

became the first literary figure of Pakistan who was member of the central executive

committee (CEC) of a political Party (Mujahid Barelvi.2011). He suffered hard time

all his life and spent most of the time in Jails, where He continued his struggle

without any barrier. According to Dr. Mubarak Ali, He never imposed on himself

any self-exile situation and continued his struggle while living in Pakistan (Saeed

Pervez.1996).

Habib Jalib was much inspired by the personality of Khan Abdul Wali Khan

which further strengthen his belief to struggle against dictatorship. In fact, his

association withKhan Abdul Wali khan made Jalib not merely anobserver, but an

active and progressive individual of political struggle. Khan Abdul Wali

KhanStruggle for dominatedand supressed nations of countrycreated a sense of

political consciousness in Habib Jalib. All this made Habib Jalib a true representative

of the oppressed masses. Jalib, paid a glowing tribute to his mentor Khan abdulwali

Khan in these words:

ر ںیہن ےہ رمے اکرواں ںیم اشلم وکیئ مک رظن ںیہن ےہسف مہ

وج ہن ٹم ےکس ونط رپ ریما

وکیئ ااسی داغ دجسہ رمے انم رپ ںیہن ےہ در ریغ رپ ہشیمہ ںیہمت رس اکھجےئ داھکی

رما رس ںیہن رےہ اگ ےھجم اس اک ڈر ںیہن ےہ یسک دگنسل ےک در رپ رما رس ہن کھج ےکس اگ

(Kulyat e Habib Jalib 2005)

(There is no one in my camp whose creed is bigotry. No such person travels with me

who can‘t make a sacrifice for the motherland. You always bowed your head on

adversary floor. No such stigma in prostration is attached with my name. My head

will not bow on the floor of a ruthless. I have no fear even I lost my head.)

Habib Jalib as a political activist, used his poems as a mean to struggle

against social and political ills. His poetic works when noticedmutually seem like a

political history of Pakistan. His struggle for growing the capacity building of masses

was in his own individual style, a style that was based on simple cognizance and

mobilization messages in the form of poetry.

Both these Pashtun icons not only raised voice against military rulers but also

against so-called democrats. Habib Jalib trademark poem ‗Dastoor‘ (constitution)

became slogan throughout Pakistan and created awareness among people about the

falsehood of the so-called constitution of 1962.The work mentioned above not only

created spark in that era but remained a milestone in today‘s political and rights

based campaigns.

Similarly, there were few voices against military action of East Pakistan

launched by Gen. Yaya Khan, among them Wali Khan and Habib Jalib werethose


scarce languages of truth who condemn and negated this action. Likewise, Jalib Was

first devotee and a supporter of Z.A. Bhutto, but later raised up his voice when he felt

that Bhutto government was not executing the way it should. In Z.A Bhutto era Khan

Abdul Wali Khan and Habib Jalib were arrested in Hyderabad conspiracy case and

spend time in Hyderabad Jail.In Zia era, Jalib was detained three times for raising

voice against martial Law. In the same way, Benazir Bhutto government‘s policies

and actions were also criticized by Jalib that were not in favour of the common

people, for he believed in equality and empowerment of the common people. He did

not spare Nawaz Sharif either.

To keep thehonesty with their cause and to avoid any conflict of interest, they

never got any favour from any government. They spent their lives to spread

awareness among common citizen of their political rights and had strong belief in the

voice and empowerment of masses through continuous struggle. A struggle that was

against the unjust system of tyranny as well as for the betterment and good of

common citizen. This made Jalib a true political and human rights activist as well as

a leader and a representative of the common people.

Taking all this into account, research is needed to explore Jalib‘s political

dogma as well as his association with Khan Abdul Wali Khan for restoring

democracy in Pakistan. This paper will highlight the salient features of Habib Jalib

political participation in the politics of Pakistan under the leadership of Wali Khan.

Habib Jalib and Khan Abdul Wali Khan struggle in Gen Ayub Khan era:

The first formal martial law which was imposed by Gen Ayub Khan in1958

was renounce byKhan Abdul Wali Khan and Habib Jalib. It was again Habib Jalib,

who negated and rejected the second constitution of Pakistan (1962) and his poem

―Dastoor‖ became the sign of a resistance anthem (Nand Kishore

Vikram.1994).Manzur Qadir, famous jurist and Ayub Khan Government foreign

Minister, the creator of 1962 constitution himself acknowledged that in our

government renunciation ―mother millat‖ Fatima Jinnah had 60 percent share and 40

percent share was of Habib Jalib (Saeed pervaz.1996).Ayub KhanEra was marked

with heinous and draconian policies of dictatorship. Every segment of society was

victim of unlawful sanctions, imposed by anautocrat tyrant. Both these personalities

came forward and shaken the political conscience of people and make them aware of

their democratic rights.

The name of democracy was skilfully used by Gen Ayub Khan as basic

democracy system (BDS) but all 80,000 representative were, in fact, not people‘s

representatives rather all were president men. It was in these grim conditions

whenKhan Abdul Wali Khan and Habib Jalib raised their voices as a beacon light

and struggled to savefragile democracy in Pakistan. The public processions of

presidential candidateMohterma Fatima Jinnah were charmed by the thought

provoking speeches and poems of Khan Abdul Wali Khan and Habib Jalib

respectively. But unfortunately, the 1964 presidential elections were won by Gen.

Ayub Khan and MulanaBhashni, the president of NAP was held responsible for


supporting a dictator. Thus, finally Khan Abdul Wali Khan became the president of

National Awami Party in 1968.

Their struggle in Gen Yaya Khan era:

The second Martial Law of Gen Yaya Khan also blackened the political

history of Pakistan. Khan Abdul Wali Khan and Habib Jalib came forward with a

vivacious spirit and enlighten the torch of democracy for the masses in the blur and

dismal era of dictatorship(Ayesha Jalal.2014). Habib Jalib openly negated the de

facto regime by saying that:

اس وک یھب اےنپ دخا وہےن ہپ اانت یہ نیقی ا ںاں ن ت ت نی امت ےس ےلہپ وہ اک صخش

(ibid) وہ اہکں ںیہ ہک ںیہنج انز تہب اےنپ ںیئت ا وکیئ رہھٹا وہ وج ولوگں ےک اقملب وت اتبو

(Before you, there was also a person in power. He had a firm belief that he is god.

But now he is history, similarly, no other usurper can stand against the wrath of

masses.)

In 1970 general election, NAP got clear victory in Baluchistan and NWFP.

Wali Khan won both seats of provincial and national assembly from his home

constituency of Charsadda. On the contrary, Habib Jalib lost his election of

provincial assembly seat from GariShahouconstituency Lahore and got only 750

votes (Tahir Asgar.2009).

The elections after effects soon shaped in to horrific nightmares in East

Pakistan. Khan Abdul Wali Khan along with Habib Jalib and other NAP leadership

wanted that by peaceful means this issue and disputes be settled with Shaikh

Mujeebur Rahman. But military oppression worsen the rampant situation which

finally proved lethal in the form of disintegration of Pakistan. Jalib showed his

antagonism against military oppression in these words:

ونط اک رہچہ وخں ےس دوھ رےہ وہ تبحم وگویلں ےس وب رےہ وہ

(ibid)ںیقی ھجم وک ہک زنمل وھک رےہ وہ امگں مت وک ہک رہتس ٹک راہ ےہ

(You plant love with bullet-lead .You wash the land with blood you feel that a

solution is ahead but I know that the dream is dead.)

Khan Abdul Wali Khan and Jalib politics in Bhutto Government:

Then came Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in power, who first started reconciliation policies

with NAP and other parties. Bhutto first removed the ban which was imposed by

Gen. Yaya Khan on NAPin his first address to the nation. Khan Abdul Wali Khan

welcomed Bhutto‘s address and offered unconditional support of his party.Further, in

making of 3rd constitution of 1973 Wali Khan fully supported this process although

he had majority in two provinces i.e., NWFP and Baluchistan. As a matter of fact, it

was the leadership of Khan Abdul Wali Khan who was being libelled as ‗traitor‘ but

prepared the Pashtun and Baloch leaders to sign the draft of 1973 constitution.

On the other hand, Habib Jalib had love-hate relations with Z.A

Bhutto.Basically, Habib Jalib was a pure democracy lover, he appreciated the slogan

of ―roti, kapra, makan‖ given by Bhutto for the common men, but at the same time he

negated those policies of Bhutto which were confronting the masses or democracy.


For the purpose, he was offered a lot by Bhutto to join Pakistan People‘s Party but

Jalib rejected the offer by saying that ―have you ever seen seas falling into

river‖(Tahir Asgar.2009). Almost all top leaders of NAP in Punjab joined PPP

including Miyan Mehmood Ali Qasoori.

Later on, few undemocratic steps taken by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto widen the gulf

between him and Jalib. Similarly, PPP-NAP friendship had proved to be very short-

lived. First, the Liyaqat Bagh incidence of 1973 in which government fired on the

public procession of NAP and killed twenty five Pashtuns. Khan Abdul Wali Khan

again played a very positive and patient role after this tragedy. Second, in his

biography ‗Jalib Beti‘ Habib Jalib says that ―Peoples Party government started

plotting against the democratic Baluchistan government, whereas, our struggle was

for the survival of democracy. In the mien time, the central committee of our party

NAP passed a resolution of solidarity for Baluchistan provincial and constitutional

government. This resolution was declared sedition and further our party was declared

traitor and banned. From Punjab, Police and FIA arrested Col.Lateef,KasoorGardezi

and I. When I was arrested it was the third day of my deceased 12 years son Tahir

Abbas (Ibid). Notorious Hyderabad conspiracy case was launched against NAP, Wali

Khan along with fifty two persons were arrested.

Their struggle against Zia ul Haq dictatorship:

When the third Martial law of Zia ul Haq was imposed, Zia held several

rounds of talks with Wali Khan in Hyderabad jail and finally released him and all

others of the charges levelled against them. After the release from prison, Khan

Abdul Wali Khan again became vigorous in the political arena and served the newly

founded National Democratic Party (NDP)which replaced NAP as its president.

Khan Abdul wali Khan and Habib Jalib started their struggle for restoring democracy

in unique style. Zia ulHaq after the false promise of conducting election in 90 days

said that ‗first accountability then election‘. Khan Abdul Wali Khan accepted this

new theory while Habib Jalib opted the second option of election because Jalib

believed that elections are the sole source of moving forward the democratic process.

Jalib raised the banner of democracy in full swing by making ‗people‘s democratic

alliance‘. In Zia era Habib Jalib was imprisoned many times and his book ‗Gounbad

e Bedar was banned(Amnesty International Report Pakistan.1981), his first book ‗Sar

e Maktal‘ was banned in Ayub khan era. . Habib Jalib openly condemn the

dictatorship regime of Zia ulHaq. When Karachi Press Club (KPC) awarded life time

honorary membership for Habib Jalib; it was here when he recited his famous poem

‗zulmatkozia‘ in which he resemble ziaulhaq with darkness and after reading this

poem he was arrested and send to Mianwali jail.

(How I can write dark night to dawn, toxic fumes to morning breeze and

refer human as God. Calamity stricken in every home and suffocation in the air is at

every home because of the misdeeds of an individual.)

One day, Chaudhry ZahoorElahi came to meat Jalib in prison and convey the

message of Gen.ZiaulHaq that he will issue the orders of your release if you remove

the words ‗zulmatkozia‘ from your poem; to which Jalib replied that when I say a


poem it becomes a trust of masses(Mujahed Baralvi.2011). In jail government

offered conditional release from the prison but with a letter of clemency. In reply,

Jalib wrote his famous poem ‗MashrotRehai‘.

ومت اموگن،راہیئ ہن اموگن دووتس گج اسنہیئ ہن اموگن

بس ےس رظنںی اچبےئ رھپو ےگ رمع رھب رس اکھجےئ رھپو ےگ

(jalib Jalib p 48)

(O friends do not ask for disgrace, ask death but do not ask for release.

Whole life you will bow your head and with shame you will lower your eyes.)In

February 1981 a political alliance called ‗Movement for the Restoration of

Democracy‘ (MRD) was formed against the zia government. Khan Abdul Wali khan

was appointed its first convener. In 1985, National Democratic Party under the

president ship of Wali khan boycott the 1985 non-parties general elections with

MRD.In July 1986, khan Abdul Wali Khan and other members of NDP formed the

Awami National Party (ANP). Khan Abdul Wali Khan was elected its first President.

On the other hand Habib Jalib was condemning every act of Zia ul Haq. Jalib

believed that his every plan and every action is drama. Against Zia bogus referendum

Jalib recited his poem ‗Referendum‘ in Karachi press club. This poem made mockery

of Zia bogus Referendum.

نج ا ای ررفیڈنیم ا ںیم وہ اک اعمل ا رہش

ابرہ وشر تہب مک ا ےھت دویاروں ںیم ولگدیق

(ibid)اور اامین اک اممت ا ھچک ابرشی ےس رہچے ےھت

(The city was in the state of desolate. Was it a jinn or was it a referendum?

People are sealed in their homes, and there was deadly quietness outside. A few

bearded faces walked around as the death of faith was mourned.)

In a same manner, when Benazir Bhutto came to Pakistan in 1986, Habib

Jalib welcomed her arrival in Pakistan because she was a sign of democracy against

the barbaric and tyrant dictator.

ی ڑلیک ےس

ہ ت

ن

ی ڑلیک ےس ڈرےت ںیہ دنبوق واےل اکی

ہ ت

ن

ےلیھپ ںیہ تمہ ےک ااجےل اکی

ی ڑلیک ےس ڈرے وہےئ ںیہ رمے وہےئ رلزدیہ رلزدیہ ںیہ

ہ ت

ن

tahir 2009)الم ، اترج ،رنجل ایجےل، اکی

asgir) (These weapon holders are frightened of an unarmed girl, and the rays of

courage are spreading by an unarmed girl. They are afraid, and dead and in the state

of shake. Saint, merchant and generals from unarmed girl.)

Khan Abdul Wali Khan, ANP form a coalition government with AftabSherpao of

PPP,brother of former NWFP governor Khayat Muhammad Khan Sherpao in NWFP.

But ANP under the leadership of Wali Khan parted from coalition

government but he assert that his party will support the PPP in the provincial

government.Habib Jalib was also not impressed with the so-called democratic

government of Benazir Bhutto therefore, played the rule of true opposition in

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Awami_National_Party


criticizing the policies of Benazir government. In one of his poem Habib Jalib rightly point

out the flaws of the Benazir government.

ن رھپںی ںیہ طقف وزریوں ےکد ویہ احالت ںیہ ریقفوں ےک

وشمرے ںیہ ویہ ریشموں ےک ویہ فاع ااماسزںیش ںیہ

(ibid)اپوٗ ں ےگنن ںیہ ےب ریظنوں ےک رہ البول ںیہ دسی اج رقموض

(Same are the conditions of baggers, good time is changed only for ministers. Every Bilawal

of country is indebted and every Benazir of country is bear footed.)

Habib jalib parted his ways with Khan Abdul Wali Khan and ANP when they became

coalition partner of Islami Jamhori Itehad (IJI) government in 1990. Nevertheless, Habib

Jalib always paid due reverence to his political and democratic mentor Khan Abdul Wali

Khan.

