jacob burckhardt the cultural historian as political thinker

8/13/2019 Jacob Burckhardt the Cultural Historian as Political Thinker

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Jacob Burckhardt: The Cultural Historian as Political ThinkerAuthor(s): Richard F. SigurdsonSource: The Review of Politics, Vol. 52, No. 3 (Summer, 1990), pp. 417-440Published by: Cambridge University Pressfor the University of Notre Dame du lac on behalf of Review ofPolitics

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Jacob Burekhardt: The CulturalHistorian as Political ThinkerRichard F. Sigurdson

This rticlergues,ontraryo henalysesfmanycholars,hat he oliticalthoughtf thenineteenth-centurywisscultural istorian acobBurckhardtsneitherrivolousor rrelevant. orespecifically,his ssay ombines iographicalinformationboutBurckhardt ith n analysis fhismajorwritingsnorder ochallenge henotion hatBurckhardt as simply cultural istoriannd notaserious olitical hinker. he central eaching fBurckhardt'sife s that he n-tellectualn mass ocietyanbest erve he ommunity,otbydirect olitical ar-ticipation,utbyworkingor he ntellectual,esthetic,nd moral ultivationfthe ndividual. he central eachingsfhispoliticalwritingsre that greatmen"often ulebutunjustly,hat uccessfuleaders pproach oliticss a "work f rt"and master hedevicesnecessaryoshapetheir ubjects,hat ulturehouldnotbe subordinatedo thestate, nd finallyhat ndividualism,lassconflict, assdemocracy,ndthe rosion f ulture re bothunfortunatend nevitablespectsofmodernity.Althoughhe was not, strictlypeaking,a politicalphilosopher,thepoliticalreflections fSwisshistorianJacob Burckhardt1818-1897) deserve attention fromstudents of the historyof politicalthought.Burckhardt'swritings ffer novelperspective n the na-tureoffreedom nd individuality,nd hispowerful ulture-critiqueofnineteenth-centuryoliticsand societyprovokesfresh houghtand analysisofour own regimes.Yet until recentlyBurckhardt'scontributionopoliticalthoughthas been largely gnored.' Indeedthe vast literature n Burckhardt,much of it biographical,often

avoids ordenies thetheoreticalmplications fhispolitical emarks.2And thosecommentatorswho do recognizethepoliticalside of hiswork end tohighlightheEpicureanand antiquarianconservatismof a man whoseself-proclaimedmissionwas the defenceofthecul-tureofOld Europe.3 His thought s thereforewidely regardedasan escape outside ofmodernitynto the realmofapoliticalhistor-ical contemplation;Burckhardt'spolitical deas are thusdeprivedof theirrelevanceto the struggles fthe modern world.I wanttosuggest, owever,hatthisnarrowfocusonBurckhardt'sOld Worldvaluesand attitudeshindersour recognition f his con-ceptual and methodological nnovations. n fact,we can especiallyappreciateBurckhardt oday, incemanyofhis favorite hemestherelationshipbetweenthe individual and themass; thetensionbetweenthe ideals ofequality and human excellence; the qualityand nature ofculture n themass age; and therole of the intellec-

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418 THE REVIEW OF POLITICStual n themodern tate-are topics fheateddebate mongcon-temporaryoliticalcientists.urckhardt'sritingshallenges onall ofthese opics:his historicalssays skus to rethink urplacewithin hecourseofhistory,nd hispoliticalwritingsncourageus tocastoffmany f he ccepted heories ndsymbolsccordingtowhichweunderstandurselvesnd ourrelationshipothe tate,tosociety,nd to modernndustrial-technologicalife n general.Even houghwemight ltimatelyisagreewith im, hen, eadingBurckhardtssures s thatwe need notacquiesce o theauthorityofa modern olitical heory hich rivileges ower ver tyle,hestate ver ulture,ndprogressver rudence.nsteadwecanrelyuponthestudy fthepastand thecultivationf ourowncriticalcapacitiesnd ourfaculties fpoliticaludgment s thesoundestmeansfor reservinguman ndividualitynd freedomn thefaceofrapidhistoricalhange.My intentionnthis ssay s toprovide brief ntroductionoJacobBurckhardts a political hinkerfcontinuingmportance.I will oncentratenBurckhardt'seneral ttitude owards oliticsand on his nterpretationndcritique f hemodernge,butcon-sideration ust lsobegiven othepoliticalmplicationsfhis cul-turalhistory"Kulturgeschichte).

HISTORIAN AND HUMANIST

Born in 1818 ntoa prominentBasel family, urckhardt elongedto thepatricianclasswhich had dominatedforgenerationswithintheupper evelsofthecity's lergy,ducational nstitutions,overn-mentand administration. acob'sfather, or nstance,wasAntistesofBasel'smain church, heMiinster, nd it was expectedthatJacobwould follow n his father's ootsteps nd enter theministry. uthis studies ntheologyndedabruptlywhenhe realized hathelackedsufficient aith n the doctrinesof revelation and the divinityofChrist.4JacobBurckhardt urned nsteadto thestudyofhistorynd nat-urallywenttoBerlintoworkwithLeopold vonRanke, the eadingfigurein German historical scholarship. In Ranke's renownedseminar theyoungSwisswas trained to master archivalresearch,to savour the well-chosensource, and to proffer he fruits fhisscholarship n an engaging iterary orm.Althoughhe never com-fortablycceptedtheRankean credothat hehistorian implywrites



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THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN 419historyas treally appened"wie s igentlichewesen),ndalthoughhe nstinctivelyislikedhepompous little anke;Burckhardtasnonethelessmpressed ith is llustriouseacher'sresentation:Noone has everheard anythingfrivolous ass his lips; . . . when hespeaks fgreat hingshe eriousness ithwhichhetreats istorybecomes learly,lmost righteninglyvidentnhisexpression."5In Ranke'sconservatism, oreover,urckhardtound polit-icaloutlook hatwasbynature lose o hisown.Thus, n1841, er-hapswithRanke's ecturestill ingingnhisears,Burckhardtouldproudlywrite ohissister hathe hadfinally ad"the ourage obe a conservativend nottogive n. (The easiest hing f all is tobeliberal.)"6et arly n,Burckhardtejectedspure deologyhefawningdoration f themodernpower-statehichhe found nRanke's political istory."ndas hematured, urckhardtecameincreasinglyntolerantfthisnationalisticrientationnGermanhistoricalesearch.He would aterrememberlearly owRankebeganhis ectures n Germanhistory-"Gentleman,ations reGod'sthoughts "-nd itwasagainst his dealization f thestate(specificallyheGerman-Prussiantate) hatBurckhardtebelled.ForBurckhardt,hefoundation or ursenseofpolitical om-munityrcollectivedentityiesnot n ourassociation smembersof nhistoricalation-state,utrathernoursharingf commonculture. he centralizationfpower ntovastand expanding a-tionalgovernmentsstherefore disaster ince tdestroysultureandwith tanyhopefor uthenticommunityife.Consequently,anyphilosophyfhistoryhatglorifies,s thecrowningchieve-ment fworld istory,he oercive owersf hemodernndustrial-bureaucratictate s,from urckhardt'serspective,n absurdity.There couldbe no ustificationor historys progress," ith rwithout ivine Providence. here wereno "laws" fhistory,oteleology,ouniversaleason uiding umanity,nd nocontinuousprogressionowardncreasinglyuperior orms fhuman ibertyand state rganization.7urckhardthus ejectedntirelyhenor-mative hrustfGermanhistoricism,hich oughthistoricaln-sightn order o informolitical raxis.Burckhardt'soubts boutanypractical olitical olefor hecriticalhistorian n mass society ntensified uringhis own brief nvolve-mentin partisanstruggle.For eighteenmonths n 1844-45, whilewaitingfor a positionat the university o become vacant, Burck-hardtsupportedhimself s thepoliticaleditor ofthe conservativeBasler eitung. e soon foundhimself n themiddleof a heated dis-



