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    This article was downloaded by: [118.137.232.37]On: 04 December 2014, At: 04:57Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number:1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street,London W1T 3JH, UK

    The Journal of Development

    StudiesPublication details, including instructions for

    authors and subscription information:

    http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fjds20

    Regime changes, economicpolicies and the effect of aid

    on growthMuhammed N. Islam

    Published online: 24 Jan 2007.

    To cite this article:Muhammed N. Islam (2005) Regime changes, economic policies

    and the effect of aid on growth, The Journal of Development Studies, 41:8,

    1467-1492, DOI: 10.1080/00220380500187828

    To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220380500187828

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    Regime Changes, Economic Policies

    and the Effect of Aid on Growth

    MUHAMMED N. ISLAM

    This study finds that on average aid has little impact on economic

    growth, although a robust finding is that aid promotes growth only

    in a politically stable environment irrespective of the quality of the

    countrys economic policies. Aid is ineffective in an unstable

    environment even in the presence of good policies. The results,

    however, indicate that policy is more effective in promoting growth

    when supported by increased aid flows rather than aid being more

    effective in good policy environment. The empirical results also

    provide some tentative support for the presence of an aid Laffer

    curve in the politically stable countries. The allocation of aid is

    found to be influenced by the country size and its state of

    development, rather than the quality of policy.

    I . I N T R O D U C T I O N

    Recent studies on the effects of foreign aid1 on economic growth indicate that

    aid has a negative effect, or no significant relationship with growth [see

    Cassen et al., 1994; Griffin and McKinley, 1994; Boone, 1996]. Burnside and

    Dollar [2000], however, argue that aid has a positive impact on growth in

    developing countries with good economic policies, but it has very little effect

    in the presence of poor policies. Their conclusion is based on a positive

    significant coefficient on an aid6policy interaction term in a growthequation.

    There are some difficulties with this conclusion. First, the positive

    significant estimate of the interaction coefficient can be interpreted to mean

    that policies are more effective when supported by aid inflows [see Lensink

    and White, 1999].2 Policies can also be positively influenced by aid through

    its conditionality, or negatively if aid can be considered as a substitute for

    Muhammed N. Islam, Associate Professor, Department of Economics, Concordia University,Montreal, Canada H3G 1M8, [email protected]. The author is grateful for helpfulcomments from Saud Choudhry, Stanley Winer, and two anonymous referees.

    The Journal of Development Studies, Vol.41, No.8, November 2005, pp.1467 1492ISSN 0022-0388 print/1743-9140 onlineDOI: 10.1080/00220380500187828 2005 Taylor & Francis

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    public effort [Guillaumont and Chauvet, 2001]. Second, the estimated effect

    of aid is found to be sensitive to the choice of estimator and the set of control

    variables [Hansen and Tarp, 2001]. It is also found that aid promotes growth

    regardless of the policy environment [Dalgaard and Hansen, 2001]. In this

    paper, I show that aid does not necessarily promote growth unless the countryhas a stable political system.

    Although a good policy environment is a necessary condition for growth,

    in itself it does not provide a sufficient condition for aid to stimulate growth.

    Sufficiency is insured only if good policies are coupled with political

    stability, offering an environment free from uncertainty in the marketplace.

    A stable political system allows agents to utilise aid funds effectively

    without any interruption, thereby achieving more growth. If the political

    system becomes unstable, aid is more likely to be dissipated in unproductive

    consumption rather than being invested even in the presence of good

    policies.

    With a high degree of uncertainty, the supply of complementary factors

    (capital goods, investment funds from domestic/foreign sources, for example)

    can decline. Political instability, resulting from strikes, violence, sabotage

    and the like, can impose a constraint on the productive capacity of aid-using

    enterprises, thereby reducing the effectiveness of aid. This paper identifies

    political instability as an important factor that underlies the inverse

    relationship between aid and growth. My basic hypothesis is that aid canstimulate growth in a developing country only if it has a stable political

    system and this positive impact of aid is not conditional on the quality of the

    countrys economic policies.

    Political instability refers to irregular changes in the political system,

    which can be associated with social unrest and political violence. One can

    view political instability in two different ways. First, it can involve frequent

    changes in government through electoral process. This can result in some

    economic adjustments in accordance with market conditions, with minor

    effects on economic growth. The high frequency of such change ofgovernment can, however, be associated with policy uncertainty and some

    threats to property rights.