Conclusion:The name of Wali Khan and Habib Jalib will always be at the apex of those

advocates of true democracy who render their lives for the noble cause of making Pakistan a

real democratic state. All their life, they supported those parties and individuals who were

tagged with democratic ideals.Both personalities spend extensive part of his life in several

jails. Whatever the directions rulers expected from them to get in imprisonment, they never

learnt them. Every jail term enhanced their trust on democracy and make them opposedof

dictatorship. They always came out from jail as brave, spirited and more rebellious against

all unjust orders. With each passing dictator, their voices grew louder in denunciation.

In fact, from this article we assert that Wali Khan and Habib Jalib role in the politics of

Pakistan and theirinput for democracy and masses are honest and apparent. This new

approach to present Habib Jalib struggle along with Wali Khan requires further exploration.

This is for the first time that political aspect of Habib Jalib life with Khan Abdul Wali

Khanwill came forth on academia level. Though it is first effort yet their struggle deserve

many researches which can carryeloquent results for countries politics in general and for

department and students of political science particular.

As a matter of fact,Khan Abdul wali Khan and Habib Jalibgive real lessons of valourwhich is

a chiefexcellence if exist in a Nations and truth which is the dire need of this society which in

modern time is so scarce. It is resolute fact that human beings in society have different level

of understanding but, there are always some people who take agony for humanity and what

they see incorrect they cannot stop saying something and such persons in the society are God

gifted resources. On the other hand, our society presentsuch pictures where all domains of

state have been distorted either take judiciary, executive, legislative etc.

Now it is high time to integrate Khan Abdul Wali Khan and Habib Jalib views with the new

develop paradigm in Pakistan politics. If one ponder one finds that few ridicule forces are

playing and exploiting the fortune of masses and even those who are with a motto of change.

In such a sorry state of affairs, the only lessonone can get from these political dwarf and

orphans of our ageis to follow the brave, courageous and truthful ways which were used by

these two noble Pashtun figures.


REFERENCES

Habib Jalib (1957)Barg e AwaraMaktab e karwanLahor

Habib Jalib (1966)Sar-e Maqtal Maktab e karwanLahor

Habib Jalib (1975)Ehad-e-Sazasecond edition(2001)Maktab e Daniyal,

Karachi

Habib Jalib (1993)Kulyaat e Habib Jalib Publisher Khalid Sharif, Mawara

publication Lahor

Habib Jalib (1987)Harf-e Sar-e Daar third world orgnisation Hamayoun,

Goher urdumarkez London

Saeed pervize(1996)shairsoulanawa Saeed pervize 1996,maktab e

danial,Karachi

Kohituparcham li karnekli by MujahedBarelwi

MujahedBarelvi (Nov, 2011)Jalib jalibJumhoori Publications Lahore

Tahir Asghar (1995) Jalib Beti (a biography of Habib Jalib) second time

(2009) distributers Ahmad publication Lahore

Zahoor Ahmad Khan, Rana AbdullahBeswiensddikaawamishair

Zia Sajid (January, 1994) ―Jalib, InsafkaTalibawamiShair Habib Jalib Ki

Shiri Jidd O JahdMaktabah al-Quraish

Saeed Pervize(1994) Habib Jalib ―GharkiGawhi‖

Tahir Asghar(1996)RaqsiZanger (film songs of Habib Jalib Al hamad

Publication lahor

Nasir Jalib (Aug, 2013)Rodad e Wafajamhori publication lahor

NandkishorVikram(1994- volume 9)Habib Jalib,

shaksiyataurshaierypublisher Ji Krishan Nagar New Delhi)

Muhammad Iqbal Chawla (2015) Intellectual Resistance to Extremism in

Pakistan: A HistoricalDiscourse, University of the Punjab, Lahore.

Ayesha Jalal (2014) the Struggle for Pakistan: A Muslim Homeland and

Global Politics.

Dr.SaadiaToor (2011) The State of Islam: culture and cold war politics

inPakistan.

BhuttoMemorial Society (1993) Zulfikar Ali Bhutto: Recollections and

Remembrances.

Amnesty International Report (1981) Pakistan Human Rights Violation and

deadline of the Rule of law.

Anthems of Resistance (2006) Raza Mir, Ali Husain Mir Indiaink, Roli books

Delhi


WOMEN MARGINALIZATION: AN EPISTEMOLOGICAL

CONNECTION AMONG LEOPARD AND THE FOX, JULIUSCAESAR

AND I AM MALALA.

Palwasha Ghilzai

Dr. Faria Saeed Khan

ABSTRACT:

The purpose of this study is to seek the examples of women

marginalization and the epistemological connection amongthree different

authors, with reference to their books The Leopard and the Fox, Julius

Caesar and I Am Malala, while using the perception of women

subjugation from Foucauldian view point of power in the theory of

NewHistoricism. The study will show an epistemological connection

among these three books ,because author of the each book has depicted

woman according to his own episteme and there are many similar

examples in these books regarding women marginalization,which show

that patriarchy rule in every culture and society.

Key Words: Marginalization, Patriarchy, Woman, Power,

Episteme

Introduction:

This study aims to examine the epistemologicalconnection of women

marginalization in three different societies that arePakistani urban, Elizabethan and

Pakistani ruralPashtuns, with reference to the study of three different books The

Leopard and the Fox, Julius Caesar and I Am Malala ,while adopting the

perspective of woman subjugation in Foucault‘s view of power, from the theory of

New Historicism.Examination of these three works offer an adequatescope for the

New Historical approach and analysis.(Chandra, Tiwari,) assert in their study that

New Historicism as influenced by Foucault‘s view of power, seeks examples of

power and its exercise on marginalized people. Thus, the purpose of New

Historicism is to reveal those entities which are powerful. The present study depicts

the power of man in three different contexts and the marginalization of woman.

(Rahimi,2013) is with the opinion that Foucault‘s views are that all human being are

impacted by the episteme of their epoch and the authors are not exempted from it

when authors write anything they write under the effect of their age.

M.phil scholar, English Department, University of Balochistan, Quetta Professor,English Department, University of Balochistan, Quetta


Therefore Ali, Shakespeare and Malala are those authors who consciously or

unconsciously endeavored to depict theepisteme of their own society where women

are kept inferior to men.

Discussion

Women Subjugation in The Leopard and the Fox

It is no doubt that Tariq Ali has written The Leopard and the Fox, under the

episteme of his own society we see elements of women subjugation in his writing.

Ali gives references to woman marginalization unconsciously in his play, for

instance in some greeting at Rawalpindi, Bhutto ridicules woman and entertains his

fellow men to disgracethe daughter of some well-known personality while, talking to

Mr. Turner. Which is an indication of grotesque attitude of man towards woman and

her marginalization by so called liberal and open-minded Pakistani man. Which

displays the social and political milieu where malenessemploys its power to destroy

the opposite by means of women. Bhutto discusses Nixon and calls him a bastard for

his roguish act with some lady, as follow,

“Bhutto (cont‟ d). He treated us all like ranch hands.

I remember when I was Foreign Minister. Our first

Military dictator, Ayyub Khan, took me along on a

State visit to Washington. Johnson came up to our

Leader‟s daughter. Dragged her off to the dance floor.

That was bad enough. Then he pinched her bottom.

Laughter. Bhutto (cont‟d).

Afterwards she told her father.

Field Marshall‟s advice? „Keep quiet. No

Scandals. „So you see we Pakistanis have always had very special relationship

with، Washington”. (p, 15)

This shows the lowest mental level and attitude of a Pakistani men towards women.

It also detects the feature of a Pakistani society where woman either educated or

uneducated, either privileged orunprivileged, is usually marginalized in the

patriarchal system of Pakistan. In an article by (Srivastava, Singh, 2015) women

subjugation is asserted in the light of the biography of Tehmina Durani which reflects

the diplomacy of elite ruling class who treats woman as a second-class citizen. Infact

woman is not marginalized by lesser educated or unprivileged man but she is

suppressed by higher educated and privileged man also. This article gives the true

picture of the poor and repressed condition of woman in the patriarchal system of

Pakistan where woman is considered as a personal property of man. In The Leopard

and the Fox, if Bhutto is depicted as a political leader on the one hand, on the other

hand he is exposed as a patriarch and a masculine autocrat who treats

womanunjustly.On someevent in the play heabuses Akbar with his illicit talks against

his wife, for a simple reason of taking his nick name Zulfi, which shows that woman

for Pakistani man is an easy way to dishonor and shut the mouth of another man.


“BHUTTO (cold anger). Don‟t you Zulfi me just because I have ……. your

wife”. (p,42.)

Women Marginalization in Julius Caesar

Like Tariq Ali, Shakespeare also follows the episteme of his own age in Julius

Caesar, we see many features of Elizabethan period in his writingparticularly

woman marginalization. Which he shows on behalf of two female characters

Calpurnia, as Caesar‘s wife and Portia, as Brutus‘s wife. These women are not only

the demonstrative of Roman society but they also characterize the women of

Shakespeare in English society. In the patriarchal culture of Shakespeare woman was

kept destitute of her essential rights, for man she was not more than a cause of

sensuality. The characters of Calpurnia and Portia are the true representatives of

Elizabethan women from the view point of New Historicism. (Davis, n.d.) states that

in Elizabethan era gender inequality was in practicethe power of masculinity used to

be exercised on women. The play shows the context where man is the symbol of rule

and power. Both female characters are exhibited as the possession of men.

Lines said by Portia, wife of Brutus in Julius Caesar, exposes the narrow

mindedness of Roman man as well as English man from the stance of New

Historicism. Portia‘s urging her husband for the revelation of secret of the enterprise

he was about to conduct was always ignored by him. As he does not think woman

trustworthy with whom any confidential thing should be shared. Therefore, Portia

grows stoic and thinks that for man woman is not more than an abuse.

“To keep with you at meals, comfort your bed,

And talk to sometimes? Dwell I but in the suburbs

Of your good pleasure? If it be no more,

Portia is Brutus‟s harlot, not his wife”. (p,127.)

The above quoted lines show the patriarchal context of Shakespeare. (Regal,2009)

asserts that England had a patriarchal culture in Shakespeare‘s time. Which meant

that woman was recessive to man in every phase of life.English society received this

patriarchal system from religion. Woman was considered inferior to man because of

the myth that woman is created for man from manthats why Eve is attributed

responsible for the fall of man . Eve was weak and easily cheated by Satan to have

the fruit of knowledge which caused the fall of man.Therefore, all women must be

kept in their limits and no secret should be shared with them.An Elizabethan woman

was not permitted to get proper education but she was skilled in household affaires It

was a common assumption that the purpose of Elizabethan women was to get

married and keep on dependent and ease their men throughout their life.

Woman was a submissive creature and the prey of man supremacy, who always

misbehaved with her disrespectfully, as is presented by Caesar‘ attitude in Julius

Caesar. When Caesar disgraces his wife Calpurnia for being infertileand commands

Antony to touch her in his progression of race.


“Forget not, in your speed, Antonious,

To touch Calpurnia; for our elders say,

The barren, touched in this holy chase,

Shake of their sterile curse”. (p,10.)

Actually, it is Caesar‘s shortcoming not to bear a child concealing his impotence he

disgraces Calpurnia publicly and lets a strange man to touch her during his race

sothat ,she may be able to give birth to achild. It expresses thepower of man over

woman. In the view of Foucault about power it is revealed that Elizabethan man is

powerfuland free from all faults and shortcoming. Elizabethan woman was

marginalized like Calpurnia not tolerable to express her feelings. In an article by

(Rahimi,2013) on Julius Caesar, heinfers that the lower attitude towards women was

a noteworthy aspect of a conventionalEnglish men of the age of Renaissance.

Women was not permissible to benefit herself with educational and professional

prospects but she was well-thought to be the holder of her home and live only to

watch over her husband and children. Therefore, Shakespeare‘s feminine characters

are under the impact of the episteme of the marginalized women of his contemporary

period.

Women Marginalization in I Am Malala

Like Tariq Ali and Shakespeare, Malala also seems affected with the episteme of her

contemporary Pashtun society. As a child of a patriarchal Pashtun family Malala does

not attribute Taliban as the founder of this custom but she asserts in her book that

patriarchy has been deeply rooted in the culture of Pashtuns since centuries. For

instance, she writes about the apathy of man towards woman in case of sharing his

affairs.

“Most Pashtun men never do this, as sharing problems with women is seen as

weak. He even asks his wife! They say as an insult.” (p.17)

It displays the patriarchal culture to marginalize women by keeping them in

distance inpersonal and public affairs. It has been thought a feebleness of man to

share his matters and complications with his wife or any women near to him. Though

Malala condemns this practice of her custom and views this conduct as to prove

women weak, inactive and less intelligent and unreliable. In patriarchal system, it is

thought that woman is powerless neither wise nor she has the ability toconverse with

them the problems. Although the episteme of Malala shows the patriarchal aspect of

Pashtuns which is to marginalize woman, but it is not wrong to say that the

sociocultural status of Pashtun woman is bilateral that she is relaxed from many

restrictions in urban areas while in rural areas she is fastened with the chains of

patriarchy because of her cultural code Pashtunwali and strict interpretation of

religion (Jamal,2015).


“Be kind to your mother-in-law and father-in-law so they treat you well. Take

care of your husband and be happy.”(p.53)

Malala further signifies the power of man over woman. She says that a

Pashtun married woman can make herself happy if she cares for the relatives of her

husband. which is again the part of marginalization and patriarchalculture. Which is

deeply inculcated in young girls that while they playingforged weddings, instruct the

bride to serve them. So, she may remain contented then. The meaning of life of

women is to serve man quietly. Complaining or quarrelling for her own right is

intolerable crime. She can only get consideration if she serves them else she must be

ready for every punishment. They can behave rigidly she can be the prey of

fierceness (corporal, oral and spiritual). So her safety and life are owing to her

humble services. Once a girl is wedded they take her for granted and behave with her

like servant as if she is sold on them. Every person turns merciless to him. Malala

deeply observes the marginalized condition of women in her episteme and

confidently writes about it in her book..

“One of my male cousins was angry and asked my father, „whys isn‟t she

covered?‟ He replied, „She‟s my daughter. Look after your own affairs. But

some of the family thought people would gossip about us and say we were not

properly following Pashtunwali.” (p.54)

Malala observation of patriarchy in her culture signifies the Foucault‘s view of

power relationship between man and woman at the micro level of society. She says

that the patriarchs use the power of Pashtunwali to manipulate the marginalized

masses especially women. Pashtunwali firmly favors Veil or purdah. Women are

supposed to cover their faces to prove their submission and suppression, the core

principle of the patriarchy. Without veil a women are measuredsuspected and can let

people to do gossips against them as if they have committed a sin. And Malala

herself becomes the target of thesevalues when her cousin protests against her to her

father for not putting vail

“My mother always told me, Hide your face -people are looking at you. I would

reply, it doesn‟t matter; I‟m also looking at them, and she‟d get so cross.” (p.97)

Malala sees the power of patriarchy so influential even her mother is not spared of it.

Theway the mother thinks expresses her contemporary episteme. Where woman is

marginalized and man is dominant, where even a young girl is not secure. Her

mother asserts her just to protect her from the dirty eyes of man who easily targets

woman as she is always easy and simple to trap

“I spoke of the irony of the Taliban wanting female teachers and doctors for

women yet not letting girls go to school to qualify for these jobs”.(p.135)


Malala criticizes the nature of patriarchal society. Which gives power to man

and marginalizes woman. She says that see it is an irony, Taliban desires their

women to be treated by female doctors and educated by female teachers but they put

obstacle on the way of theireducation. It is astonishing for her how can they get

females doctors and teacher in the rigid patriarchal system.