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420 THE REVIEW OF POLITICSputebetween radical democrats on the one side and theconserva-tives nd the Catholic Cantons on the other.Burckhardt,ikemanyconservative rotestants, etested heradical democratsbutwasun-comfortable bout sidingwithultramontanism.8o he decided thattheobject ofhis editorialswould be to carve out a middle groundbetween Absolutism"nd "Radicalism."?9is efforts,fcourse,wereto no avail and the conflictventuallyed to civilwar, heSonderbundKrieg,which brokeout shortly fterBurckhardthad resignedhiseditorialpost and escaped to the calm of Italy'smuseums.

That Burckhardt id notsuccessfullyead public opinion inthisaffairwas not surprising-he had, in fact, ittle talent as a pam-phleteerand no feelfor,nor sympathywith,the concerns of themass public. But what is interesting, orour purposes,is thewaythat he tried to convince theruling clique ofBasel to takea longerview of the mmediatecrisis. Whatalone canhelp?"he asked. "Notdirectattacks,nor even themerely ndirect mass rule of govern-ments,butonlya truecultivationwahre ildung]will do it,genuinetoleration, onsistency, oyalty"?'Burckhardthere strikes chordthat will echo throughouthis life'swork- theonly properrole foran intellectual n mass society s a formof"civic humanism" thatextols he ntellectual,estheticndmoral ultivation f he ndividualas a necessary butnotsufficient)equirement orworthwhile om-munity ife n a freesociety." Education and the developmentofthe qualities of good taste and sound judgment provide the onlyantidote for social and political ills.FLIGHT TO ITALY

Burckhardt'snpleasant xperiencewith he sordid ntanglementofreligion nd politics n Switzerland efthim witha profounddis-taste for hemodern manifestations fboth. It had longbeen clearto him thatmodernChristianity ad lost ts ntitlement o dominionoftheworld,and that tspresent-day efenders ould layno claimto thehighestofmoral values.12 What is more, the eventsofthe1840's ed Burckhardt o thinkmore criticallybout the role of themasses in politics:

ConditionsnSwitzerlandsodisgustingndbarbarous-have poilteverythingorme .... The word reedomounds ich ndbeautiful,butno one should alkabout twho has notseenand experiencedslaverynder he oud-mouthed asses .... I know oomuchhistoryto expect nythingrom hedespotism fthe masses but a future



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THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN 421tyranny,hichwillmeanthe nd ofhistory.... Believeme, the o-litical eople" o whom ertain nesboastfullyppealdonotyet xist. . ; instead, here reonlymasses, ndamongthem number fsplendid tillundevelopedharacters,ipeto fall ntothe hands ofthe first winewho comesalong,and to behave ikebeasts.13

Burckhardtreactedwith characteristic etulance to the demandsof the democratic and egalitarianpoliticalmovementsof his day.As a partisanof ntellectualfreedom nd creative ndividuality, erecoiledin horrorat both thebarbarism nherent n radical massmovements-such as socialism, communism, and nationalism-and thedehumanizing spirit fmoderncapitalist ndustrializationand itsfalsegods scienceand technology.When reformersn Baselbegan to agitateforthe closure of the "elitist" niversity-and itsreplacementya technical choolofallthings -Burckhardteclaredpeevishly: I do notwant oproducea familyn these nfamous imes,no proletarianwill teach mychildren morals "14Yetin theface of thiscrisis,Burckhardt ookno further art npoliticalaffairs, onservative r otherwise.There was, he felt,noquestion ofactivepolitical participationby the culturalelite,"be-cause in a matterwheremeans,end and starting ointare beyondcontrol,one is bound to compromise oneself."'"5o Burckhardtdevotedhimself o a life ofscholarship nd contemplation, onsis-tently bstainingfrom urtherirectpolitical nvolvement: Politicsaredead as far s I am concerned; do what do as a humanbeing."6

Burckhardt'sotorious flightrom hepresent" asreceivedmuchattention vertheyears, nd hisownexplanationof his actionsfur-therdamns him in theeyesof thosewho are inclinedto condemnhis abdication ofpolitical responsibility.n twooft-quoted ettersto HermannSchauenburg, is mostpoliticallymindedfriend, urck-hardtexplainedhisbreak frompoliticssomewhatromantically sa "flight o Italy":You weather-wiseellows iewith ach other n getting eeper nddeepernto hiswretchedge I onthe ther andhave ecretlyallenout with tentirely,nd for hatreason m escaping romttothebeautiful,azysouth.... Yes, want oget way romhem ll,fromtheradicals,he ommunists,he ndustrialists.. the tatefanatics,the dealists, he ists' nd isms'ofevery ind.17

Statementsikethesehave edmanycommentatorso considerBurck-hardt's attitude as yetanotherexample of thatapolitical aestheti-cismof the educated European man thatThomas Mann once de-



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422 THE REVIEW OF POLITICSscribedas an "inwardness rotected ypower."'8HaydenWhite,forinstance, believes that for Burckhardt,"historicalknowledge isdefinitelyeparatedfromany relevanceto the social and culturalproblems f tsowntime ndplace."Whitethereforeastigates urck-hardtfor omplicityn theage ofchaos thatfollowed, incehiswith-drawal"merely eflectedhat failureof nerve n theEuropean manof culturewhich in the end leftunopposed the forces hat wouldultimately lungeEuropeancivilization ntotheabyssoftotalitarianterror."19

Schauenburg, oo, ike somany ater ritics,pparently eproachedhis friendfortakingoff n search of"southerndebauchery"whilein the norththingswere going to pieces. Yet Burckhardthimselfunderstoodhis southern ojournas a necessarypreparationforfu-tureservice. f he was to servethecommunitywithprudenceandsound udgment,he had to cultivatehis innerqualities awayfromtheturmoil f theday.Burckhardtwould laterexplainthatthecrit-ical historian must attain "an Archimedean point outside events"in orderto "overcome n the spirit" heprejudices of his contem-poraries.20 he historianhas an obligationto society,Burckhardtsuggested,but thisdoes nottranslate ntoa compulsionfordirectaction, especiallywhen circumstances do not warrant t. "Goodheavens,"he wrote,