    The second one focuses on more radical changes in the existing political

    system, which can be a change in regime from, say, democracy to

    dictatorship through coups detat. A change in regime can occur through

    political violence (riots, strikes, assassinations, and revolutions) against the

    ruling government or through violence within the regime which includes

    coups detat. It is not the type of regime, democracy or not, per se rather the

    frequency of regime change over time that makes a country stable orunstable. A stable nation, democracy or dictatorship, is one with no change in

    its regime type during a specified period, which of course implies a zero level

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    of incidence of political violence and civil unrest. Alesina and Perotti [1996],

    however, note that for the same level of political violence, dictatorships are

    more likely to be overthrown by extremists than a stable democracy. A

    regime change can bring about alterations in laws, regulations and property

    rights and create uncertainty in the marketplace, with a negative effect ongrowth.

    Which one of these two approaches is preferable is not clear a priori and

    may depend upon the purpose of inquiry. Given that the main focus of this

    study is to investigate the impact of aid on growth controlling for changes in

    political system, the second approach seems more appropriate. Any measure

    of political instability should, however, capture the essence of uncertainty

    created by social unrest and political violence leading to the change in the

    system. The rest of the paper is organised as follows. Section II describes the

    specification of a four-equation system and discusses the identifying

    restrictions. An operational measure of political instability is also

    constructed. The basic hypothesis is tested on data for 65 developing

    countries over the period 196897. A description of the data and the main

    results are given in Section III. Section IV contains a sensitivity analysis and

    tests of robustness of the results. The final section concludes.

    I I . M O D E L S P E C I F I C A T I O N

    My empirical work attempts to investigate whether political instability

    reduces growth and further aggravates the decline in growth by reducing the

    effectiveness of aid. Broadly speaking, political instability reduces aid-

    effectiveness through two main channels. First, it increases uncertainty in the

    economy, thereby inducing investors to postpone aid-using projects and

    divert aid funds to unproductive consumption. Second, it can cause disruption

    of productive activities and thus a fall in the productive capacity of aid-using

    enterprises, as noted earlier.

    To capture these links between political instability and the effectiveness ofaid, I employ a parsimonious specification of an estimating growth

    regression. The processes determining the aid growth link are undoubtedly

    complicated, and it is likely that other factors are involved besides those

    included in the regression. I therefore subject it to an extensive sensitivity and

    robustness analysis, by adding other relevant exogenous variables used in

    previous studies, including identifying restrictions on parameters, and so on.

    The basic specification of the growth regression for the ith country at time

    period t can be formulated as follows:

    Yit b0AitbaA2itba2 PI

    0itbpi

    i1;2;...;N; t1;2;...;T;

    AitPI0itb1Z

    0itbze

    yit; 1

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    where yit is the per capita real GDP growth, Ait is aid receipts relative to

    GDP, (PI) is a P61 vector of political instability variables, Zit is a K61

    vector of other exogenous variables including economic policies, institutional

    factors, time-and-country fixed effects that might affect growth, and eyit is a

    N61 vector of random errors with mean zero.I include both (PI) and (A6PI) to capture the direct effect of political

    instabilities and their indirect effects via aid. A2itis included to account for the

    non-linearity of aid growth relationship [Hansen and Tarp, 2000]. Non-

    linearity in the aid growth relationship can be attributed to inappropriate

    technology [Lensink and White, 1999] and absorptive capacity constraints

    [Hadjimichael, et al., 1995]. As indicators of political instability, I include

    five variables (assassinations, riots, strikes, revolutions and coups detat) as

    elements of the vector (PI)it. The recent literature on the aidgrowth link

    provides some guidelines to select the variables included in the vector Zit. It

    includes three policy variables: budget surplus, inflation rate, and trade

    openness, a dummy variable developed by Sachs and Warner [1995]. These

    variables are used as indicators of the recipient countries fiscal, monetary

    [see Fischer 1993], and trade policies.

    Several studies used M2/GDP (lagged) as a proxy for the development of

    the financial system and therefore it is included in eq.(1). Ethno-linguistic

    fractionalisation index, a time-invariant [1980] institutional variable, has also

    been used in a number of recent studies. This variable is likely to becorrelated with political instability, which reduces growth. I therefore

    exclude it from eq. (1) and include it in the political instability function.

    Initial GDP per capita is included to capture convergence effects, as is

    standard in the empirical growth literature. The vector Zitalso includes time

    dummies to capture the impact of global business cycles and two regional

    dummies (sub-Saharan Africa and east Asia) for fixed -country effects. To

    avoid the problem of collinearity among various political instability variables

    and also among the policy variables, I construct a composite index of

    political instability and an index of economic policy, as explained later.Previous studies [Boone, 1996; Alesina and Dollar, 2000; Burnside and