Conclusion

The study succesfully applies foucaualdian view on the epistem of three authors ,

Tariq Ali,William Shakespeare and Malala Yousafzaie,with reference to their books

to depict man in power and woman in marginalisation. The study detects the similar

features of three different societies like Pakistani urban, Pakistani rural (pushtun) and

Elizabethan societies. It also signifies how each author is under the influence of his

epistem and consciously and unconsciously displaying womanasmarginalised in their

culture. Furthermore, the study discovers the epistemological connection among the

authors ,in the light of the references taken from three books and interprets that

women above cited societies are reallyruled by patriarchal system.

Although I Am Malala is epistemologically connected with The Leopard and the

Fox and Julius Caesar but there are many social features in this book which does

not represent the Pashtun society as a whole but they belong to some particular area

and regime. In fact, Pashtuns are knotted with an unscripted tribal code named

Pashtunwali since thousands of years. But some of the particular school of thought

attribute this ancient custom of Pashtuns to patriarchy.In the study of (Zalmay ,016)

he has interpreted well the idea of Pashtunwali in such manners that that it is due on

each Pashtun man and woman to follow this unwritten set of rules Pashtunwali,

which is not an ideology and practice of few days or few years, but it is being

runamong Pashtuns since thousands of years, and the fundamental features of this

inherited code of life (Pashtunwali) represent the positive aspects of Pashtuns also

like their hospitality and generosity, love for integrity and gentleness.

But it is also an undeniable fact that Pashtunwali is misinterpreted in some areas of

Pashtuns and religion is shown rigid and patriarch by some particular school of

thought just for personal privileges. As it is stated by (Naz, Parvez, Mughal, Alam

,khan ,2012) that in some areas of Pashtuns ground women are marginalized ,she is

allowed not to get proper education because minds of their men are widely

manipulated by the outdated addresses and speeches of ignorant and stereotype

religious scholors.


REFERENCES

Singh,S.S. Kumar,A .‖ A Study Of Female Fegure in Bepsi Sidhwa‘s The Pakistani

Bride‘ And Tehmina Duranni‘s My Feudal Lords‖. (2015).

Davis, L.‖Embodied masculinity in Shakespeare‘s Julius Caesar‖.(2015)

Regal, M.‖ Shakespeare‘s Heroines: An Examination of how Shakespeare

Created and Adapted Different Heroines from His Resources‖. (2009).

Jamal, A. ― A woman‘s Role and Girl‘s Education among Pashtun Tribes of

Pakistan: A Qualitative Delphi study‖. (2015).

Rahimi, A.R.―A Foucauldian view on William Shakespeare‘s Julius

Caesar‖.(2013).

Tiwari, N. Chandra, N.D.R. ― New Historicism and Arundhati Roy‘s

Work‖.(2009).

Ali, T. ―The Leopard and the Fox‖.(2007).

Shakespeare, W.‖ Julius Caesar‖.(1599).

Yousafzaie, M.‖I Am Malala‖.(2005).

Naz,A.Perva, U ,Mughal. I, Alam, A.Khan. Pakhtun Social Structure and its

Impact on women‘s Education. Global Journal of Social Human Science

Linguistic and Education.

Zalmay,Aurang Zeb Kha. Israeling.com.2017.


NEEDS GRATIFICATION OF PASHTUNS OF KHYBER

PAKHTUNKHWA THROUGH FACEBOOK AND TWITTER USE

Azam Jan

Dr. Shujaat Ali Khan

Abstract:

The birth of information communication tecnology and the switch

over of the world societies from traditional mass media to social

media for satisfaction of their needs have become the focus of

research in the field of mass communication. Researchers around

the golbe have been found engaged in studying the phenomena

with the spectacles of their respective societies. This particular

study is an attempt to address the issue in the context of Pashtuns

of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The study aims at measuring different

needs the users satisfy from Facebook and Twitter use. The study

is purely quantitative in nature and makes use of survey method for

collection of data from the sample. Uses and gratification approach

provided theoretical foundation to this research paper. Results

indicate that both Facebook and Twitter satisfy information, social

interaction and entertainment needs of the respondents.

Key words: needs; gratification; Pashtuns; Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa; Facebook; Twitter.

Introduction: The emergence of social networking sites in the latter part of 1990s changed

the complexion of communication behaviour of people all over the world. People

started switching over from traditional mass media like newspapers, radio and

television to social media. Consequently this new media became very powerful in a

short span of time. The fact that the first social networking site ―sixdegree.com‖ was

created in 1997 and today they are in thousands, testifies its popularity.

The most popular social networking sites in Pakistan are reckoned to be Facebook

and Twitter. The interfaces of these two sites are somehow different from each other

with respect to their features and specifications. These social networking sites were

initially used as a hobby but with the passage of time it became an addiction. The

young folk in particular, make use of Facebook and Twitter for multifarious purposes

like seeking and sharing information, social interaction and entertainment (Boyd &

Ellison 2007).

Assistant Professor, Department of Communication & Media Studies, Hazara University

Mansehra, Pakistan. Email: [email protected]

Assistant Professor, Department of Communication & Media Studies, Hazara University

Mansehra, Pakistan. Email: [email protected]

mailto:[email protected]



This study is estimated to be the first of its kind in Pakistan in line with

comparing needs gratification obtained by Pashtuns of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP)

from the two popular social networking sites - Facebook and Twitter. The study aims

at measuring gratification of information, social interaction and entertainment needs.

The key objectives of the study include:

I. To measure the needs Pashtuns of KP satisfy from Facebook and Twitter use

II. To explore gender differences with regard to satisfaction of needs from the

usage of Facebook and Twitter

III. To compare the level of gratifications obtained by Pashtuns of KP from

Facebook and Twitter usage.

Review of Literature

The use of information communication technology has become commonplace

of the youth around the globe. The western societies, especially, the US citizens have

been using internet since 1990. But beginning of the 21st century marked a

revolutionary change in the arena of this digital facility. The mushroom growth of

social networking sites contributed a lot to the attraction of the young around the

globe towards the technology. University students in particular, around the world are

observed to be the early adopters of the technology (Castells 2001; Quan-Hasse

2008). Young generation usually spent a lot more time using social media for

satisfaction of various needs (Livingstone & Bober 2005). Around 49% of the young

users are found to use these sites for satisfaction of information and social interaction

needs (Ofcom, 2008; Dowdall, 2009). Likewise, over 20% of the Americans make

use of social media for interaction with friends, 83% for entertainment and 69% for

information sharing (Lenhart, Rainie, & Lewis, 2001).

Facebook

Facebook is considered to be the most popular site around the globe. The

worldwide monthly active users of Facebook are estimated as1.94 billion (Facebook,

March 2017). It has been found that 97% of the internet users make use of social

media with 90% of them using Facebook (Smith & Rainie 2008). According to the

findings of the report of Australian Psychological Society (2010), among 97% social

media Australian users, 95% make use of Facebook. Whereas, Connolly (2011)

found the number of regular Facebook users to be approximately 250 million. These

statistics speak of its world-wide popularity.

The popularity of Facebook can be ascertained from its rapid growth in the number

of consumers. It was estimated that until 2009, the number of active users of

Facebook were crossing over 90 million (Hendrix, Chiarella, Hasman, Murphy, &

Zafron, 2009). In the early part of 2012, Safko has estimated the number of active

users as well over 800 million (Safko 2012) and till June 2012, the numbers of active

users of Facebook rose to 955 million around the globe (Facebook, 2012).

Facebook was founded in Harvard University by Mark Zuckerberg, Chris Hughes,

Dustin Moskoviz, and Eduardo Savarin in 2004 as a network for students to connect

with their friends around campus and exchange information and contents. Initially

aimed at serving the Harvard University students only, it took no time in expanding


to other colleges and then to universities of the region (Abdulahi, Samadi &

Gharleghi, 2014). According to Facebook founder, Mark Zuckerberg, the sharing of

contents and connecting of people around the clock with much ease and with great

control over their contents were the notions behind establishing Facebook

(Zuckerberg 2011).

Facebook has penetrated so deep into the souls and minds of the youth that its use

has become an indispensable component of their lives and they cannot even think of

life without it (Debatin, Lovejoy, Horn, & Hughes, 2009).

Christofides, Muise, & Desmarais, (2010) in a study found that young users spend

more time using Facebook than elderly users whereas; elderly users were having

more Facebook friends and were making use of the site for social interaction more

than the young users. Dhaha & Igale (2013) also found that 31% users spend 1-2

hours a day on Facebook with majority of them using the site for gratification of

escape, entertainment, information, and pastime needs. Another study also produced

similar results. The study suggested that 80% of Facebook users obtain satisfaction of

social interaction and communication needs from its usage (Hargittai 2008).

Pempek, Yermolayeva & Calvert (2009) revealed that students make use of

Facebook for 47 minuts a day. Most of the students use it at eveing during the

timings from 9:00 PM to 12:00 AM mid-night. They spend almost half an hour daily

for interaction and communication with other users. The study also fund that younger

students make use of Facebook more frequently than older students and engage

themselves in communication with others.

Likewise, Sheldon (2008) noted that females make use of social networking sites like

Facebook more often for interaction with family and old friends, for pastime, and

entertainment. Male users on the other hand use these sites mostly to find out new

friendship relationships. According to another study, 82% of Facebook users login to

it several times daily. The study found that Facebook is basically used by youth to

strengthen friendship bond with existing friends irrespective of whether they live

near to them or far away and to help find new friends. According to the findings of

the study, it is Facebook that facilitates user to interact with so many people

spontaneously. Similarly, the usage of Facebook was found helpful in observing

activities of other users, especially, of those offline friends who were not in constant

touch with each other in real life situations. The same researchers note that

communication through Facebook is part of two way traffic. During this information

trafficking, lots of contents are exchanged among users which let them gratify their

needs of information and being part of social networking community (Quan-Haase &

Young 2010). More similar results were indicated by Special & Li-Barber (2012)

when they found that maintaining relationship was the main motivation behind

Facebook usage, followed by pastime, entertainment, connecting with old friends,

searching new friends, and information sharing.


Twitter

Twitter is one of the social networking sites that facilitate people to connect

and communicate with each other. Twitter let its consumers to receive and disperse

contents within no time. The short messages of maximum of forty characters that are

delivered through Twitter are known as ―Tweets‖ while the responses received

through Twitter are called as ―Re-Tweets‖ (Moody, 2010). Those users who have

signed up to receive tweets are known as followers. The saying of Twitters‘ founder

Dorsey is worth mention with regard to the importance of tweets. In 2007 he stated

―one could change the world with one hundred and forty characters‖ (Kerr, 2010).

Started in March of 2006 by Jack Dorsey, Noah Glass, Evan Williams, and Biz

Stone, Twitter gained global popularity, with over 200 million users sending over

200 million tweets and 1.6 billion searches per day (Safko 2012). It has been

estimated that there are 317 million monthly users around the world (Twitter,

January, 2017).

Distinctive features of Twitter are instant messaging and text messaging generally

known as micro-blogging. These features help users to disseminate and receive

information about socio-political and economic events and to exchange ideas with

regard to issues of mutual concerns. This ―micro-blogging‖ facility has won many

awards for Twitter since its inception. In 2008, twitter came almost parallel to that of

Google in providing news and giving quick results (Kerr, 2010). Its aptness as a tool

for breaking news has stimulated the BBC and the CNN to present ―Twitter feeds‖

(Martin & Erickson 2013). Twitter has the sole privilege of attracting political figures

and personalities. The sharing of messages and exchange of information by making

use of Tweets has become a norm of the day of the users from all walks of life.

Growing popularity of Twitter can best be estimated with figures mentioned in the

succeeding lines. In 2009, number of tweets per day was more than 2.5 million

whereas, number of tweets rose to 50 million in 2010 (Learmonth, 2010). Number of

Twitter users is also increasing day by day. Twitter is gaining around 3 million users

a day around the globe (Brown 2010). Connolly (2011) noted that there are 15

million regular users of Twitter. The estimated value of Twitter allocated by JP

Morgan in the first quarter of 2011 was worth 4.5 billion dollars (Gobry 2011).

The News of Bin Laden death on May 2, 2011 on Twitter increased its popularity

further. On average, around 3000 tweets per second were reported on that very day

(Richmond, 2011). Twitter usually provides a suitable platform for discussions on

certain burning issues.

According to Brown, Twitter has more than 600 million searches on daily basis

which indicates that gratification of information need through Twitter usage is the

top priority of the users (Brown 2010). Quick passing of information through tweets

and retweets is one of the key characteristics of Twitter. As mentioned by Kwak,

Lee, Park, & Moon (2010), that information through a ‗retweeted tweet‘ reach to

1,000 users on average. Such a facility of spreading and sharing of information

instantly with numerous people has never been enjoyed by users before the

emergence of this technology. Twitter has been used by people, especially high


profile personalities for catering to their fans through discussions on various topics of

public concern. Volumes of areas are available for public debates. Most of such

topics are taken from important stories of the day. As noted by Kwak et.al, (2010),

more than 85% of the topics discussed by Twitter users are abstracted from major

news or follow up stories. Asserting this, Moody has rightly mentioned that the

provision of links to important key stories and sites is one of the striking features of

Twitter (Moody 2010). It is not all over here, Twitter has been providing another

facility of connecting people through instant messaging and texting. This capacity of

sending text messages on Twitter is aiding a new dimension to freedom of

expression. It has been found that people disclose almost everything they have in

their mind when they happen to do texting. The same people show reluctance in

speaking of their minds openly when they are in face to face settings. This feature

tends to develop what Reid and Reid (2007) phrased as ―brave SMS self.‖

One of the gender based studies with regard to usage of Twitter found that female

users make use of texting to create new identities, while male users do texting to

interact with their friends and share their feelings (Lin & Tong, 2007). Similarly,

another study investigated that 56% of the female users make use of tweets on

weekly basis. Twitter has grown into a public sphere where people make debates on

important issues and give way to a narrative about what is happening around them in

real life. This networking site allows its users to discuss ‗popular culture‘ in a ―rapid

back and forth environment‖ (Bernoff, 2010).

The sharp information dissemination facility on Twitter is utilized for reporting

news, asking questions, discussing problems and responding to services or goods to

meet demands of different people (Johnson & Yang 2009).

Twitter generally let its users to establish one sided relations. Most of the celebrities

for instance have millions of followers but they follow only a few of them. When it

happens to be followed by a high profile personality, the followers of an ordinary

user can increase tremendously. Thus a small act of following a dignitary can change

things substantially for a common user (Moore 2010). According to a study, mere

22% relationships on Twitter are based on mutuality (Kwak et al., 2010). However,

other features like text messaging can ensure and even strengthen interpersonal

relationships (Harley, Winn, Pemberton, & Wilcox 2007). Similarly, the facility of

frank and transparent conversations can prove to be a good public forum for

maintaining and consolidation of relationships (Parr, 2010).

Chen, (2011) conducted a study on the use of Twitter and subsequent needs

gratification. Results indicated that the time spent per week using Twitter was

positively related to gratification of the need of connection with others.

The services of twitter for societies in terms of creating and adding to the popular

culture and citizen journalism are very commendable. The provisions of so many

functions, features and facilities for satisfaction of its user‘s needs and its deep

penetration in societies, make twitter an attractive topic for research.