I can't fter ll alter hings,nd before niversal arbarism reaksin andfor hemoment can foresee othinglse) want o debauchmyself ith realeyefulf ristocraticulture,othat,when he o-cial revolutionas exhausted tself or moment, shallbe able totakean activepart n the nevitable estoration.. . I want ohelpto savethings,s far s myhumbleposition llows. . . Out ofthestorm new existencewillarise,formed,hat s,uponold andnewfoundations... Our destinys tohelpbuildanewwhenthecrisisis past.2Ratherthana politically isinterestedrunconcerned esthete, hen,Burckhardtwas a sensitiveand loyal citizen who looked forwardtoplaying positive ole nthe culturalrebirth fEuropean society.Yethe had gravemisgivings bout theefficacyf theoretical cti-vism and so made no attempt o influence hepolitical agenda ofthe future. till,he realized that ftherewas anyhope ofaddressingtheseriousproblemsofmodernity,tlaywitheducators,not withpoliticiansor publicists.22



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THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN 423POLITICAL HISTORY

The fact hatBurckhardtwithdrew rom ctivepoliticalpartici-pation does notmean, moreover, hathe was for thisreason anyless keen an observer fsociopolitical vents.We shouldremember,first fall,thatBurckhardt id indeed write nd lectureabout poli-ticsdespitehis famous rejectionof"politicalhistory."Althoughwide and deep in erudition,his first ook, TheAgeofConstantineheGreat1852),23 eceives cant ttentionvenfrom urck-hardt cholars,primarily ecause it did notuncovermanynew factsabout theperiod and so its scholarshipwas soon surpassed. Con-stantineealsmainlywith hereligious nd cultural ources frenewalin thetransition rom heancient to themedievalworld,whenoneorder was crumbling nd anothertakinghold. But forstudents fpolitics, ts analysisofConstantine as a politicalactor standsoutas a touchstone otheartofpoliticspracticedbytheso-called GreatMen"ofhistory.nthis ense, hebook s no ess political"nthemeand content hanMachiavelli's eflectionsn thegreat olitical ctorsof the past in thePrince nd theDiscourses.Constantine, mmortalizedby churchhistorians s a Christianhero,emergesfrom hepages ofConstantines a man ofextraordi-nary virtz-he was audacious, ambitious, ruthless,and entirelyamoral. Burckhardt eemsto take special pleasure in paintingthispictureof"Constantineas Machiavel."24Yet a close reading sug-gests hatBurckhardt's ttitude owardConstantinewashighly m-bivalent:one the one hand, he admiredthepoliticalskillofa manwho could successfullymanipulate the spiritual nstincts f greatmasses of people; but on the otherhand, he lamented the deathofclassical antiquityand he hated the base and evil Constantineforuniting hurch nd state n an unholyalliance againstthenobleforcesof culture.For Burckhardt, Constantine exemplifies"Political Man"-motivatedbypowerand glory, e reliedupon crime and deceptionto attainhis personal and public goals. This pointremindsus ofMachiavelli'saccountsofgreatfounders.Not only s thesuccessfulpoliticiandepicted as one who repeatedlycommitscruel and in-human deeds as a matterof"necessity,"ut this success dependsupon a unique combination ffortune nd skill.25Moreover,Burck-hardtand Machiavelli both emphasize the special role in historyofgreatmenwho alone seemto capturethespirit f an epoch andthroughwhom a whole people suddenly passes fromone stageof



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424 THE REVIEW OF POLITICSculture oanother.26hrough onstantine,f ourse, whole eoplemoved rom aganism oChristianity.uthisrevolution aspolit-icalnotreligious. ike Machiavelli's uma,Burckhardt'sonstan-tinedemonstratedisqualities s a leaderbycreativelyxploitingthevalueofreligions a politicalool:he"possessedhegreatmeritofhaving onceived fChristianitys a world ower ndofhavingacted ccordingly."27onsequently,eterGayrecognizesnthe agesofConstantinen"unvaryingdmirationorwhatMachiavellialledvirtzithat eculiarmixturefversatility,nergynd ruthlessnesswetend oassociate, speciallyfter eading urckhardt,ith heGewaltmenschen"menofpower"] ftheRenaissance."28In spiteof Burckhardt'sespect orthe greatman'spoliticalacumen,however,onstantinesportrayeds distinctlynworthyofmoralpraise. ndeedBurckhardt ebukes usebiusand otherspokesmenf he hurch or ailingo reveal onstantine'srue o-sition,heyutteredo word fdispleasure gainst hemurderousegoist."'29n this ase,theChristian istoriansreguilty f judg-mentbygreatness,"incethey nnoble he character f the rulereven hough ispowerwas"boughtt the ostofuntold ufferingsto others"ndthey ttributeohim the ropheticision fallthegreat nd goodresultswhich ater ame of his work."n order opass sucha judgment, ne mustbe willing oolly o dismiss hesufferingsf hemultitudend topoint othe ubsequentavorableconditionss ustificationor llthe temporaryisfortune"f hosesacrificeduringhegreatman's cquisitionfpower.0Burckhardtwasnotoriouslyeluctant ogivepolitical ulers nysuch benefitof hedoubt.The strivingor ower, omatter owgreattspolit-icalconsequencesmay urn uttobe,alwaysppears ohim s"themost nfathomableuman goism,whichmust fnecessityubdueothers o its will and find ts satisfactionn their bedience." orBurckhardt, oreover,ower-lusts insatiablen ts hirst or be-dienceand admirationnd in itsclaims o theright o use forceat anytime.31orce s always vil.Althoughevil n earth s as-suredly partof thegreat conomy fworldhistory,"tspoliticalmanifestations simply heright fthestrongerver heweaker,claimedbymurder ndrobbery,yeviction,xterminationr en-slavement fweaker aces,people,states r classes.32Unlikea trueMachiavellian, hen,Burckhardt elt hat thestronger,s such, s farfrom eingthebetter?'."n particular,hedefeat fthenoble imply ecause t s in theminoritysa terriblething. hevictors ill nevitablyrrogateo themselvesherights