Method Data was collected through questionnaire from a sample of 673 students

drawn from seven universities of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. The researcher

made use of ―Excel Sheet‖ and ―SPSS‖ (version 23) for statistical analysis of the

data. Descriptive statistics were used for obtaining data on simple statistics,

frequencies and percentage. Likewise, simple mean test was administered to compare

means of different variables. Whereas independents sample t-tests were applied to

establish relationship between two independent variables like gender and dependent

variables with significance level (< 0.05).

Results Demographic Variables

Among the sample students, 443 (65.8%) were males while 229 (34.2%) were

females. Among them, 52.5% belonged to urban areas and 46.7% were found to be

rural people. Similarly, majority (64.0%) of the respondents were in the age bracket

of 18-22. More than half of the respondents (56.0%) were revealed to be the students

reading in BS program (See table 1).

Frequency

Percent

Total

Gender Male 443 65.8 672

Female 229 34.0

Locale Urban 353 53.0 667

Rural 314 47.0

Age 18 - 22 431 64.4

669

23 – 27 161 24.1

28 - 32 40 5.97

33 – 37 18 2.69

More than

37 19 2.94

Level of Education BS 377 56.5

667 Msc 190 28.5

MS/MPhil 76 11.4

PhD 24 3.59

Social Media Use The succeeding table reflects data with respect to social media use. According

to results more than 95% students were using social media. Around 73% of the

respondents were making use of Facebook and Twitter through their cell phones

while 52.5% students were accessing the sites through their PC/Laptops. Facebook

was revealed to be the favourite social networking tool of around 90% of the

students, whereas Twitter was opted as favourite site by 34.5% of the respondents.


Likewise most of the respondents (29%) were having login to the sites once a day. In

the same manner, majority of the students (39.5%) were spending on average 1-2

hours a day (see table 2).

Frequency

Percent

Total

Social Media use Yes 641 95.2 673

No 32 4.75

Mode of access PC/Laptop 353 52.5 673

CellPhone 490 72.8

Favourite SNS Facebook 441 65.5 673

Twitter 232 34.5

Login frequency Once a

week 115 17.9

641

2-5 times

a week 111 17.3

Once a

day 184 28.7

2-5 times

a day 127 19.8

More than

5 times a

day

104 16.2

Average time spent using

Facebook/Twitter Less than

one hour 190 29.6

641

1-2 hours 253 39.5

2-3 hours 83 12.9

3-4 hours 74 11.5

More than

4 hours 42 6.77

Independent sample t-test was administered to ascertain whether any differences

exist between the two genders with respect to favourite social networking site (see

table 3). The study found significant relationship of gender with Facebook and

Twitter as favourite sites (P < 0.05 and t > 1.96). The findings suggest that female

respondents were more inclined with mean score for Facebook (1.11) and Twitter

(1.75) than male with mean score for Facebook (1.04) and Twitter (1.57) to report the

sites as their favourite.

Gender and favourite social networking site


Group Statistics

N M SD SEM

Facebook Male 431 1.04 .200 .009

Female 209 1.11 .313 .021

Twitter Male 431 1.57 .495 .023

Female 209 1.75 .430 .029

Independent Samples Test

EV EM

F Sig. T Df Sig. 2-

tailed

Facebook EVA 44.7 0.00 3.33 638 .001

EVNA 2.87 292.8 .004

Twitter EVA 105.276 .000 4.56 638 .000

EVNA 4.79 467.4 .000

Note: Equality of Variances= EV, Equality of Means=EM, Equal variances assumed=EVA, Equal

variances not assumed=EVNA

Similarly, table 4 reflects results of the t-test with regard to frequency and the time

spent using social media. Results found insignificant relationship between gender and

login frequency (P > 0.05 and t < 1.96). The finding suggests very little differences in

the mean scores of males (3.01) and females (2.98). Whereas, significant relationship

of gender was explored with respect to time spent using Facebook and Twitter (P <

0.05 and t > 1.96). This result indicates visible differences in the mean scores of both

genders. Male respondents (mean = 2.39) were inclined to spend more time using the

sites than their female counterparts (mean = 2.12).

Gender with frequency and time spent using SM

Group Statistics

Gender

N

M

SD

SEM

Frequently of login to SM Male 431 3.01 1.28 0.06

Female 209 2.98 1.36 0.09

Time spent using SM Male 431 2.39 1.29 0.06

Female 209 2.12 1.21 0.08

Independent Sample Test EV EM


F Sig. T Df Sig.2-tailed

Frequently of login to SM

EVA

EVNA

2.78

0.09

1.90

1.86

638.0

391.2

0.06

0.07

Time spent using SM EVA

EVNA

4.48 0.03 2.49

2.44

638.0

391.2

0.01

0.02

Needs Gratification (Three items with Cronbach's Alpha = .61)

One of the key research questions framed for this study was about

gratification of various needs the responds obtained from Facebook and Twitter use.

The succeeding tables represent data with regard to the same asking. Analysis of data

with respect to satisfaction of needs was undertaken in terms of descriptive statistics

and frequency distribution. The extent of agreement or disagreement with three

statements regarding gratification of needs was measured on a 5-point scale ranging

from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (5). Test results of Facebook and needs

gratification reveal the mean scores for information need (4.73), entertainment need

(4.18) and social interaction need (3.36). The mean scores of all the needs are on the

high side which indicates that Facebook use satisfy all mentioned needs of the

respondents (see table 5). Whereas, test results of Twitter and needs gratification

reveal the highest mean score for information need (4.87) followed by entertainment

need (3.85) and social interaction need (3.16). The mean scores of the mentioned

needs with respect to usage of Twitter are also on the high side which indicates that

the sites satisfy the noted needs of the respondents (see table 6).

Descriptive statistics for Facebook and satisfaction of users‘ needs

N Mean Std. Deviation

Facebook use satisfies my Information need 638 4.73 0.78

Facebook use satisfies my Social interaction

need

637 3.36 2.40

Facebook use satisfies my Entertainment

need

638 4.18 1.22

Descriptive statistics for Twitter and satisfaction of users‘ needs

N Mean Std. Deviation

Twitter satisfies my Information need 638 4. 87 0.78

Twitter satisfies my Social interaction need 637 3.16 2.44

Twitter satisfies my Entertainment need 638 3.85 1.62

Data in the succeeding tables represent level of satisfaction of the needs of

respondents. Majority of the students have shown their agreement with regard to

satisfaction of all three needs through Facebook and Twitter use. Results of the study


indicate that Facebook satisfied the needs of social interaction and entertainment

more than Twitter. Whereas, Twitter satisfied information need of the respondents a

bit more than Facebook (see tables 7 & 8)

Frequency distribution with respect to Facebook and satisfaction of needs

Note: 1= strongly disagree, 2= agree, 3= neutral, 4= agree, 5= strongly agree

1 2 3 4 5

Facebook satisfy my social interaction

need

Number 68 23 6 101 438

Percent 10.8 3.6 0.9 15.9 68.8

Facebook satisfy my entertainment

need

Number 53 33 13 182 357

Percent 8.3 4.9 2.0 28.5 56.0

FB/TW satisfy my information need

Number 19 4 8 68 539

Percent 3.0 0.6 1.3 10.7 80.0

Table # 8: Frequency distribution with respect to Twitter and satisfaction of needs

1 2 3 4 5

Twitter satisfy my social interaction

need

Number 80 29 7 94 426

Percent 11.8 4.3 0.9 13.9 63.3

Twitter satisfy my entertainment need Number 60 34 10 180 350

Percent 8.9 5.0 1.5 26.7 52.0

FB/TW satisfy my information need

Number 15 2 2 74 545

Percent 2.2 0.3 0.3 10.9 84.9

The next table represent data of independent samples t-test regarding genders and

needs gratification through Facebook use. Significant differences are found in the

mean scores of males (M=3.02) and females (M=3.48) regarding gratification of

entertainment need (P < 0.05 and t > 1.96). Results suggest that female respondents

were inclined more than their male counterparts to satisfy their entertainment need

through Facebook use. However, the study found insignificant differences in the

mean scores of male and female respondents with information and social interaction

needs (P > 0.05 and t < 1.965) (see table 9).

Gender & Needs Gratification of Facebook users

Group Statistics Gender N M SD SEM

Information need Male 430 4.74 0.74 0.03

Female 207 4.69 0.87 0.06

Social Interaction need Male 428 4.30 1.31 0.06

Female 208 4.50 3.75 0.26


Entertainment need Male 429 3.02 1.68 0.08

Female 209 3.48 1.59 0.11

Independents Sample Test EV EM

F Sig. T Df Sig.

Information need EVA 2.79 0.09 0.87 635.0 0.38

EVNA 0.82 354.7 0.41

Social Interaction need EVA 0.73 0.39 -1.02 634.0 0.30

EVNA -0.77 232.1 0.43

Entertainment need EVA 12.18 0.00 -3.27 636.0 0.00

EVNA -3.33 431.5 0.00

Similarly, data in table 10 reflect relationship of the genders with needs gratification

through Twitter use. Results of the study revealed significant relationship between

gender and gratification of information need (P < 0.05 and t > 1.96). The finding

indicates that females with mean (4.79) were more eager than males with mean

(4.61) to use Twitter for satisfaction of their information need. Nonetheless, the study

found insignificant relationship of genders with satisfaction of social interaction and

entertainment needs through Twitter (P > 0.05 and t < 1.96).

Gender and needs gratification of Twitter users

Group Statistics Locale N M SD SEM

Information need

Male 337 4.61 0.91 0.04

Female 296 4.79 0.61 0.03

Social Interaction need

Male 338 4.42 3.06 0.16

Female 294 4.37 1.26 0.07

Entertainment need

Male 338 4.18 1.29 0.07

Female 295 4.20 1.12 0.06

Independent Sample Test

EV EM

F Sig. T Df Sig.

Information need

EVA 15.9 0 -1.97 631 0.04

EVNA 2.02 593.8 0.04

Social Interaction need

EVA 1.00 0.31 0.45 630 0.65

EVNA 0.47 461.1 0.63


Entertainment need

EVA 4.34 0.03 -1.61 631 0.10

EVNA -1.62 630.9 0.10

Discussion and Conclusion The study explored gratification obtained by Pashtuns of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa,

Pakistan through Facebook and Twitter use. Focus was made on comparing the level of

satisfaction of needs like information, social interaction and entertainment obtained from

Facebook and Twitter use. Key objectives of the study encompassed measuring the needs

the Pashtun users satisfy from Facebook and Twitter use, exploring gender differences

with regard to satisfaction of needs from the usage of the two sites and comparing the

level of gratifications obtained from Facebook and Twitter usage.

Facebook was revealed to be the favourite site of both the genders in this Pashtun belt.

However, females respondents were more inclined than males to report Facebook as their

favourite social networking site. The finding is in line with the fact that Facebook is used

by common people, while Twitter is used mostly by politicians and celebrities. Male folk

in this Pashtun belt takes more interest in political activism than females. Given this

reason, male respondents switched to opting Twitter as their favourite site.

Results have indicated respondent‘s agreement with regard to satisfaction of information,

social interaction and entertainment needs through both Facebook and Twitter use.

Twitter satisfied information need of the respondents more than that of Facebook,

whereas, Facebook satisfied social interaction and entertainment needs more than that of

Twitter. Since Twitter is used more by political leaders and high profile personalities in

Pakistan, hence attract users to seek and share information. Facebook, on the other hand,

is generally used by common people for interaction with other users just to have fun and

joy.

Female respondents were motivated more than their male counterparts to satisfy their

entertainment need through Facebook use. Likewise, females were more eager than

males to use Twitter for satisfaction of their information need. These findings seem

consistent with socio-cultural values of the Pashtuns of KP were males have wide range

of options for satisfaction of entertainment and information needs as compared to their

female counterparts.

This research paper is limited in its scope since number of other social networking sites

like YouTube, LinkedIn and WhatsApp are used in this Pashtun belt. Similarly, the users

may also satisfy other needs like companionship, escape, surveillance from Facebook

and Twitter use. Research studies in line with addressing the stated issue need to be

undertaken in future.


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REVIEW OF GHANI KHAN‟S POEM CHENGI (INSECTS)

AND RACHEL CARSON‟S SILENT SPRING: AN ECO-

CENTRIC ACADEMIC PERSPECTIVE

Mohammad Nafees

Naeem Butt

ABSTRACT:

In this paper an attempt has been made to highlight the eco-centric

approach of Ghani Khan with the objective to create awareness

among the public in general and young poets in particular. For this

purpose his famous book ―De Ghani Kuluyat‖ (Ghani‘s Collection)

was reviewed. This collection comprises 447 poems, taken from

three books namely Da Panjray Chaghhar (Cry of Cage),

Plawashay (light beam) and Panoos (sky lantern). The review of his

Kuluyat revealed that Ghani-khan was very much inspired from

nature and cared for it. A total of 53, out of 447 poems addresses

environment out of which 10 speak on wild animals/birds and its

importance. A significant number of 30 poems are indirectly

mentioning various flora and fauna by comparing its characteristic

and behaviors with that of human beings. 20 poems are talking about

the ecological cycle and can used to motivate young generation to

respect each other and invite them toward love and affection. The

novel ―silent spring‖ published in 1962 and is called the first book in

the field of public awareness. Ghani Khan wrote a poem ―Chingi

(The insects)‖ which is on pesticides and its associated health and

environmental problems with no date on it. Therefore history of

pesticides mentioned in his poem was searched out and reviewed.

The review revealed that the poem ―Chinji‖ appeared after 1962 and

was the first in the Asian sub-continent regions. Hence, it is very

important to review this poem and translate it in various local and

national languages and interpret it into various shapes and forms

such as painting, fictions and dramas. It will strengthen

environmental education and awareness programs in Pakistan in

general and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in particular.

Key words: Pesticides, hazard, Environmental Awareness,

Professor department of environmental Sciences, University of Peshawar, KPK,

Assistant Professor department of English, University of Peshawar,KPK


Fig. 1: Picture of Ghani Khan

and Front page of his

Collection

Introduction:

Awareness is one of the key factors in initiating

any movement for environmental protection and

resource conservation, where poets have their

role (Hynes, 1985). Writers, particularly poets,

are considered the sensitive part of a society and

assets of a nation. Their writings are always

working as stimuli, which are in response to

external stimuli in the form of natural hazards

and environmental problems. The consequences

of some hazards and problems are not visible to

a common person; even if it is visible to a

common person they pay no heed to that

(Henighan, 1982). Poet highlights those

hazards/problems to sensitize public and reroute

their attention towards a problem. The same

aroma evolves from the poetry of Ghani Khan.

He touched different aspects of life and as also

discussed by different writers and researchers

(Imtiaz, 2015). The ecological aspects of Ghani

Khan‘s (Fig. 1) poetry were never highlighted

and were made part of the national curriculum.

For specific analysis, his poem chinji (insects)

was reviewed where he is talking about the pest

and pesticides and associated hazards. In early

sixties, Rachel Carson‘s wrote a ground

breaking novel ―silent spring‖ (Fig. 2). On the

bases of this novel, Rachel Carson was

considered the first lady to draw world‘s

attention towards pesticides-use and the related

hazards. But it is still not verified, when the

poem ―Chenji‖ appeared in ink.

In this paper an attempt has been made to

highlight the eco-centric thinking of Ghani-

Khan‘s poetry and bring its important aspects for the contemporary poets, researchers

and a common public with the objective to think about environment and its

protection. To analyze and compare timing of ―silent spring‖ and ―Chenji‖, the

historical development of pesticides was reviewed for those pesticides, mentioned in

the poem ―Chenji‖.