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THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN 425ofthemajorityndarguethathistorys on their ideor thatnat-uralselection eterminedhat hey hould merge ictorious. etthe orces hich ave uccumbedmight avebeennoblerndbetter,justas thevictorious,ven houghheir nlymotivewasambition,might everthelessinaugurate futurefwhich hey hemselveshavenoinkling"o evenwhengooddoes followromvil, nd rel-ativehappiness rommisery, ecannot orgethat vil ndmiserywerewhat heywere: Everyuccessfulctofviolencesevil, ndat theveryeast dangerous xample."?33urckhardt asunshak-ableon this oint; e wasconvinced,or xample,hat ontemporaryGerman ictoriesnFrancewere ot nly ompletelynpraiseworthyfromhepoint fview f ulture,utwereharbingersfmorehor-riblemilitaryonflictso come.Burckhardtimply ejects s a fallacyheMachiavellian elimi-tation fpraiseworthyrnecessaryrime.And hedoesso, npart,becauseheobjects o the heoryf he tate hat nderpinst.Thisviewwouldhaveus believe hat he dvantage fthewhole, fthepeopleorthecommunity,sequivalentoa powerfulndgloriousstate; he nterestsfthenation rethus nalienable ndmaynotbe prejudiced yanything hatever.We are therefore illing oexcuse heviolence fgreat ulerswhohavesucceeded naccom-plishing oals hatmeet urapproval. uchanexemptionromheordinarymoral ode wouldonlybe ustified, urckhardtrgues,ifnation-statesere eally bsolute ntities,ntitledopermanentandpowerfulxistence.ut heyrenot.Nation-statesre rtificiallyconstructednstitutionsnd their llegedrightosecurityannotbe used to ustify latant iolations f ndividual umanrights.This sameambivalentttitudes evidentnBurckhardt's ostfamoushistoricaltudy,TheCivilizationftheRenaissancenItaly(1860).34 isthesis asbeenmuch ebatedndcontinuesogeneratecontroversy,ndwecannot oitusticehere.35utweshould ecog-nize thatBurckhardtothadmired nd despised hemenof theRenaissance.Hencefor omethebook s a tributeothe pirit fRenaissancendividualism, hilefor therstis a condemnationoftheunfetteredubjectivityfRenaissanceman and byexten-sion,ofmodernman).Indeed, the emergence f modernman with his freedom,creativity,aganism,nddiversityasdescribedn such oving e-tailthatwetend ooverlookherepudiationfmodernitymplicitinhisthesis. urckhardtntroducedhe deathat heRenaissanceItalianwas the irst orn mong he onsofmodernEurope." oth



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426 THE REVIEW OF POLITICSsides of human consciousness were now allowed to develop freely,thus "an objectivereatment nd considerationof the State and ofall thethings n thisworld became possible";at thesame time,thesubjectiveide asserted tself nd "manbecame a spiritualndividual,and recognizedhimself s such."That thesedevelopments ccur firstin Italy,Burckhardt ttributes o theparticularityf"politicalcir-cumstances" in the Italian city-states,whetherrepublics or des-potisms.The political talematebetweenPope and Emperor,whichprevented heconsolidationof a centralpower n Italy, llowed forthefree layofagonistic ompetition etween multitude f mallerpoliticalunits, whoseexistencewas foundedsimply n theirpowertomaintain t"37 n thesestateswe see, for hefirstime,thedevel-opmentof a new spiritofrational calculation in politics,theun-foldingofwhat Burckhardt ermed "theState as a work ofart."38This takesmanyforms: hedeliberate nd ruthless eizureofpowerby pettydespots and powerful yrants; he painstakingcollectionof social statistics n Venice and theintroduction fpublic institu-tions and intricategovernmental gencies in Florence; the estab-lishment fresidentmbassadors nd innovation ndiplomatic rac-tices; and a mercenaryorganizationofmilitiathat was a productof cool reflection.39Politics s artwork:this sthekeymetaphorwhichunites Burck-hardt'sdisparatestories nd anecdotes about thepolitics f theage.Skillfulpractitioners f the politicalart--forexample, thosewhocan commanda mastery fthemeansneeded toshape their ubjectmatter s theywish- get oenjoytherewards fpower nd authority.Seen from heperspective fart,politicalauthority s strippedofitstraditional egitimacy nd has to relysolelyupon the skills ofthe rational ndividual.Once again Burckhardt's nalysisremindsus of Machiavelli. As many commentators have recognized,Machiavelli'scentral ubjectis individualisticpoliticalsuccess as aworkofart.4? ndeed, as has been recently eaffirmedn an excel-lentdiscussion ofthe"idea of the Renaissance,"Machiavelli,thoughseldommentionedntheCivilization,istheultimate ourceforBurck-hardt'sopeningthesis.""The Prince,t is pointedout, includes thefamous tropewhichunifiesBurckhardt's onceptionof individu-alistic olitics s artwork: And nexamining heir i.e.,Moses,Cyrus,Romulus and Theseus] life nd deeds it will be seen thatthey wednothingto fortunebut the opportunitywhichgave them matterobe shaped ntowhat ormthey houghtit" chap. 6, my emphasis).Machiavelli's killedprince s thusBurckhardt's amousRenaissance



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THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN 427man, addressingis urroundingsith newfreedomromrecon-ception, nd exploitinghatfreedom o secureforhimself newlevelofpower verhisworld."'42UnderBurckhardt'scrutiny,owever,he ark ide f heRenais-sance piritsfullyxposed- ts xcessesnd mmoralityrepaintedwith he ameboldstrokess itsgreatestulturalchievements.nparticular, ediscover hatRenaissancemanwas a victimnfhisownunbridledubjectivity:Thefundamentaliceof his haracterwas atthe ametime condition f tsgreatness, amely,xcessiveindividualism"'43he Italianwas for hisreason hemostwickedofall men ofthat ime.Yethegotthisway hrough o fault fhisown,but rather hroughn historical ecessity. ndthough hisegoism ppeared irstnItaly,t soonspread oall ofEurope.Thissubjectivegoism otonly llows or heunderstandingf he tateas a result frationalalculationnddeliberatelanningut tformsthebasis fmodernity'sew nd distinctivethos f ndividual oralresponsibility.hus while heRenaissance talianwas thefirstocelebrate henotion f he tate s a conscious reation nd to beartheburden fselfhood,hese raits ecomeconstitutivelementsofmodernity.hus to readtheCivilizations torecognizeurselvesinBurckhardt'snalysisf hepathologyfpoliticalndividualism.44'

CULTURE AND POLITICS

After hepublication fhisRenaissancework,Burckhardtevotedhimself olelyto thepreparation nd presentation f ectures o hisstudents nd to thewider Basel public. Todayhis reputation s anoutstanding hilosopher fhistory estsargely n theposthumouslypublished books that derived from notes of these lectures. Thepopular course on the studyofhistory, ublished as ReflectionsnHistory1905), begins witha critiqueof the politicalimplicationsofHegel's philosophy fhistory nd proceeds to setup a complextheoryof the interaction between three great historical forces(Pbtenzen):tate,religionand culture.His lectureson "The Age ofRevolution,"n thebook known as Historical ragments1929),*5 n-cludes Burckhardt'smostuncompromisingcritiqueof the societyofhis time itsculture,nstitutions,nd thetype f ndividual thas brought into prominence. And the History f GreekCulture(1898-1902) beginswith a long section on the "State and thePolis"