An over view of the Book “Da Ghani Kulyat”

Poetry of Ghani

The literary journey of Ghani Khan is very long

and full of highs and lows. He was born in 1914

and wrote his first poem ―Tasali‖ (consolation),

at the age of fourteen in July 1929. This is the

very first poem in his famous book ―Plawashay‖

(light beam). In this poem he encouraged

himself while on the voyage to London. Later on

he wrote about the beauty of London as well. In

1950 he started writing his first book Da Panjray

Chaghar (cry of cage) He produced this

collection during his imprisonment. The dates on

the poems indicate that he stayed in various jails

during 1949 and 1952. This collection is mainly

talking about political activities and situation in

the sub-continent. During his stay in jail he observed different animals like frog, rat,

pigeon, Kochay (his dog whome he missed in jail), toranai (black birds),

Mulachargak (Hud Hud), bora (beetle type insects setting on flowers), taro (bird),

Karkorai (dove), and Mach (house fly). Other important topics that reflect his eco-

centric approach include Dand-kay (in the pond), sparaly (spring), sahra (desert),

sepia (sap), qanoon (the Law of nature), and da bodai taal (rainbow).

Part II of Palwashay (light beam) is mostly romantic poetry. As mentioned earlier,

the first poem in the book is Tasali (consolation). There are some other poems worth

mentioning, i.e. Bahar (spring), Insan oo Fithrat (human and nature), Da Faqirano

Ghazal (poetry of the friar). These poems are mainly describing ecological cycle.

The various birds discussed in this part include crow and bulbul, and animals

including Kharoo (his dog), jawari (leeches), lolakai (butter fly). Poems related to

environment include bahar (spring), da sparli shapa (a night in spring), dunya-gai

(the small world), da jami makaham (an evening in winter), jwa-nd (life) Jwandoon

(way of life) and da ilam totyan (parrots of Ilam mountain).

Panoos is the largest part of da Ghani kulyat and mostly consists of long poems. One

of the various poems, that can be related to environment include Taqseem (natural

distribution). In this poem distributions of various floras and its position and

importance have been discussed. The poem da sparli shapa (a night of spring), da

bodi tal (rainbow), da ghutai tapoos (query of the bud), janat aw dunya (Heaven and

the planet earth), ridi- Gul (poppy flower) dunya (the world), goollona da war-khari

(flower of warkhari), sparlay (spring ), gogoshgtoo (lion ant), sparly khlasaygi (the

spring is ending) ookh (camel), kamtara (peogon), maygay (ant), mashay (mosquito),

Fig. 2: Picture of Rachel

Carson and Front page of his

Novel


aas (horse),kar-gha (crow), and cha-rag (cock). The poem chenji (insects) is part of

Panoos.

A brief overview of “Chenji” (Insects) and Silent Spring

The poem ‗Chenji’ described his real life events. Ghani grew a garden in his front-

yard with the aim to make his front-yard more hospitable and beautiful. He grew

various fruit and flowering plants in it. It took him several years to grow the garden.

He was very happy while experiencing the first flowering season, and sprouting

flowers and production afterward. Meanwhile, the garden was attacked by various

insects. He approached agriculture department for help, and got appointment of the

officer concerned after continuous efforts. Initially, the officer presented various

excuses as this area was heavily sprayed during winter. however, Ghani made him

realized that the spray at that time was unnecessary and un-justified as itkilled

domestic birds and animals. Also in another event of uncontrolled and untargeted

spray, fodder crop was sprayed that resulted in the deaths of cattle, cows and buffalo.

The irregular spray even caused death of dogs and cats which increased in rat

population and destroyed stored food stock. Besides that Ghani Khan‘s two lovely

pet dogs (Bochay and Landay) were also killed due to heavy pesticides (aldrine and

malathion) spray. He even sarcastically commented that due to massive cattle deaths

our barns are cleaner and free of animal manure, there is no cattle noise in the barns

anymore and we enjoy the silence. He asked the officer if the unmanaged spray

continued, soon he will lose the remaining livestock and pets.

He has very nicely portrayed how the ecological balance gets disrupted and leads to a

whole food chain disturbance, when he talked about the deaths of cats, the

consequent abundance of rats on farms , this ultimately damaged the grain stock with

negative effects on local farmers.

Carson starts her novel by first describing the ecosystem and a community where all

living and nonliving things lived in harmony with each other. She then goes on

explaining how this harmony was disrupted by the introduction of pesticides and led

to the silent spring. She talks about the pesticides its possible hazerds on human

health. She specifically describes in great detail the DDT pesticides and criticizes its

use. She explains how the uncontrolled spraying operations proved useless for the

target insects, yet caused a disaster by killing the non-target birds and animals. She

criticizes the use of weed killers as it resulted in massive bird kills. She also

describes how the untargeted spray against gypsy moth resulted in human and other

species to the same spray. Being a biologist she also goes into further details and

elaborates the possibility of pesticides being human carcinogens. She also suggests

alternative ways to control insects.

Analysis with Reference to Rachel Carson

Looking into the historical prospective the novel of Rachel Carson ―silent spring‖

published in 1962 (Perrin, 1997). Ghani Khan wrote his poem in almost the same era

but the exact date is unknown. In the foot note of this poem, it is mentioned that this


poem is written during the era of Nawab of Kalabagh when he was governor of

Sharhd (present Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) during 1960-1966. Ghani Khan also

mentioned two pesticides, Aldrine and Malathion which killed his two pet dogs

bochay and landay. These pesticides were introduced in the market after DDT which

Carson mentioned in her novel ―silent spring‖. It can be claimed that this poem

appeared after 1962. But the background presented before this is of 1960 when the

heavy spray killed the livestock. So the date of appearance is quite near to each other.

But it is difficult to say which one appeared first. But this is a fact that the novel of

Carson got international fame while that of Ghani Khan is still unveiled.

Ghani Khan in his poem pointed at an unfortunate event in which an officer of

agriculture department was also killed, it indicates that probably the people were not

properly trained and equipped for pesticide use and safety (Germany and US only

provided the chemical not training) This maximized the exposure to pesticides,

similarly the killing of cows and other cattle as mentioned revealed un-targeted use

of pesticides. He condemned the aerial spray (Fig. 3) which affected other crops used

as fodder instead of the targeted sugarcane crop. Carson too seems to be concerned

about this type of practice (massive

untargeted spray) in the US. She has also

pointed out the same problems where

humans and other non-targeted animals and

plants got exposure to a massive pesticide

spray event against gypsy moth. Both of

them criticized the use of DDT however

Carson being a biologist explained it in

length. It indicates that how severe the DDT

problem was back in those days both in the

developed as well as developing world.

Ghani Khan also highlighted the corrupt

behavior of the agriculture department officers (quite typical of the developing

countries). There was an apparent monopoly of the Agriculture department over the

use of pesticides which developed their corrupt behavior.

Besides romanticism and environmentalism, the flavor of comedy and sarcasm can

also be seen in Ghani‘s poem ―Chingi‖, whereas Carson went more towards the

scientific and biological aspects in her novel. Ghani Khan was chemical engineer and

was not that equipped to describe such biological aspect in his poem.

It‘s quite amazing how two literary people living in two very distinct parts of the

world were thinking alike (almost at the same time). Both of them had tried to divert

world‘s attention towards a very serious, yet hidden environmental threats. The other

mesmerizing aspect is that this entire thinking process happened when the world was

devoid of the modern day fast means of communication (e.g. internet and phone).

Contrary to the fact that Ghani belonged to a 3rd

world country (which faced a whole

set of new problems than those of the developed world), still he was thinking along

Fig. 3. Picture of aerial spray

Source: Picture by Plant Protection,

Govt of Pakistan


the same lines as a developed country‘s novelist (who also happened to be a biologist

and a frequent writer on Nature). One has to give him credit for his scientific

thinking. Moreover, the way he connected the various links of the food chain is quiet

impressive. After detail review of the poem Chenji it can be said that Ghani Khan

deserves more credit (although belated) than Rachel Carson.

Although the poem that Ghani wrote, published after 1962, but the various events

mentioned in the poem date back to 1960 (i.e. heavy and untargeted pesticide spray

that killed his livestock). So there is quite strong evidence that both write-ups

(Ghani‘s Chengi and Rachel‘s silent spring) emerged in same period of time in

history. We however not debating who presented this idea first. Given the fact that

both were living in very separate worlds, most probably unaware of each other, it is

appreciable that both did a wonderful job in terms of attracting world‘s attention

towards a serious issue. Unlike Rachel Carson‘s book, Ghani Khan‘s work did not

gain any international or even national recognition and just lost in his literary book.

Ghani Khan in the modern world has always been portrayed as a romantic poet, a

poet whose characteristic is to describe and talk about a woman‘s face, her beauty

and height and her overall demeanor. His love for nature (as evident from his poems

highlighted earlier) was never discussed. His eco-centric approach and his in-depth

knowledge about ecosystem and environmental phenomenon have always been

overshadowed by his otherwise dominant poetry character (i.e. romanticism).

This is probably the first time that we have has endeavored to pen the important

aspect of Ghani Khan‘s poetry. Given the intensity of the environmental problems in

the country as well as in the world, it is very important to analyze his environmental

approach from academic perspective which would facilitate publick, especially the

youth about the eco-centric aspect of his poetry.

Conclusion

The poetry of Ghani Khan is a message of love, peace and harmony. According to

him, this world demands peace and prosperity. Let us share shoulders, love and

respect each others and make this world peaceful and productive place to live.

The various poems on nature and its importance in human life shows that he was one

of the pioneers in initiating the lesson and spread of eco-centrism in Pakistan. The

historical analysis shows that the novel of Rachel Carson and the poem of Ghani

Khan appeared in the same years. Carson‘s work got international fame whereas

Ghani Khan‘s work remained unexplored. This reflects our lack of interest in local

literature at academic and litrary levels. The gaps include translation and projection

at proper forums. We may focus on ensuring that these poems get translated

interpreted in other languages and programs like painting, story, writing, dramas

competetation may be arranged, where various diverse aspects of his poetry are

highlighted. The poem chenji is a great contribution in the field of environmental

awareness.


REFERENCES

1. Perrin R.M. 1997. Beyond silent spring — Integrated pest management

and chemical safety: By H. F. van Emden and D. B. Peakall (1996)

Chapman & Hall, 322 pp Crop Protection, 16(1):95

2. Hynes H.P. 1985. Ellen Swallow, Lois Gibbs and Rachel Carson: Catalysts

of the American environmental movement (1985) Women's Studies

International Forum, 8 (4), pp. 291-298.

3. Filser J.2008. Ecotoxicology and ecosystems: Relevance, restrictions,

research needs, Basic and Applied Ecology, 9(4):333-336.

4. Henighan T. 1982. Natural space in literature: imagination and

environment in nineteenth and twentieth century fiction and poetry.pp-3-

21.\

5. Ghani Khan. 1985 Da Ghani Kulyat. Ministry of National and Tribal

Areas affairs, Afghanistan.

6. Carson, R. 1962. Silent Spring. Houghton Mifflin, USA.

7. Imtiaz Ahmad Sahibzada. 2015. The Pilgrim of Beauty: Selections from

the poetry of Abdul Gahni Khan. Published in The Express Tribune, March

15th, 2015.


THE ANALYSIS OF MARXIST PHILOSOPHY IN AJMAL

KHATTAK’S POEM “FAISLA”

(DECISION): A CRITICAL DISCOURSE STUDY

Raj Wali khan

Robina Bibi

ABSTRACT:

This paper attempts to explore the influence of Marxist thought on

modern Pashto poetry. Ajmal Khattak, a revolutionary and progressive

Pashto poet of the 20th

century, wrote under the influence of Marxism.

This study analyzes the Marxist ideology in Ajmal Khattak's poem

"Faisla (Decision) using Fairclough's three dimensional model of Text,

Discourse practices and Social practices. In order to uncover the

Marxist ideology of the poem special attention is given to the style,

tone, theme and the choice of words. Though Khattak does not directly

praise Marxist view in his poetry but he has considered Marxist

thinking as a solution for social injustices, unfair stratification of

Pashtun society and manipulation of powerless by the rich.

Key Words: Marxism, Critical Discourse Analysis, Ideology, Pashto

poetry.

Introduction: Ajmal Khattak is one of the most popular nationalist and revolutionary poet

among the modern Pashto poets. He was born in Akora Khttak on 15 September,

1925. He recited his first poem at the age of 13. He joined the freedom struggle and

began his political career during the Quit India Movement. He left his school because

of being involved in political activities. Khattak joined the Khudai Khidmatgar

(Servants of God). Led by Bach khan this movement was an outstanding effort to

generate social, national and political consciousness to redefine Pukhtoonwali. The

basic principles of this movement were non-violence and service to the people

regardless of faith, race and language. This movement joined Indian National

Congress to confront against the British rule in India. He was the member of Awami

National Party. He became Member of National Assembly in 1990. He also remained

senator.

Apart from being a committed political worker with staunch political

convictions, Ajmal Khattak was literary man as well. According to Dupree (1971)

being a revolutionary poet, he wrote about nationalism, social problems. He

published many books of prose and poetry in Pashto as well as in Urdu. His famous

Lecturer in English Department of English NUML Peshawar campus

Lecturer in English Department of English NUML Peshawar Campus


writing include: Da Ghairat Chagha, was published in 1958, that was later banned in

Pakistan and Afghanistan.A history of Pashto Literature", "Pakistan Main Qaumi

Jamhoori Tehreekain", , "Batoor", "Gul Parhar", Guloona Takaloona", Jalawatan

kee Shairee", Pukhtana shora", "Da Afghan Nang" and " Da Wakht Chagha". He set

a different poetic tone than his traditional contemporary poets. His poetry is a blend

of beauty of human nature and courage of a revolutionary.

Through his works Khattak voiced the voiceless anguish of the subdued

human dignity. The ideology Ajmal Khattak explore in his works are Pukhtoonwali

and nationalism and criticism upon the social structure. In most of his poems he

criticized the way power and wealth are distributed in society. Poems like ―Da

Nawab Saib Mekhi‖ and ―Olas Ta‖ have the same theme of unequal social structure

and the dehumanized state of common man is addressed.

The present study focuses on one of Khattak' poem entitled as "Faisala"

(Decision) and analyzes it from Marxist perspective using Critical Discourse

Analysis as tool. The study focuses selected verses from the poem to find out how

Ajmal Khattak expresses his Marxist view of society in the present poem by the use

of lexical choices, tone and style.

Theoretical framework Marxism

Marxist school of thought was founded by two thinkers i.e. Karl Marx (1818-

1883) who was a German philosopher and in the words of Dalahoyde ―Karl Marx

was primarily a theorist and historian‖ and Friedrich Engels (1820-1895) , a

German sociologist. Marx applying a scientific approach observed the social

structure throughout history and perceived that human history had been comprised of

a sequence of conflicts between oppressors and the oppressed classes (Dalahoyde,-;

Barry, 2002;). The conflict is caused by the difference in the social classes. Birch

(1989) points out , ―a Marxist position grounds social reality in a history, struggles

centered upon class and systems of production, reflecting at any given moment a

dialectical relationship between history and society.‖ The social reality that is

‗centered upon class and system of production‘ is, as Palmer (1997) points,

determined by an ‗underlying structure‘ and in order to understand the social reality

that underlying structure should be grasped. The underlying structure, for Marx, is

the economy the foundation of which is rooted in natural resources, the sources of

production and distribution, grounded on two theoretical concepts that are ‗Base

structure‘ and ‗Superstructure‘. Base structure refers to the means of production

(machines, tools, raw material, land etc.) and relation of production (the laborers,

their roles and relationship and the materials and sources involved in the production)

Superstructure, quite simply and expansively, refers to all other aspects of society.

Superstructure includes ideology, culture, values, beliefs, norms, social institutions

(education, religion, media, and family), the political structure and the State. Marx

contended that the Base determines the superstructure but the base is influenced by

the superstructure as it reflects the interests of the ruling class hence justifying that

the base is operated by the power of the ruling class.


This economic structure establishes the position of oppressed and oppressor

classes (Glaberman 1996). The oppressors exploit the labor class for creating more

wealth. However, the labor class have no influence over the distribution of the wealth

they produce. In order to maintain the status quo and to make the people accepted the

way things are, the oppressor class gives rise to ideology which is operated by the

Ideological State Apparatuses (Family, culture, religion, education, political system

and media) as pointed out by Althusser (1973, 2006) which results into static, partial

and one sided notions that reflect only what the capitalists want everyone to think

controlling the way people think.

Critical Discourse Analysis

Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) should be taken as both a theory and a

method (Fairclough and Chouliaraki 1999: 16) as it suggests ‗not only a description

and interpretation of discourses in social context but also offers an explanation of

why and how discourses work‘ (Rogers 2004:2).

CDA looks at a text as piece of art that does not take place in isolation. The

analysis and interpretation of a text is carried out on the basis of the socio-economic,

socio-political and socio-historic contexts. According to Huckin (1997:1) CDA can

be seen as a ‗highly context-sensitive, democratic approach which takes an ethical

stance on social issues with the aim of transforming society – an approach or attitude

rather than a step by step method‘. The basic notion of CDA is that there is

asymmetrical access to social and linguistic resources. The resources are controlled

by institutions. Therefore CDA is primarily concerned with institutional discourses –

policy, media, labeling gender, etc.

When a discourse develops into dominant narratives that the alternative

interpretations are completely suppressed or avoided, then it stops to be looking as

arbitrary and is viewed as natural, and a legitimate way because that is ‗the way

things are‘. This process is referred to as ―naturalization‖ by Fairclough (1989)

through which a ‗Naturalized‘ discourse loses its ideological quality and seems to be

neutral thus representing its ‗story‘ as ‗truth‘.

CDA analyzes ―opaque as well as transparent structural relationships of

dominance, discrimination, power and control as manifested in language‖ (Fairclough &

Wodak 1995:204). CDA wages war against the exploitation and supports the exploited

ones by sensitizing them to towards the prevalent situation. . Blommaert and Bulcaen

(2000. 29:447–66) states that CDA aims to make the discourse more transparent because

discourse is s an ―opaque power object in modern societies‖

Fairclough and Graham, (2002) talked about Karl Marx‘s works in which

Marx established that ideas do not exist separately from language. Talking about

three conceptual elements: Abstraction, Dialectics and ideology, which are central to

understand the discursive aspects of Marx's critical method, they found that Marx

was a naturalist and humanist who followed discursive approach to analyze social

phenomena. Though discourse analysis did not exist in his time but his view and

mode of language critique are similar to what we call critical Discourse Analysis

today. He used language as a tool to criticize capitalism. Fairclough and Graham


(2002) believe that Marx to be a critical discourse analyst by giving reference to his

text. The objective was to show how Marx applied language critique to the capitalist

order of his day.

According to Fairclough and Graham:

"Critical language analysis is central to Marx‘s method precisely because

language is the only way we have of grasping the diachronic of changing

social circumstances – not language as an abstract system of signs, but as a

mutually determining product and substance of changing material

circumstances and practices; not as the abstract representative of externalized

ideas, but as both product, producer, and reproducer of social consciousness,

which in turn is in a reciprocally causal relationship with the whole of the

human experience. In these very important respects, Marx‘s method and the

methods of CDA are identical". (2002)

CDA methods analyze the linguistic forms to unravel the social and economic

conditions which are built upon exploitation and dehumanization of some by some

others. In Marxist thought language is a social process which is dialectically

connected with other walks of life.

Capitalism, according to Marx, is a discourse that is the offspring of ideology

language and discursive practices and it should be resisted in the same way as it is

constructed.

CDA is not only a linguistic but a framework for analyzing ideologies in discourse as

Van Dijk (2000, p. 1) points out, ―CDA does not have a unitary theoretical

framework or modeling‖. CDA, unlike discourse analysis, has its major thrust, i.e.,

the necessity that social and economic resources should ordinarily usher in the

desired socio-political and economic prosperity. Fanon (as cited in Wilmot, 1986)

urged the masses to speak out because ―The future would have no pity for those men,

who possessing the exceptional privilege of being able to speak words of truth to

their oppressors, have taken refuge in an attitude of passing, of mute indifference and

sometimes of cold complicity‖ (p. 16).

Social Consciousness:

The notion of consciousness permeates through the poem ―Faisala”

(Decision).Ajmal Khattak seems to be engaged in the creation of idea to suggest the

adoption of ideology particularly. He tries to elucidate the crucial relation between

the ideal and reality. The common thread in all verses of the poem is his efforts to

sensitize the common man and to mobilize them against the form of governance in

Pakistan in particular, and Asia as a whole. The underlying themes of the poem are

the cut-throat exploitative tendencies of the elite class who represents being the

dominant in the society leads the nation to their present state of anomie, the clash of

ideology between the elite and the one that Khattak and other intellectuals present,

the spirit of revolution and the decision he takes at the end of the poem.

Faisala (pashto poem) reflects the decadence of many Asian nations, arising

from misrule, voracious greed and corruption in all facets of life. The poem begins


with a direct address to an assumed addressee who belongs to the Elite class. Khattak

begins with:

1. sta da “khan kaka” pa kor ki zar ambar v

Your rich uncle house in gold pile is

(The house of rich is filled with gold)

2. aao zama bachi di khawri sati khwar v

And my children will mud suck poor is

(and my children will suck(eat) mud as they are poor)

3. sta bankona kho di wraz pa wraz parsegi,

your banks let day by day swollen

(let your bank accounts are swollen (with money)day by day)

4. ao zama vena di drang pa drang ochegi

and my blood let time to time dry

(and let my blood be dried time to time)

5. Wazday weele pa pato ki me zama she

Fats melt on fields in my be

(My fats melt in the fields)

6. Tre na jora sta bangle ki sta ranra she

From make your banglow in you light be

(From that the light is produced in your banglow)

7. ta zama pa gata aish kawi jwanday ye,

you my on profit debauchery do live is

(you do debauchery and live on my profit)

8. za da sta qarzo ki gharq warsham gor ta

I your debts in doomed go grave to

(I reach to grave doomed by your debts)

1. The researcher has tried to provide word to word translation of the Pashto text

(poetry).

2. The researcher is thankful to Faisal Faran for his comments and help in the

writing of this research article. The mistakes if any are mine.

9 .ta zama haq da pradai dami inam kri,

you my right of stranger dancer prize do

(you give my right to stranger dancer in prize)

10. za marrai warkaway na sham khpali mor ta

I morsel to give not can my mother to

(I can not give a morsel to my mother (for eating))

Throughout there is a comparison between the condition of elite and the working

class. the condition of rich is shown through the images like ―their houses piled with gold‖,

their banks swollen with money‖, ―the lights in their big bungalows‖, the comfort of their

lives‖, while the condition of working class is indicated through the use of images like:

―their children eat mud‖, ―their blood drying‖, ―their fats melting due to hard work‖,

―deprivation of their rights‖, ―less food for their family‖.


The poet address the system directly and explain the plight of the poor man who

works hard and melts his fats in the fields but his family has always been having not

enough food. Though the wealth and comfort that the rich enjoy is the offspring of the poor

working men‘s blood, yet they remain deprived of their share in the wealth.

The use of the words like khawre sati ― suck/eat mud‖ , wena ochegi ― blood

drying‖, wazday weely ―fats melting‖, , sta qarzo ki gharq, ―doomed in your debt‖

and marrai warkaway nasham ―can not provide a morsel‖, draws the attention to the

social condition of the masses who are suffering because of their low socio-economic

place. On the other hand the words used for the elite class like, zar anbar , ―gold

piled‖, bankona parrsegi, ― bank are swelling(with money)‖ , bangle ki ranra, ― light

in banglow‖ and aish kawe, ― live luxuriously‖ , indicate how they exploit the labors

for their own comfort and status. The lexical choices for the comparison of the social

condition of both high and labor class explains how the system sucks the blood of the

poor while giving nothing in return. It also indicates that very often the existence of

this labor class is threatened by poverty.

The above verses illustrate the state of laborers and landlords in the country

which is clear description of class difference where rich people, not only capitalist

but feudalist class, is represented who have full stomach and the lower class live his

life in huger and dearth. It can also be understood that the circulation of wealth is

uneven thus workers strip their belly and landlords take benefits without doing any

hard work.

11. ta zama khona ki hum zama malak ye,

you my house in as well my owner are

( You are the owner of my house.)

12. za khpal kor ki hum sta stargo ki darghal yam

I mine house in as well your eyes in fraudulent am

(in my house you consider me as fraudulent

13. ta ka taki tori wayi hum tak speen ye,

you if very black say also very white are

(your false words are also taken as truth)

14. za ka speeni speeni wayam gunahgar sham

I if white white say sinner become

(If I say truth, I become a sinner)

15. Ta ka tol na haq na haq kawi aqa ye,

you if all undeserved do master are

(if you do undeserved things, you can because you are master)

16. za ka haq chari owayama pa dar sham

I if truth any day say on gallows

da manama che nan sta da zor khani da,

17. this I agree that today your of power richness is

(I agree that today you are powerful because you are rich)

18. da manama har sa sta di ma ba khwar ki


This I agree all things yours I will poor make

(I agree that all things are yours and I will make me poor)

The above eight verses paint the horrid picture of the Justice system which is

truly an Injustice system for the poor. Khattak bluntly satirizes the so called justice

system that though the rich man‘s sayings and doings are black and crime but still his

position makes him innocent and justified. On the other hand, a poor man‘s true

statement is considered as false. Khattak satirizes the state‘s injustices against the

poor masses. They cannot buy justice for themselves. But still he is speaking to

unravel their true faces to the masses. According to Althusser (1970) in Marxist

tradition the state is a ―Repressive State Apparatus‖ , The State is a ‗machine‘ of

repression, which enables the ruling classes (in the nineteenth century the bourgeois

class and the ‗class‘ of big landowners) to ensure their domination over the working

class, thus enabling the former to subject the latter to the process of surplus-value

extortion (i.e. to capitalist exploitation)‖

The state practices its power through different institutions like police, legal

and judiciary system, courts prisons and army. Therefore, Althusser has termed these

institutions as Repressive State Apparatuses which ― defines the State as a force of

repressive execution and intervention ‗in the interests of the ruling classes‘ in the

class struggle conducted by the bourgeoisie and its allies against the proletariat, is

quite certainly the State, and quite certainly defines its basic ‗function‘.‖

Lexical choices for the landlord and for himself for example , ―Aaqa‖ and ―malak‖

(master) for the landlord and ―ghal‖(thief) and ―darghal‖ (fraudulent) for himself

shows that the ideology has interpolated and because of this he is accepted as the

owner and master and those who produce are ―ghal‖ and ―darghal‖.This situation is

accepted without any challenge by the masses.

Self-Realization:

The poet seems to be realizing the standpoints of both of the social classes.

He expresses his understanding of the standpoints of the high and the low classes in

the upcoming verses. He says:

19. Da manam che sta na ba zan wrak e

This accept that you from self-lost be

(I accept that you are lost in your pride)

20. Kho ma opejana mata hum ogora

But I know to me as well look

(but know me , look at me)

21. Da sta zar sa dy? Bachy me da mehnat dy

This your wealth what is child mine of hard work is

(Your wealth is the child of my hard work)

22. Ao sta zor? Zama da mato barakat dy

And your strength? My of arms benediction is

(And your strength is the benediction of my arms)

23. Ao da ta sa e zama da laso jor e

And this you what is my of hands made


(And what are you? (You are)made up of my hands)

24. Da za ogy yam ta zaka dumra morr e

This I hungry am you because this much wealthy are

(You are wealthy because I am hungry)

25. Ma da sara odangal nu watan jor sho

I from head jumped so then state make was

( I put my life at stake and then this state was made)

26. Ma khwari okra nu hala chaman jor sho

I hard work did so then garden make was

I did hard work and then this garden was made)

27. Ma aghyar wrak kra nu hala ta dildar shwe

I rivals lost did so then you dear become

(I defeated the rivals then you became dear (to people))

28 Ma che sar sar kro nu hala ta sardar shwe

I head( put at stak in fight) did so then you leader become

(sacrificed my head so then you became the leader)

29. Ma makan jor ko nu hala ta makeen shwe

I house make did so then you resident become

(I made the house so then you became the resident)

30. Ma takht jor ko nu hala ta takht naseen shwe

I throne make did so then you enthroned become

(I made the throne so then u became enthroned)

31. .Pa de poha sha che za yama zaka ta e

On this understand that I am that‘s why you are

(Understand this facet that you are you because of me)

32. Ka za nasht shum ta la sok e che ba shta she

If I not existence become you who are that will exist

(If I exist no more who are you to exist) their existence is dependent

The theme echoed throughout in these lines is that of self-realization in a tone

capable of winning sympathy for the oppressed. He tries to catch the attention of the

elite class by saying that there excessive pride makes them unable to look at their

position and the position of the working class. He explains by asking rhetorical

questions from the elite class that the position, wealth and strength of the high class

are not something that is bestowed upon them, or they have acquired it by their own.

As compared to the previous verses where the tone is that of complaint and agony. In

these verses the tone is turned harsh. By asking rhetorical questions he establishes his

point of view that the elite class is elite class because of struggle of the poor. Verses

23 to 28 are contextualized into the historical event of getting freedom from both

Hindues and Britishers, whom he refers to as ― Aghyar‖ (rivals) and to establish a

separate country for the Muslims. The Movement of Pakistan was made successful

by paying the lives of hundreds of Muslims.He counts the efforts of the laborers in

establishing the state by saying that this state is the offspring of their sacrifices. He


uses the symbols of‖ chaman‖ (garden). “watan‖ (country), ―makan‖(home) and

“takht‖ (throne) for the state for which the masses put their lives at stake but in the

same state they are deprived of what they need. The sacrifices of the common man

hailed the names of the political leaders and now the world recognize and remember

only the leaders and stat men while the common man‘s suffering s and sacrifices are

not visible to anyone.

Through the use of symbols, powerful imagery, appropriate style and lexical choices,

the poet depicts a bitter reality of the social and political system. The last two verses are the

most striking examples of self-realization. The poet establishes his notion by saying that the

existence of the prestigious class is because of the existence of the poor class. If the poor

class is no more there, there would be no elite class existing.

These verses indicate that the ideology which is termed as ―false

consciousness‖ by Karl Marx and which is interpolated by the Elite class over the

working class for their interest has now taken a turn and will bounce back upon the

Elite class because he is letting working class now knows their position and the

position of their so called masters. Since the ruling class is interpolated by the

ideology they created for the working class, now the working class after realizing

their strength is capable to trigger a move against the ruling class and their injustices

to them.