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428 THE REVIEW OF POLITICSanddiscussesxtensivelyhe ocialfunctionf ulture ndthepiv-otalrole of Greekpolitical hilosophy.46The centralheme f all thesepolitical eflectionss the ensionbetween he tate ndculture,speciallyttimes fhistoricalrisis.ForBurckhardt,he tatewasa coercivepparatus fpowerwhichwas n all cases nopponent fhuman ndividualityndcreativity.He was especiallyrepulsedby the "moderncentralized tate,dominatingnddeterminingulture, orshippeds a god ndrulinglike sultan."47istrust fstatepower ndresistance oanyformofpermanententralizingdministrativeuthorityun ike redthread hroughoutisbooks, ecturesnd privateetters. urck-hardt'sntistatismsnow egendary,ndherepeatedlyommentedupon he eplorableonditionf ulturenhis power-drunkentury."WhatBurckhardt eantby"culture,"owever,epends argelyon thecontextfthediscussion.He used thetermnat leasttwodifferentays. irst,toftenmeant higherulture"- painting,r-chitecture, usic,poetry,tc. Burckhardt as,after ll, an arthistoriannd author fbooks, omeunpublisheduringhis ife-time, n artand architecture.48)e usuallyusesthewordsKunst(art)orBildungcultivation) henspeaking fculturenthisre-spect, nd he clearlyntends he elitist onnotationhatonly hefew anparticipatenandappreciate trulyulturedxistence.49Second, ulture eferso thegeneral onditions,he haredwayof ife nanepochor ocalitye.g., he culture"f heRenaissance).LikeHegel,whomherepudiatednhis ectures, urckhardtreatseachdistinctpoch s a completend articulate hole, xpressingitsZeitgeisthroughhevarious ife orms f tspoliticsndmorals,its iteraturendphilosophy,ts rt ndscience, swell s throughthecharacter f ts eading ndividuals.Andalthough,s a goodstudent fRanke,hewarnedgainst assingudgmentnpast ges,Burckhardtouldnot resist pplying hecritical tandards farthistoryohisstudies f thepolitical ulture fhistoricalocieties.Consequently,ispraisefor senseofmeasure ndbalance, nityforged rom iversity,nd internal armonynartfinds tscorre-spondencenhispraisefor imilar alues nthepoliticalnd socialorganizationsfvital ndcreative ultures(e.g., ncientAthens rRenaissanceFlorence) nd thepersonalityypes hey ostere.g.,the agonistic"reek nd the universal an" f heRenaissance).50Thus, too,Burckhardtondemns hedecadence nd disorder fmodernulturend tsprogeny,massman,"ndbemoans he car-citynmodernimes f reative,reelyelf-disciplinedndividuals.5'



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THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN 429In his ectures, owever,urckhardtreatedhethree orcessdistinctnorder o demonstratehat ulture suniquely elated ohumanfreedom. nderstoodn thismanner,Culture . . isthe umofall thathasspontaneouslyrisenfor he d-vancementfmaterialife nd as anexpressionf piritualnd morallife-all social ntercourse,echnologies,rts,iteratures,ndsciences.It is the realmof thevariable, ree, otnecessarilyniversal,fallthatcannot ayclaim tocompulsiveuthority.52

In thestrictestense,thisdefinitionwouldexcludereligion nd thestate,both ofwhichrelyupon their oercivepowerover ndividuals(or groupsofindividuals) in orderto satisfymetaphysical nd po-liticalneeds. Thus cultureand politicalor religiousauthority renaturalantagonists- neither tatenor churchcan tolerate he"freemarketplaceof deas" (frier eistigerauschplatz)ut of whichculturearises. For his part,Burckhardtmakesno bones about whichsidehe is on: "Power s of tsnature vil,whoeverwields t. It is notstability ut a lust,and ipso acto nsatiable,therefore nhappy initself nd doomed to make othersunhappy."53 lthoughpeople areconstrainedby the base necessities of human existence (i.e., bypsychological-religious eeds and by material economic-politicalones), theyhave thepotentialto transcendthis realm ofnecessitybecause oftheirhuman capacityto createand to appreciate greatachievements n thought, peech or deed.This tensionbetweenpolitics nd culture nforms isfurtheris-tinction etweenthestateand society- theformers an instrumentofrepression nd domination,while the atter stherightfuleposi-toryoftheethical values ofa people. In thisveinhe espouses somefamiliar lassical liberaldoctrines:for xample, he argues in favorofreligioustolerationand intellectualfreedomand against com-pulsory tateeducation and any attempt o egislatemoralconduct.Yetunlike mostof theliberalsofhis time,Burckhardtfavored heradicaldecentralization f statepowerand itsdispersalamong sev-eral small independentstates.That is because the real dangerforhuman reedomies nthe mnipotentdynamicentral ill" fgreatnation-states: whatthe nation desires,implicitly r explicitly,spower.... More specifically,he idea is to make the generalwillofthenationfelt broad, in defianceof othernations."54 his poli-tics of thepower-state piritually ripples tscitizens,forpoweristheprimarygoal and culture very econdaryone. It is,ofcourse,not mpossibleto attainspiritualwell-beingwithin n autonomous



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430 THE REVIEW OF POLITICScivil ociety,ut thehistoricalrocesses f ndustrialization,od-ernization,ureaucratizationnd democratizationave roded hesenatural ocieties ndreplaced hemwithhuge,militarizedtates,eachin competition ith he others or xpansion nd extensionofstatepower. his is the egacy fthegreat ocialrevolutionsftheprevious entury.

THE AGE OF REVOLUTION

Burckhardt'siagnosis f worldhistoryhusculminatesn hisringingenunciationfhisown imes,theAgeofRevolution."ereBurckhardttressed womainthemes: irst,hat hedevelopmentsofmodernityaverupturedhe spiritualontinuum"fEuropeanhistorythis ccounts or heriseof"masssociety");nd second,that hepresentgehasmanaged o nstitutionalizetschief har-acteristic therapidityfchange in all of tssocialandpoliticalinstitutionsthis ccounts or ndustrialapitalismnd thepower-state).Burckhardtaswedded o notionf he ulturalnityfWesterncivilization. orhim, n fact, t is consciousness fthishistoricalcontinuumhat eparatesivilizedman from arbarian:We shallnever e rid ofantiquitys longas we do not becomebarbariansagain.Barbariansnd modern mericanmenof ultureivewithoutconsciousness fhistory."55hus themodern hilistine,venwithall his material ossessionsnd culturalndustries,ackstheveryhumandignityhatBurckhardtssociateswith ulture.Only bybecomingonscious f heprocess fhistoryan wedistinguishur-selves shuman, part rom ature. hecatastrophef hemodernage is that he cultural ontinuumsbeingsevered. he modernworldscuttingtselfff romts piritualeritageymoving hole-heartedlyn thedirection f a fully ationalized echnological-industrialociety. umankinds slowlyosing tscapacity or ul-tural xpression,nd thus tendangershat ery haracteristicis-tinguishingt from ature.The type fhuman hat ucha societyproduces s,moreover, civilizedi.e.,materiallydvanced)bar-barian.Thisprocesssemphasized,sDavidGross xpertlyemonstrates,in Burckhardt'sepiction f the masses ofhis day.Unlike thepremodern,reindustrialasses,Gross xplains,he new"massesofthenineteenthenturyad no connection ith raditional aysof ife, eliefsnd values.Theyhad cut hemselvesff rom hehis-