33. Ta namos lote, haya akhli jwand khwar kre

You honour loot modesty take, life impoverished

(You loot modesty and is impoverished by your life)

34. Da sharabo pa num skhi da khwaro wena

Of wine on name drink of poors blood

(You drink the blood of the poors on the name of wine)

35. Ta zama da mehnat ghal dafan daako e

You my of hard work theif buried robber is

You are the theif of my hard work and a buried(unknown) robber

36. Ski zama da wene khati sharabona

Drink my of blood made wines

((you)drink the wine made up of my blood)

Khattak ruminates over a wide range of issues such as man‘s inhumanity to man and

that the path of corruption and social decay has lead to moral degeneration.

These lines indicate the system of exploitation through the repeated imagery

of wine which is drawn from the blood of the exploited. Khattak paints the picture of

a diseased society represented by the image of looters who plunder the workers‘

production, but even being the ―mehnat ghal‖( thief of hard work) these robbers are

―dafan‖ (buried) which means that whatever they do, these people remain hidden

from the others‘ eyes. The image of sucking their blood which has turned into wine

connotes that prestigious class constitute parasites to others. Khattak satirizes the

way in which the elite class who has become an exploitative class. The elite class

forms the basis of neo-colonialism by accumulating excessive wealth without any

visible sign of productive potentials.


The poet highlights their cruel plundering of nation‘s resources. He

investigates the roots and several varieties of the unidentified manipulative, unequal

and repressive system.

Lexical choice plays an important role in illustrating different images of

‗agony‘, doom‘ and ‗pain‘.For example the verses ―da sharabo pa numski da khwaro

wena” (you drink the blood of poor in the name of wine) and‖ ski zama da weno

khati sharabona‖( you drink wine drawn from our blood).

Clash of ideology:

Khattak, being an intellectual poet, tries to puncture existing ideology by

criticizing the ideology of the bourgeoisie class. He voiced for the proletariat and

powerless strata of Pushtoon society.

37. Za waim tol insanyat de wrorwali she

I say whole mankind may brotherhood be

(I say the whole mankind may turn into brotherhood)

38. Da dunya de yao zango da khushalae she

This world may one cradle of happiness be

(This world may become the cradle of happiness)

39. Zor de wrak she jwand de tol khpal wali she

Power may lost be life may whole kinship be

(the power(concept) may lost and the whole life may turn into kinship)

40. Da narrae de khwey ao da khushalae she

This region may beautifull and of happiness become

(This region nay become beautifull and full of happiness)

41. Ta way “har sa” ao da “har cha” de zama she

You say everything and of everyone may mine become

(You think that everything that belong to others may become mine)

42. Ka “zama nashi nu “ har sa” de taba she

If mine not become then everything may destroyed be

(If everything is not mine then it may destroy)

The poet expresses his wish for the liberty which is the main theme of

Marxist thinking. By expressing his wishes like ―insanyat‖ (mankind) may turn into

“wrorwali‖ (brotherhood) and the world which he wish to become ―zango da

khushlae‖(cradle of happiness), establishes his philanthropist view. His wish for a

society and region where no one is forced , everyone is free is indication to a Marxist

and CDA principle called , ―Free the minds‖ according to which the minds of the

people should always be prepared through knowledge and relevant ideologies which

are needed to defy the corruption of institutions. In contrast to his utopian wishes, the

dreadful wish of the elite class is also presented. They want ―har sa‖ (everything) for

themselves and if not, then they everything to be destroyed which is a misanthropist

viewpoint.

Decision:


43. Bs zama lara juda da sta juda da

enough mine way separate is yours separate is

(this is enough Mine and yours ways are separate)

44. Faisala da pata na da barmala da

Decision this hidden not is obvious is

(This decision is not hidden rather obvious)

The self-realization has led the poet to announce the final decision that their ways are

now separate and that the ―Faisala‖ (the decision) is obvious and clear. This decision

is a challenge to defy the exploitative powers in favor of the lower class. Moreover,

this decision shows the adventurous spirit of initiating a struggle for freedom from

the mental and physical slavery of the poor and to put an end to the cruelty of high

class. This decision leads the poet to revolt against the prevalent system and he

decides to call the people to join hands with him in the revolution for change.

Khattak‘s call goes as:

Revolution:

45. Tol khwaran pa yawa chagha paraoma

All poors on one cry

( all the poors through one cry)

46. Shaeran ao fankara baidaraoma

poets and artists make awake

I am awaking poets and artists

47. Nangyali ao ghairatyan ralarrzaoma

Fighters and honrables to awake

(I awake those who fight for honor )

48. Khwari kakh ghayor insan rawekhaoma

Hard worker honorable human am awaking

(I am awakening hardworking and honorable human)

49. Da Asia da zrra arman pora kaoma

Of Asia of heart wish fulfill am doing

(I am fulfilling Asia‘s heart‘s desire)

50. Bs dy tol olas afghan rakhabraoma

Enough is all nation Afghan to let know

This is enough, now I will let all the Afghans know( the reality))

51. Da khpal haq ao da maram pa num yao kigo

Of own right and of purpose of name one become.

(Let‘s become one for our right and purpose)

52. Har che kigi rawanigo rawanigo

(Whatever comes , we will proceed.)

In the whole poem the poet challenges the status-quo directly and stand as a

revolutionary for the cause of right till the last .Since the poor are left desolate and in

dreadful condition without any hope of productive fulfillment, the need for avant-


garde transformation of the society and for the unvoiced to throw away complacence

in order to be heard. Through the pathos and emotive powers of his verse, the poet

instigates the exploited masses into revolutionary protest. He calls people from

different walks of life like ―shaeran ao fankaran‖ (poets and artists) as they are

sensitive people and can understand the prevalent situation in a better way so they

can propagate his message to the common people, ―Nangyali ao

ghairatyan”(fighters) for fighting to snatch their rights, Khwari kakh( hard

workers) so that they can know the importance of their labor and ―tol olas

afghan‖(the whole Afghan Nation) the whole Pakhtoon nation.

The last lines indicates an optimistic approach for changing the situation of not only

the state but of the whole Asia by getting rid of the vindictiveness and exploitation

which is one of the basic notions of Marxism. In Marxism the revolt and standing

against the status quo is basic notion because the status-quo is set up by the upper

class with a selfish motive they would never confer any good to the labor class thus

keeping them downtrodden and in suppression throughout the history.

The poem is spontaneous urge to initiate a revolution showing and the

suggestion of not ceasing it no matter what happens is very enthusiastic. In twentieth

century these sort of revolutionary slogan were heard which were the mainstream

philosophy of that age. In the above lines there is the clear concept of challenging

authority and facing such difficulties which show the Marxist approach in his vision

and thought. Because according to Khattak reflects the Marxist ideology that the

marginalized group of lower class will incur the pioneering steps initially to liberate

themselves. This pioneering step of the marginalized social class can prove a social

rebirth if people like artists, intellectuals, hard workers and fighters come to forth and

take the lead of the society. They last words ―rawanigo rawanigo‖ lays emphasis on

the collective efforts to re-establish the system of justice and equality. Khattak seems

to be a symbol of hope and a Marxism proponent inspiring all others with his

scholarly thought to fight against the unrightfully domination of the elite class.

Conclusion:

Literature and language prove to be valuable instruments for effective

positive changes in societies. Pashto literature like all other literatures of the world

contain universal thoughts and deep intellectual properties.

To conclude it can verily be said that Ajmal Khattak was not only immersed in the

Marxist thought but also prove himself to be a revolutionary poet of the age thorough

his poetry ( Dupree 1976). Through this poem, the plight of ordinary people who

have no means of decent livelihood is brought to forth. He tries to find the salvation

of the inappropriate distribution of wealth and material goods and social injustices

from the perspective of Marxism and as a result propose to challenge the status-quo

by carrying out a revolution to transform the country on the whole. He wants to

establish the society based on Marxist principles. Moreover, this poem has proved to

be the strongest inspirational content for bringing change in society which is an

important factor to establish nationalism.


REFERENCES

Ajmal khattak. Gul Parhar, University Book Agency Peshawar

file:///E:/RESEARCH%20ARTICLE/Ajmal%20leaves%20behind%20treasur

e%20of%20poetry,%20prose%20-%20thenews.com.pk.html, 1990

Althusser, Louis. "Ideology and ideological state apparatuses (notes towards

an investigation)." The anthropology of the state: A reader 9.1 (2006): 86-98.

Birch, David. Language, literature and critical practice: Ways of analysing

text. Routledge, 2005.

Blommaert, Jan, and Chris Bulcaen. "Critical discourse analysis." Annual

review of Anthropology 29.1 (2000): 447-466.

Macciocchi, Maria Antonietta, and Louis Althusser. Letters from inside the

italian Communist Party to Louis Althusser. New Left Books, 1973.

Chouliaraki, Lilie, and Norman Fairclough. Discourse in late modernity:

Rethinking critical discourse analysis. Edinburgh University Press, 1999.

Dupree, Louis. Ajmal Khattak: Revolutionary Pushtun Poet. American

Universities Field Staff, 1976.

Ehrenberg, John. "The dictatorship of the proletariat: Marxism's theory of

socialist democracy." (1993).

Fairclough, Norman, and Philip W. Graham. "Marx as critical discourse

analyst: the genesis of a critical method and its relevance to the critique of

global capital." Estudios de Sociolinguistica 3.1 (2002): 185-229.

Fairclough, Norman, and Ruth Wodak. "Critical discourse analysis." (1995):

114.

Fairclough, Norman. Critical discourse analysis: The critical study of

language. Routledge, 2013.

Glaberman, Martin. "Marxism and Class Consciousness." Labour/Le

Travail 37 (1996): 233-237.

Macedo, Denise Silva. "FAIRCLOUGH, Norman. Critical discourse analysis:

the critical study of language. UK: Pearson Education, 2010." Cadernos de

Linguagem e Sociedade 15.1 (2014): 161-165.

Althusser, Louis. "Lenin and Philosophy, trans. Ben Brewster." (1971).

Van Dijk, Teun A., ed. Discourse studies: A multidisciplinary introduction.

Sage, 2011.

Van Dijk, T. A. Discourse as social interaction (Vol. 2). Sage. 1997.

Thomas, Pete. "Ideology and the discourse of strategic management: A

critical research framework." Electronic Journal of Radical Organization

Theory 4.1 (1998).


EFFECTS OF TERRORISM AND THE POET‟S PLEA: TEXTUAL

ANALYSIS OF POEM “O‟ GOD! WHAT WILL HAPPEN?” BY ISRAR

ATAL.

Dr. Ghazala Kausar

Islam Badshah

Samreen Zaheer

ABSTRACT:

Text reflects the social proceedings and the causes and effects of

those social trials. This qualitative inquiry attempts to explore and

evaluate the textual construction of the effects of terrorism and the

poet‘s plea in his elegy ―O‘ God! What will happen?‖ Fairclough

three dimensional model (2003) is used for textual and social

analysis. Textual analysis is applied on the selected data to

understand and analyze the harmful effects of terrorism on the

people‘s psyche and socio-political life of pukhtuns residing in KPK.

This poem also demonstrates the poet‘s urge to God to help them for

bringing peace. This work unveils the poet‘s sorrowful sentiments

caused by the terrorist activities in the region. Further the paper

sheds light on how to create awareness and to educate the people of

Khyber Pukhtukhwa in particular and of Pakistan in general.

Keywords: textual analysis, three dimensional models.

Introduction:

The tragedy in the United States of America occurred on September 11, 2001

which made indelible mark on the socio-political situation in certain parts of the

world. As it was not confined only to the USA but also extended its roots to the Indo-

Pak subcontinent. The US-Afghan war started at such a juncture when Afghanistan

was ruled by the Taliban. Al Qaida led by Osama Bin Laden (who lived in

Afghanistan by that time) claimed the responsibility of 9/11 attacks who took refuge

in Afghanistan. Osama‘s refuge in Afghanistan paved the way for the Americans to

attack it. According to Marquardt and Heffelfinger (2002), US- Afghan war initiated

the active invasion of militants in Pakistan. It also provided the opportunity for other

rival powers from across the borders that slithered like snakes to Pakistan. Thus

terrorism took hold of Pakistan, as it stood with the international community against

Assistant ProfessorDepartment of English (GS/UGS) NUML, Islamabad.

[email protected] Assistant professor. Department of English (GS/UGS) NUML, Islamabad. [email protected]

lecturer.Department of English, NUML [email protected]




it, and particularly Khyber Pukhtunkhwa was severely affected as many of the

international terrorists joined hands with the local extremists. Moreover, it was and is

very difficult to stop infiltration from across the border because the people from both

the sides share the same culture and Khyber Pukhtunkhwa shares a long border with

Afghanistan too. Since then Pakistan has been fighting war against terrorism till the

present day, a war which has badly dented the socio-political, economical and

psychological scenario of the country.

This war against terrorism not only affected the socio-political scenario of

Pakistan, but also its literature, particularly Pashto poetry. In Pashto literature, poetry

enjoys a special place, as it has been a great source of inspiration for the pashtuns of all

ages. There was a time when Pakistan television Peshawar had been a great source of

propagating Pashto dramas but the recent technology like internet and mobile internet has

lessened the viewers of television. It has resulted into negligence and avoidance of

television by the viewers. They do not have to sit in front of television and wait for the

light to come and then watch the play. They simply turn on internet on their cell phones

and get themselves updated about daily happenings. The viewers do not focus on watching

Pashto dramas on television; they listen to the songs on cell phones. Listening to the songs

takes less time to complete the item and move to the next so the viewers listen to Pashto

poetry and enjoy every beat of it. Poetry is admired by Pashtuns of all ages and is

influenced by the inspirational lines written by the poets.

This study focuses on the effects of terrorism and the poet‘s plea as textually

constructed in the poem of Israr Atal. Like any other genre of Pashto literature,

poetry talks of the psychological, socio-political and economic factors of Pakistan

particularly Khyber Pukhtunkhwa. The people of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa have been

suffering from terrorism for the last fifteen years. The individuals as well as

community have been attacked by suicide bombers, the Taliban, and finally suffered

by the fight between militants and armed forces. Poets are the most sensitive and

sensible class of every society. Pashtun poets have vividly portrayed the picture of

the society affected by terrorism and the operations against terrorism. The poets have

either directly suffered themselves from terrorism or they have suffered passively, as

their relatives, friends or neighbors have suffered. The focus of this study is the elegy

of Israr Atal who has witnessed the affected and influenced people by terrorist

activities. It also aims at exploring the influences of terrorism on his poetry during

the first decade of 21st century. The pervasive focus of this study is to analyze the

effects of terrorism and the poet‘s plea as textually constructed in his elegy.

Literature Review: Terrorism has badly affected the minds and social life of the citizens of

Pakistan in general and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in particular. However, poets are no

exception of its influences. As the poets are keen observers of the society, they do

depict their feelings poetically about terrorism in their works. In Khyber

Pukhtunkhwa (KPK), (Pakistan) many poets as vigilant observers have condemned

terrorism in their poetry which have deeply moved the readers. Influences of

terrorism can clearly be seen in poems.


Firstly, they have depicted the events caused by Osama Bin Laden, Taliban,

and United States of America. Secondly, they have analyzed the inhuman attitude,

cruelty and violence of the terrorists. They have portrayed the pictures of the towns,

villages, and houses which have been affected by terrorism. They have talked about

the devastated houses and scattered corpses having their limbs amputated like the

dried twigs of the fallen trees.

Atal (one of the most prominent romantic poets in the realm of Pashto

literature) advocates love for peace and reproach war on terrorism. He has referred to

9/11 incidence in his poetry, and has enumerated its effects. His poetry has an

implied reference to the group of people who has created chaotic situations. The

present day chaos and terror have influenced the socio-political situations and have

severe effects on the people‘s minds and social lives. Atal being the resident of

Khyber Puktunkhwa has been himself the victim of terrorism. He has witnessed all

the blasts and massacres in the city. Thus he is a close observer of his society and

tries to communicate his message and feelings to the reader and audiences through

his poetry.

Suver (2008) stated that United States has been the centre of resentment in

most of the poems. It also shows that terrorism has influences not only on Pashto

poetry, but also on American poets and their poetry. It reveals that terrorism has

multiplicity of influences on poetry of the region it occurs in. Likewise, Pashto

poetry also contains discursive construction of terrorism and its effects on the people

suffering from it.

Therefore, many other Pashto poets have also mentioned the problems

aroused after 9/11 and reproached war on terror by their sentimental expressions

about the Pashtuns‘ valour and challenging tendency. They have unveiled the tragedy

of 9/11 in their own ways. Thus, the researcher explores the effects of terrorism in

Atal‘s poetry and also his plea during recent terrorist acts in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa

(Pakistan).

Research Methodology The present study utilized qualitative paradigm. A Pashto poem by Asrar Atal

is selected for the textual analysis. Fairclough‘s three dimensional model (2003)

applied on a selected text. It is both a textual and social analysis focusing on the

immediate and broader socio-cultural context.

Theoretical framework It is a qualitative research in which has applied poststructuralist perspective

for text analysis. Poststructuralist perspective as most of its notions/proponents, if

not all, is very constructive and conclusive in the analysis and interpretation of the

text in context. It perceives and puts a text in plurality of meaning which suspects the

univocal reading or interpretation of a text. This very notion of post-structuralism,

that meanings are not fixed, but multiple, is an interpretative landmark in the poem

under study because it helps study this poem from various angles. It opens the

window of multiple meanings (interpretations) to a text. This study utilizes

Fairclough‘s three dimensional model (2003) on the selected text. It is both a textual


and social analysis focusing on the immediate and broader socio-cultural context. It

has three stages: description, interpretation and explanation. The stage of description

deals with the identification and labeling of formal textual features in the selected

text. The stage of interpretation is related to the text as a discursive practice in which

the processes of text production and consumption are investigated. This is the stage

in which Members Resources (MR) as cognitive entity is applied. The stage of

explanation deals with the text as a social practice in which the text is analyzed in the

broader socio-cultural context. Here MR as social entity are applied in the text

analysis.

As critical discourse analysis (CDA) aims at investigating critically the social

issues, therefore, it is selected as detective and interpretative of the discursive social

issues under study. Martin and Wodak (2003) argues that ―gender issues, issues of

racism, media discourses, political discourses, organizational discourses or

dimensions of identity research have become very prominent‖ (p. 5)in the study

under CDA. CDA as research method in my study is crucial as it addresses and

analytically interprets these issues in the discourses of the unique text under study.

Although it is interdisciplinary and a cover term for different approaches, Jørgensen,

and Phillips (2002, p. 61-66) identify five common features in all these approaches to

CDA:

1. The character of social and cultural processes and structures is

partly linguistic-discursive.

2. Discourse is both constitutive and constituted.

Language use should be empirically analyzed within its social

context.

3. Discourse functions ideologically.

4. Critical research.

Considering these features, CDA is highly useful in the present study

as first and foremost it views language in use as discourse; second, it

considers language use as social phenomenon and that social phenomenon is

partly linguistic; third, it views discourse as a form of social practice which

both constitutes the social world and is constituted by other social practices.

The fourth and the most fundamental aspect of CDA is its emphasis on the

empirical analysis of discourse within its social context. The work under

study presents a network of different discourses that are socially and

culturally embedded and their study as constructs of social issues will be

contextually meaningful. Fifth, it believes in the ideological function of

discourse whose effects as discursive practices contribute to the creation and

reproduction of unequal power relations between social groups. Thus, CDA

aims at investigating the social issues including issues of unequal power

distribution in the society. Finally, it is a critical research that attempts for

social change by addressing the social issues and by taking the side of the

oppressed social groups.


Analysis of the Poem

Poem: O‟ God! What will happen?

؟ (IsrarAtal)

Our home is being devastated both in Lar aw Bar (Northern and southern Pakhtun

areas)

O’ God! What will happen?

Our Peshawar is being devastated again.


Somebody has set the city of flowers on fire

Somebody has blasted it by exerting power

Red Flowers of our garden has got mal de ojo

Somebody has started harvest in the spring season

That’s why my heart is ruined.


The killers of love burn the afternoon of life

They destroy the colours of hill burning the maple and the pine,

And take us to the noise and blinding smoke

And burn Peshawar to get some pennies

The ford of the village is being destroyed,


QissaKhwani weeps, Khyber and Taatara say:

Some mock on us and some will say elegy

To reveal a glimpse of the history of valour and fame of ancestors

Who will sing the Tapa and pray to God to create Malalai again

Heart of Khyber is being deserted


There are three stages in Fairclough‘s three dimensional model (2003) but in

the current analysis all these three stages are integrated as a complete stage of

analysis. The poet Israr Atal, in his poem ‗O God! What will happen?‘ uses ―Our

home‖ as possessive adjective to emphasize that nobody else‘s but ―our home‖ is

ravaged. Literally, it means the building which is damaged. It also refers to killings

.The killing of the elders, youth and children of the family means destroying the

whole house because family decisions are taken by elders who are helped and

supported by the youth. The poet is reluctant to address the terrorists with names

rather he has used the passive structure to conceal the subjects of the verbs. He uses

―is being devastated ―which stresses on the action (destruction) which is still in

progress. He emphatically says that homes of Pashtuns, not only in Pakistan but also

in Afghanistan e.g. Lar aw Bar are destroyed. The ―Lar aw Bar ‖is a commonly used

phrase among the Afghans. According to a website (Pashtun Forums),―For the


Afghans this means that the lands of the lar Pashtuns belong to Afghanistan and are

its property (even though their king Rehman Khan threw them to the British) and

Pakistan should be broken up to bits to take those lands. However for the Pakistani

Pashtuns it means unity in terms of promotion of culture and language and love for

each other due to shared history.‖

The poet exclaims helplessly to Allah with the words, ―O‘ God!‖ to help him

out of the turmoil. He feels very disappointed and hopeless with the ruling authorities

and law enforcing agencies that he does not invoke them to stop the devastation. He

says to God, ―What will happen?‖It shows the extreme helpless situation. He begs

God and asks Him what will be the result of all this devastation and when it will end.

Seeking help from God shows that Atal wants the people to stop being strayed, and

to pay attention to their Creator. He communicates the message to the readers and the

victims of terrorism not to move away from the religious teachings. They should seek

God‘s pleasure so that they get rid of this catastrophe.

―Our Peshawar ‖refers to the capital of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa which, in

Pakistan, is generally known as ―Paris of Pathans ‖that is being devastated again.

This reflects patriotism in the poet. The Pashtuns all over Khyber Pukhtunkhwa come

to Peshawar for trade, business, medication and educational purposes. They have

affiliation with Peshawar regarding various runs of life and meet their needs in it.

That‘s why he says ―Our Peshawar‖. This phrase intensifies the feeling of ownership

and sense of belonging of Pashtuns about Peshawar.

The poet has used ―Somebody‖ because he does not know the exact group of

people who is involved in destroying the city or he does not want to risk his life. It

also shows the hegemony of the terrorists who have scared the people to such an

extent that despite being aware of their identity, they cannot disclose their identity.

According to Gramsci as sited in Thomas (1975, p.352) ―Hegemony and dictatorship

are mutually dependent phenomena. In both cases, the lack of ‗spontaneous‘ consent

in civil society obliged the state to resort to force. Gramsci described societies

characterized by the predominance of force as ‗economico-cooperative‘.‖

He has used this phrase again and again to ensure that the killers and the

attackers are a great mystery. He calls Peshawar as ―the city of flowers ‖because of

his liking and complains that they have put it ―on fire‖ it refers to destruction of the

city with respect to people and the markets (infrastructure) with the glowing sparks

of the bombs and gunshots.

He points out ―Somebody has blasted‖ the city with the bombs. He writes ―by

exerting power‖ which refers to some agencies who use money to pay the

mercenaries. These mercenaries (belonging to the same or other region of the same

country) work for the enemies of the state (Pakistan) and get money from them. It

means the enemies of the state are not physically or directly involved in the terrorist

activities. They give training to the local bodies, pay them, and get their mission

accomplished. It falls under the economic hegemony. It refers to the economic

dominance of the enemies of the state.


He metaphorically uses the phrase ―Red Flowers‖ which refers to the

beautiful people and the young lot of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa. He calls the city as ―our

garden‖ and its people as ―red flowers‖ and goes on to say that these ―red flowers of

our garden‖―has got mal de ojo‖. Some bad eyes have casted evil eye upon these

flowers and its effect is seen in the form of their mental and physical sufferings.

The poet has again used ―Somebody‖ to leave the identity of the culprits

unknown. He writes that this merciless group of people ―has started harvest in the

spring season‖. It shows that the spring is a blossoming season and not the harvest

but these people do not allow the flowers to blossom. They have started cutting the

flowers when they are in blossoming stage. This metaphor has rightly been used

because this is the stage of progress and advancement but the citizens are threatened

of massacre. This is very beautifully mentioned which intensifies the effects of

destruction.

The clause ―heart is ruined‖ shows that the poet is very much upset with the

destruction and massive killings. This clause shows his humanistic and patriotic

feelings. He laughs and weeps with the people. And then he beseeches God as to

what will happen to the people of Peshawar. He appeals to the supreme power and

sideline the authorities.

The poet tells about the brutality of the killers and calls them ―The killers of love‖.

This phrase also conceals the specific group of people who cause catastrophe. The

killings are metaphorically said to have burnt ―the afternoon of life‖ which is the

climax of youth regarding humans and climax of advancement concerning the state.

He goes on saying that the killers take away the natural beauty of the hills ―They

destroy the colours of hill burning the maple and the pine‖. They attack the cities and

take refuge in the mountains. The hills refer to the hills of Khyber, Bajawar, and

Swat etc. Trees like pine and maple add colours to the mountains and add to their

natural beauty. The terrorists cut the trees and sell them out to buy their ammunition.

They burn the remaining trees and move to the next hiding.

They push the people to catastrophe as he says, ―And take us to the noise and

blinding smoke‖. The people find themselves in the terribly loud blasting sounds

where no one can see but only smoke. It is such a thick smoke that nothing is visible

in it. The infrastructure of the city is demolished and noise of the blasts affected the

people. All this is done on account of money as he says, ―And burn Peshawar to get

some pennies‖ they burn the city and the people living in it for the sake of earning

some money. The poet emphasizes ―pennies‖ in the text which means the terrorists

think money more important than human though money has less value than humanity

and the city of Peshawar.

They do not only destroy the cities but also the villages and particularly ―the

ford‖ (a place on the bank of a river or stream at which water is available for drinking

and cleaning). The poet says, ―Ford of the village‖ is being destroyed. The girls fetch

water from the stream or bank of the river which is the sign of life and peace. The

girls go to ―ford‖ to fetch water in the group of three to five or more and return their

homes while singing in a chorus. This scene reflects peace and happiness because


they fetch water from the ford and sing; the terrorists have taken that happiness and

peace from the people by destroying ―Ford‖.

The poet personifies the three famous places, ―QissaKhwani weeps, Khyber

and Taatara say‖ which intensifies the effects on the readers. He says that these

places sadly express their sorrowfulness by saying, ―Some mock on us‖. Further, he

says ―some will say elegy‖ which refer to his well-wishers who feel sympathy for

them. Here he again uses ―some‖ which refers to unknown people. Some people

mock at them and some people talks about their plight in elegy. Here he talks in two

perspectives; one from the killers‘ perspective who mock at the people in plight

because their purpose is achieved, and another is from the friends‘ perspective who

talk about them in their elegies. So the former salt their bruises and the later console

and soothe them.

The poet addresses the readers (the victims of terrorism) and claims, ―Your

writing will reveal the history of valour and fame of ancestors‖. He says to them that

their writings show the people about the bravery and fame of their ancestors. It shows

that the ancestors of Pashtuns have had a great history regarding bravery and had

badly defeated their enemies .He refers to ―Malalai of Maiwand‖ who according to

Qazi (2011) fought at The Battle of Maiwand on 27 July 1880.Malalai used her veil

as a banner to encourage the Afghan soldiers who were fighting the British. Her

words revitalized the Afghan fighters . . . The battle of Maiwand ended in defeat for

the British Army and victory for the Afghans, who were led by Ayub Khan.

This shows that not only men but also the women of that time were brave. That‘s

why he says, ―Some will pray to God to create Malalai again‖. Now this ―some‖

refers to the people who are helpless and victims, and are disappointed with the

performance of their leaders. He tries to provoke the leadership of the state by

reminding them the bravery and velour of women of the past. He goes on to say,

―Heart of Khyber is being deserted‖ which means that ―Khyber‖ has been devastated

and no dares to reside there. This place gives the look of the deserted village because

the houses are destroyed and the young men have been massacred mercilessly.

Conclusion: IsrarAtal(the poet) is an integral part of the terror-affected region, so he

cannot be indifferent to the fatal effects of terrorism. His elegy reveals that he has

been inspired and motivated by a decade‘s long terrorist activities in the region.

Despite the government and the law enforcing agencies who are engaged in curbing

terrorism, they do not meet our expectations fully. That‘s why the poet finds solace

in God‘s help and invokes God to be merciful to the affected human beings and to

uproot terrorism from his area. The poet knows that God is the supreme power and

the best helper. The poem reveals the dejected and disappointed mood of the poet

because he has raised a strong and sorrowful voice about the issue under study. As in

KPK, Peshawar is the most affected area, so he mentions this city particularly.

However, he includes Pakistan and Afghanistan in the terror affected region as well. The poet enumerates the effects caused by terrorism both in the villages and the

cities, and this is what the poet intends to bring to light. He makes the society aware


of the effects of terrorism and reminds them of the historically renowned figure like

Malalai of Maiwand and other brave ancestors so that the readers get encouraged and

stand together against terrorist activities.


REFERENCES

Bates, T. R. (1975). Gramsci and the Theory of Hegemony. Journal of the History of Ideas, 36(2), 351-366.

Fairclough,N.(2003). Analysing discourse: Textual analysis for social research. Psychology Press.

Jørgensen, M. W., & Phillips, L. J. (2002). Discourse analysis as theory and method. Sage.

Malalai of Maiwand:http://www.afghan-

web.com/woman/afghanwomenhistory.html

Marquart. E. Heffelfinger. C. (2005).Terrorism & Political Islam Origins,

Ideologies, and Methods, A Counterterrorism.2nd

Edition, United States

Millitary Academy, west Point, NewYork.

Martin, J. R., & Wodak, R. (Eds.). (2003). Re/reading the past: Critical and

functional perspectives on time and value (Vol. 8). John Benjamins

Publishing.

Qazi. A. (2011) The Plight of the Afghan Women: Afghan Women’s History.

Retrieved from: Pashtun Forums:

http://www.pashtunforums.com/showthread.php?t=30090

Retrieved on: May 24, 2015.

Suver, S. A. (2008). Exploding Narratives: The Literature of Terrorism in

Contemporary America.

http://www.afghan-web.com/woman/afghanwomenhistory.html

http://www.afghan-web.com/woman/afghanwomenhistory.html

http://www.pashtunforums.com/showthread.php?t=30090

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