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THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN 431torical ontinuum,nddefinedhemselvesn terms fthemateri-alistic thos fmodern apitalismather hanbythepoetic r ar-tisticdealsof heirpiritual eritage.n otherwords, urckhardt'smass man is a thoroughlyourgeois eing,rather han a stolid,dull-wittedeasantorproletarian. e iswholly resent-minded,obsessedwith he peedandhustle furban ife, ptimistic,rag-matic, cquisitive,mpressed ythe achievementsf science ndtechnology,ationalistic, ilitaristicnd aggressive.Thus tap-pears hatwhenBurckhardtttacked he pirit fmasssociety ewas,perhapswithout nowingt,attackinghe pirit f thebour-geoisie."56This pointhas not been lost onMarxisthistoriographers, artic-ularly hose n EastGermanywhere Burckhardt'sworkhas receivedcloseattention. iirgenKuczynski,for xample,arguesthatMarxisthistoriography,nsofar s itbrands Burckhardt s an apologistforthepropertied wisspatricianclass,has been unjusttohim.'57 uc-zynskiclaims thatwhile Burckhardt thought s an idealist andpreached dealism,hegainedsuchdeep insightsnto heclassstruggleand perceivedcertain features fcapitalism n thenineteenth en-tury o sharply,hat twas impossibleforhim not to haveemployed,at least partly, he methods of historical materialism. ThereforeBurckhardt s notprohibitedbyhis class positionfrom eachingusvaluable lessons about the problemsofmodernity.Even if we are reluctantto accept thisvision of Burckhardt sa proto-Marxist,Kuczynski'sapproach is appealing. He sees thatBurckhardt's latantlyculturalistperspective an be criticizedforignoringcertainmaterialand economic factors, uthe recognizesthat t s redeemedbya critical ucidityfully ble toexposethefun-damentalrelationship etweenmoderncapitalism nd cultural ife.It is indeed because he can orienthimself oward hepastthatBurck-hardt an analyzethepresentwith uchprecision nd realism.ThusBurckhardt's onservativenticapitalismllowshim to see whatmostnineteenth-centuryiberalhistorians ail o see- the realities fclassstruggle, he inevitability f militarism n a reactionary apitaliststate, nd the directrelationship etween the riseofcapitalismandthe distortion nd corruptionof true culture.58Westernwriters ave also recognized thatBurckhardt's ighcon-servatism onvergedwith extreme eftist iewsabout the nature ofthe capitalist systemwhichallegedlysubjectedmankind to a newservitude.59This convergence s not as odd as itmightfirst eem.Contemporarymass society heories re proofthat Marx's picture



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432 THE REVIEW OF POLITICSof the alienated workerwithin the capitalist system an be easilyfusedwiththe culturalpessimismof non-Marxistanticapitalism.60YetBurckhardtwas also quite alive tothepossibilityhat "tyrannyis goingto be exercised on thespiriton thepretext hatculture sthe secret llyofcapital,thatmust be destroyed."'61nd Burckhardtsharedmanyofthe attitudesand assumptionsofthe aristocraticliberalsin his century.Like Alexis de Tocqueville,with whom heis sometimescompared,Burckhardtfearedthatthedissolution ofthe old orderwould usher in an age ofmass democracyfarmorethreatening o individual freedom nd culturalcreativityhatany-thing hathas come before.He was especiallyconcerned about thetyrannyver ntellectualife hatwould come n an age ofmasspublicopinion. An eccentric and free spirithimself,Burckhardt alsodefended individual libertyfrom the coercivepressuresof massopinion n a manner omewhatimilar oJ. . Mill.Burckhardt's assionate defence of the freedom o know and tothink nd to saywhat one wants was not supplemented,however,with an equally vigorousdefence ofpolitical liberty.He was pri-marily oncernedwith ntellectualreedomconstruedfrom liberal-aristocratic osition),ratherthanpolitical reedom understoodinliberal-democratic erms):"For freedomof the individual . . . inno way implies the freerightofeveryman to do as he likes,butthe unimpeded rightto know and communicateknowledge,andthefreedom fcreative mpulse."'62n fact,he often uggested hatthepolitical problemsof modernEurope stemmed from n excessof unbridled ndividualismand politicalfreedom.He was thusinconcertwithmany contemporary onservatives n his attack on therevolutionn France,whichhe thoughtwas ultimately o blame forthetriumphof mass democracy.Utterlypessimisticon thisscore,Burckhardt houghtt futile oattempt osoften heblow ofdemoc-racy,as Tocqueville proposed, or to seek protection gainst stateinterference,s Mill suggested.Unable or unwillingto accept thepossibilityhatdemocratic articipation ythemassescouldbe recon-ciled with the protectionof individuality,Burckhardt could seenothingbut darkness ahead.Indeed Burckhardt s widelyacclaimed forhis clairvoyance e-garding the political developments of the twentiethcentury.Specifically, e is noted forhis gloomyvision of mass societyandforpredictingthe rise of totalitarianism.63 is reputationas a"prophet fdoom"restsargely n his comments boutcontemporarylife.Despite all modernadvancements n intellectual nd material



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THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN 433life,despite ncreased olitical reedom nd equality, urckhardtremaineddoubtful hetherheworldhas on the verage ecomehappier or llthis.'Why?Becausethe mprovementsn the ondi-tions f iving avenotresultedn a correspondingncreasenoursatisfactionith hose onditions.n modernity,hechief sycho-logical henomenons the sense f heprovisional"- or xample,inaddition o ouruncertaintybout our own ndividual ate, weare confronted ith colossalproblem fexistence."'64hisnovelexistential-psychologicalroblems at the same time n intenselypolitical ne:"Beliefninvisible,mmemorialoundationsfexis-tence, olitico-religiousysticismsgone"65hestate,hus eprivedofany ustificationseyondtself, ecomes nakedtool ofpowerforwhomeverappens o seize tscontrol,ndthemassesbelievethat ontrol f his owerfuloolwill llow hem o refashionnewexistence utofnothinguttheir wn easelesswants nddesires.Thisspirit frevolution initiatedn France n 1789, ndcon-tinued hroughouturope n thenineteenthentury- ncouragedand egitimizedhe upturef he piritualontinuumyredefiningchange sprogress.66hemost epresentativeolitical rinciplefpostrevolutionaryesternivilization,hatwhich ifferentiatestfromllearliergesofrapidhistoricalhange,s the deaof"eternalrevision."xplainsBurckhardt:The decisivenewthing hathascome nto heworld hroughheFrenchRevolutionsthepermis-sion ndthewill ochange hings, ith ublicwelfare s thegoal."Behind nd beneath his pirit f nstitutionalizedevision-this"terriblepirit fnovelty"nd "blindwilltochange"-Burckhardtperceivesn insidiousssumptionbout hefundamentaloodnessofhumannature,nd therelated elief hat hehumanwill sper-fectlyapableofeffectingnyand all socialreconstructioneces-saryto increasehumanwell-being.67ForBurckhardt,his ptimismboutthenature fmanandthestate ssadlymisplaced. hedemands or galitarianocialreformshould eunderstoodimplyn socioeconomicermssthe lamorformorematerial enefitsyparticularocialclasses.68 he socialrevolutionannot nd willnot ead toany generalmoralrebirth,since the verwhelming ajorityfthedesires re materialnna-ture . . . forby farthe greatestnumber ofpeople have no otherconceptionfhappiness."69nd fmaterial esires re nthemselvesabsolutelynsatiable,he atisfactionromised ytechnologyndindustrializationsillusory-newneeds nd wants recontinually



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434 THE REVIEW OF POLITICScreatedwithin populace turned nto omnivorous ommodity on-sumers.Fueled by unprecedentedadvances in science and technology,thepace ofchangein moderncapitalist ociety cceleratesat a dan-gerous pace. Politically,his pirit f rationalcalculationtransformsour attitude oward hestate, nd ustifies he brutal and aggressivepursuit fnational nterests. here arises n modernpolitical houghta new conceptof the extent of the state'spowers,associated withthe secularization of the Church and the disenchantment f tradi-tional political authority.The statebecomes the sole guardian ofrights nd publicwelfare, t evenusurpstheproperfunction f so-cietyby imposing ts own moral principlesupon society.The con-sequences of this situationinclude: an immeasurable increase inmilitarism,withhuge standingarmies usable both at home andabroad; disbelief n any overriding olitical principles,but a con-comitant ncreased belief n saviors "a voluntary ervitudeunderindividual eaders ndusurpers"); heriseof nationalism hat easesto be an honest love of one's own and becomes "a furthermeansofagglomeration";nd a homogeneous,mass intellectualtmospherethatdominates n all classes due to therapidity fcommunicationstechnologynd the evelling ffects f a popular daily press. Finally,progressivendustrialization f the worldchangesforeverheruraland urban landscapes, alters the worker's elation to his means ofproduction,and moneybecomes and remains the greatmeasureof things.70Burckhardt, s manyhave reported,was oftenremarkably or-rect bout the tendencies nd consequencesof the ndustrial ystememerging n his day. In his letters,Burckhardtmade a direct inkbetween mass society nd thecomingof new forms fdictatorshipbackedbya "caesarist" tate.By promisingthemass public that twillprovidethe desiredgoods and services,Burckhardt xplained,the stateraisesexpectationst cannotkeep.7 But itmustperpetuatethe illusion that t is indeed the indispensableservicemechanismbymakingthepeople more and more dependent upon itsrapidlygrowing, rutallyfficient,dministrativeureaucracy. t thispoint,thestate becomes a sortofthing-in-itself,ith a "dynamiccentralwill'."The principalforms f modern stateorganizationcannot,how-ever, cope with the newly created demands to satisfy ll of itsmembers' desires. The weaknesses of democraticgovernmentsnparticularwill lead to "confusionby acts ofviolence,untilfinally



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I J~L ..1 L .LI IJI1P"LJl.. 1 ? '.Ji.I"1XI T3JJ

a real Power emergesbased upon sheer,unlimitedviolence, andit will take precious little account of the rightto vote,the sover-eignty fthepeople,materialprosperity,ndustry,tc."72 he statemechanismwillbe periodically eized byone "saviour"or another(he calledthesedictators terrible implifiers") howilloperatetheindustrial-statepparatus in a more-or-lessparamilitary ashion.Burckhardt onderedthe ikely onsequences for ociety n a letterto his friend,Friedrich von Preen:It willbe most nterestingoryou,mydearSir,to observe owthemachineryfState ndadministrations transformedndmilitarized;forme-how schools nd education re put throughhecure,etc.Ofallclasses heworkersregoing ohave he trangestime; havea suspicionhat, or he ime eing, ounds ompletely ad,andyetI cannot et id f t:that hemilitarytatewillhave oturn industri-alist." he accumulation fbeings, hemounds fmen n theyardsandfactoriesannot e left n alleternityn their eedandthirstorriches; planned nd controlledegree fpoverty,ithpromotionanduniforms,tartingndending aily o therollofdrums, hat swhatought o come ogically."73

The fact that the twentiethcenturydid see the rise of thetotalitarian tate, n conformity,owevervaguely, o Burckhardt'spropheticvision,has earned him thereputationfor special pre-scienceregardingmodern forms ftyranny. ccording oReinholdNiebuhr,for nstance,"no one predictedthe modern totalitarianstatemoreaccurately.... Burckhardtvenpredicted airly ccuratelyto whatdegreea liberalculture n totalitarian ountrieswouldcapit-ulate to tyranny hroughfailure to understand thefoe"'74Cultural pessimismwas, ofcourse,not at all uncommon in thelatter artofthenineteenthentury, etBurckhardt'srophecytandsoutbecause ofhisinsight nto therelationship etween culture ndpolitics.He foresaw nd explained thenecessarysubordinationoftheforces fculture othe nterests fthepower-staten themodernera, and he made it clear thathumanityas a whole would suffergreatly s a result.

CONCLUSIONBurckhardt dmittedlyfailed to offerny specificprescriptionsfor heoverthrowf hematerial onditions hatdenymodernpeoplea trulyhuman life.He was, in addition,blind to theemancipatory

promise of modernizationand democratization. He saw onlythe



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436 THE REVIEW OF POLITICSproliferationfugly actories,fficesnd railroadines,monumentstothe ollectivead taste ndgreed f nincreasinglyomogeneousmassofpeople.Yethedidtryoformulatenhisbooks nd ecturesa concept fhistoryhatwasmeant oarticulate hedignityfhu-manityoan age characterizedythedegradationfhuman ife.ForBurckhardt,his oal ouldnotbeserved y "political istory"ofmajorbattles r oftherise ndfall fpowerfultates ndgreatleaders. t couldonlybe expressedhrough "cultural istory"e-cause t s thefree,piritual,reative ndspontaneousower f hehuman mind thatdistinguishesivilizedmanfrom arbarian.There s, moreover, directly olitical omponento this deaof ultural istory.heaesthetice-creationf he piritfpast gesis bothpersonallyedemptivebytheact ofremembrancendarktimes the culturalhistoriankeeps the faithwith his spiritualheritage-and ociallyonstructivethe ultural istorianan"over-comehistimen himself"y ttainingn"Archimedeanoint ut-sideof vents"nd thus ct as a counterweightgainst hedestruc-tiveforces fmodernity.t is thespecialdutyof theeducated ogainas complete knowledges possible f hedevelopmentf hestate ndculturendtopreservenhistorical emoryhefewvail-able testamentso therealization fhumanfreedom ndculturalcreativity.istoricaltudy, urckhardt aintained,is notonlyrightnd a duty; t is also a supremeneed. It is ourfreedomntheverywareness funiversal ondage ndthe tream fnecessi-ties."75Burckhardt'sisparate ritingshus oalesce round hegeneralaim of racinghe ulturalontinuumf ruly uman chievementsin order odemonstratehe mancipatoryotentialf"culture."swe have een,Burckhardt as,ofcourse,more oncerned ithn-tellectual reedom hanhewas withpolitical reedom, et his sa commitmentoa libertyhat annot etaken or ranted.reedomof houghtndexpressionrecontinuallynder ttacknthemodernworld, ndeven n themost dvanced nd politicallyemocraticnations herereconstanthreatso ndividualiberty osedbynewindustrial echnologies,mass politics nd commercial ulture.Withouthe ounterweightf nautonomousphere f ulture,hedominance f he tate ver ocietyunsunchecked. ntil nd un-lessthere s a truly ree ociety, istinguishedya "freemarket-placeof deas,"he ndividual,ven n themostmateriallyrosperousindustrialenters,will be essentiallynfree.



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THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN 43934. Civilization,rans. . G. C. Middlemorewith ntroductionyBenjaminNelson and CharlesTrinkaus, vol., llustratedd. (NewYork:Harper,1958).35. Foranalysis fthis hesis nd itsreceptionee,WallaceK. Ferguson, heRenaissancenHistoricalhought:iveCenturiesf nterpretationBoston:HoughtonMifftlin,948), haps. -10, 79-328; heNelson ndTrinkausntroductionoJacobBurckhardt, ivilization,p. 3-19;Museum ofArt,UniversityfKansas,JacobBurckhardtnd he enaissance:00YearsaterLawrence, 960);DenysHays, Burck-hardt'sRenaissance': 860-1960,"istoryoday0:1January 960):14-23;HansBaron, Burckhardt'sCivilization f heRenaissance' CenturyftertsPublica-tion," enaissanceews13:3 1961):207-222;E. M. Janssen, acob urckhardtnddieRenaissanceAssen,Netherlands,970); PhilipLee Ralph, TheRenaissancen

PerspectiveNew York:St. Martin's, 973); and WilliamKerrigan nd GordonBraden, he dea f he enaissanceBaltimore:ohns opkinsUniversityress, 989).36. Civilization,: 143.37. Ibid.,p. 22.38.Asmany ommentatorsavepointed ut,Burckhardt'shrase,DerStaatals Kunstwerk,"rings o mindthetitle fHegel'ssection n theGreeks, Daspolitische unstwerk,"nhisPhilosophyfHistory.ora critical iscussion f thesimilaritiesetweenBurckhardt'sulturalhistorynd Hegel'sphilosophyee,E. H. Gombrich,deals nd dols:Essays n ValuesnHistorynd nArtOxford:Phaidon, 979), p.34-42;and Eckhard eftrich,egel ndJacoburckhardtFrank-furt, 967).39. Civilization,: 126-42.For a commentaryee,RobertM. Kingdon, TheContinuing tility fBurckhardt'shought n RenaissancePolitics,"nBurck-hardtndtheRenaissance:00 Yearsater, p. 7-13.40. See,for xample, harles . Singleton,ThePerspectivefArt," heKenyonReview 5:2 Spring1953): 169-89.41.Kerrigan nd Braden, deaof heRenaissance,. 55.42. Ibid.,p. 56.43. Civilization,: 442.44. Nelsonand Trinkaus,ntroductiono Civilization,.19.45. Historicalragments,rans.Harry ohnasJudgementsnHistoryndHistorians(Boston:BeaconPress,1958).Cf.Ernst iegler, acob urckhardtsorlesungber ieGeschichteesRevolutionszeitalters:n denNachschrifteneinerZuhorer.ekonstruktionesgesprochenenortlautesBasel, 1974).46. TheHistoryfGreekulture,rans. yPalmerHilty NewYork, 963), s anEnglish ersionf he2vol., bridgedGerman dition. he importantntroduc-tionto the ectures as,unfortunately,een left ut oftheEnglish dition.Thefullwork ppears nJacob urckhardt,esamtausgabe,ols.8-11, d. FelixStthelin(Leipzig, 1930).47. Reflections,. 179.48. In English ee,RecollectionsfRubens,rans.M. HottingerNewYork ndLondon:Phaidon,1978);TheCicerone:n ArtGuide oPaintingn taly, rans.A.H. Clough NewYorknd London:JohnMurray,979);The rchitecturefthetalianRenaissance,rans.JamesPalmes and ed. PeterMurray Chicago: UniversityfChicagoPress,1985);and TheAltarpiecenRenaissancetaly,rans, nd ed. PeterHumphreyCambridge:CambridgeUniversityress,1988).49. In the ntroductionoGreek ulturee declares hat, it s the pecialdutyoftheeducated dasGebildete]ogainas complete knowledges possible fthedevelopmentf ulture; hisdistinguishes an as a conscious umanbeingfromtheunconscious arbarian"Gesamtausgabe,: 10).50. On thispoint ee,KarlWeintraubVisionsfCultureChicago: UniversityofChicagoPress,1966),pp. 126-37;and Sax, "State nd Culture," . 22.



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440 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS51. Thus David Gross notesa thirduse of culture n Burckhardt'sermKulturfaulnis"decadent ulture"r whatwe would all "mass ulture."his sort

of ulture, ross xplains,wasmanufacturedor hemajoritynd wasdesignedmerely o entertainr titillate,ot to elevate." ee, "JacobBurckhardtnd theCritiqueofMass Society,"uropeantudies eview :4 (October1978):398.52. Reflections,. 60.53. Reflections,. 139.54. Reflections:38-39.55.Judgements,. 24; see alsoReflections,. 38: "they rebarbarians ecausetheyhave no history,nd vice versa."56. Gross, Critique f Mass Society,". 397.57. Kuczynski, ie Museund erHistorikerBerlin,DDR, 1974),p. 20 andp.26. The moreorthodoxMarxist ineon Burckhardtan be found nJohannesWenzel,Jacob urckhardtn derKrise einer eit Berlin,DDR, 1967).58. Kuczynski, ieMuse,pp. 20-21.Kuczynski urtheruggestsp. 19)thatBurckhardt'seachingboutthe tate ndpower enders im totallynsuitable"to the deological equirementsf he ontemporaryermanbourgeoisie. urck-hardtwouldhave pposednotonly heNazi regime,s numerous ourgeoisom-mentatorsave ndicated, utalso thepresentlyesurgentederalRepublic.Hewould, ornstance,lignhimself ith hose orces hich oday reagainstmili-tary ggressionnd theproliferationf atomicweapons.59. Mommsen, Defender f Cultureand Prophet fDoom,"p. 473.60. See,SalvadorGiner,MassSocietyLondon:Academic ress,1976),p. 187.61. Letter o HermannSchauenburg, May 1846,Letters,. 97.62. Reflections,. 126.63. See, for xample, rnstWalter eeden,"Der Historikerls Kritiker ndProphet,"ie Welt ls Geschichte1:3 1951):154-73.64.Judgements,. 204.65. Reflections,. 205.66. Letter o Friedrich onPreen,2July1871, etters,. 147.67.Judgements,. 213.68. Reflections,. 217.69.Judgements,. 214.70.Judgements,03-20.71. Letter oMax Alioth,10September 881, etters,. 205.72. Letter o Friedrich onPreen,1 May 1881, etters,. 202.73. 28June1872,Letters,. 152.74. ReinholdNiebuhr,The Historian s Prophet," heNation 56 10April1943):531.75. Reflections,. 40.

jacob burckhardt the cultural historian as political thinker

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