    Dollar 2000; Dalgaard and Hansen; 2001] indicate that the aid variable may

    be endogenous. These studies examine the endogeneity of aid using Durbin-

    Wu-Hausman (DWH) test. Their results show that the OLS and instrumental

    variable estimates are not significantly different from each other and thus

    they treat aid as exogenous. The main reason for this finding, as Hansen and

    Tarp [2001] argue, is that they did not consider the existence of country

    specific effects. These effects can render the instrumental variable estimates

    inconsistent because of their negative relationship with the initial level ofincome. The endogeneity of the political instability index was also taken into

    account in a recent study [Alesina and Perotti, 1996]. Burnside and Dollar

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    [2000] treated the policy index as exogenous but it was considered as

    endogenous in Guillaumont and Chauvet [2001]. These three variables may

    be interdependent and depend on the growth rate of GDP. This problem of

    simultaneity can be solved by using appropriate instruments for them, which

    should be highly correlated with growth but independent of growth residuals,eit.It is then possible to extract the exogenous component of each of them and

    to examine whether this component is correlated with economic growth.

    My strategy is to specify a simultaneous equation model, with economic

    growth, aid, political instability, and policy as endogenous. I follow standard

    specification in recent empirical aid growth literature and use relevant

    exclusion restrictions to achieve identification of the system. For identifica-

    tion of an equation in the system, the aid equation for example, I include at

    least one exogenous variable that affects aid only and not the growth rate.

    The details of specification of these equations in the system and the exclusion

    restrictions are discussed in the following subsections.

    The Aid Equation

    The allocation of aid among developing countries depends, as is well known,

    on (i) donors strategic interests or the preferential political links with the

    main donors; (ii) the prevailing socio-economic conditions; (iii) structural

    vulnerability; and (iv) economic policy. To capture strategic interests and

    political links, I instrument aid, as in Boone [1996], by dummy variables forcentral American countries (in the sphere of American influence), Egypt (an

    American ally), the Franc zone (getting preferential treatment from France),

    and sub-Saharan Africa (receiving the bulk of European aid). The socio-

    economic conditions are represented by two variables, log of initial GDP per

    capita (a measure of initial economic performance of the country) and infant

    mortality rate as an indicator of poverty level and human development [see

    Boone 1996].

    Aid can help a country withstand structural vulnerability resulting from an

    exposure to various external shocks such as trade shocks. Trade shocks canarise whenever the real value of exports fluctuates, with depletion in the

    countrys foreign exchange reserves. Large countries, as Guillaumont and

    Chauvet [2001] note, are less vulnerable to trade shocks than small ones. I

    include an index of export instability to represent trade shocks and use

    logarithm of population as a proxy for structural exposure to this shock. The

    economic policy index (lagged) is included to explore whether aid is allocated

    in favour of good policy. The lagged values of the aid variable (A71and A72)

    are included to account for the effect of previous aid policy on the current

    period allocation decision. The aid equation can now be written as:

    Ait a0Z0itaze

    ait; 2

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    where the vector Zit includes log of initial GDP per capita, infant mortality

    rate, log of population, export instability index, lagged policy index, lagged

    aid variables, and four dummy variables for central American countries,

    Egypt, Franc zone, and sub-Saharan Africa. eit is an N61 vector of random

    errors with mean zero.

    Political Instability

    A. Constructing a composite index of political instability. Several alterna-

    tive techniques are available to construct an index of political instability [see

    Gupta, 1990; Alesina and Perotti, 1996; and Guillaumont and Chauvet,

    2001]. Guillaumont and Chauvet [2001] have used an index of political

    instability defined as the weighted sum of the number of revolutions per year

    and of the number of assassinations per million inhabitants per year, withequal weights for both. The omission of other important factors that may

    create political instability and the use of equal weights in the construction of

    the index are questionable. The other two studies have included an extended

    set of factors, such as deaths/executions from political violence, coups

    detats, strikes, riots, and regime types. In the construction of the index Gupta

    [1990] has used a discriminant analysis, but Alesina and Perotti [1996] have

    used the method of principal components.

    I define the index as a linear combination of five variables (assassinations,

    coups detats, revolutions, riots, and strikes). The basic reason for choosingthese variables is to summarise important phenomena of social unrest and

    political violence that can create uncertainty in the marketplace. The

    technique is similar to the one used in Burnside and Dollar [2000] for

    the policy index. The advantage of this method is that the weights assigned to

    the various phenomena of instability are not subjective, but rather they are

    determined according to their impact on growth, a feature which is not found

    in principal components method or discriminant analysis.

    To determine the weights, I use a two-step procedure. First, the growth

    equation (1), excluding the aid variable, is estimated by ordinary least square(OLS) method. Second, I use the statistically significant estimates of bpi(the coefficients of the instability factors) to define the index of political

    instability:

    PI PI0itbpi 3

    where b^pi are the OLS estimates of the parameters bpi, which are not

    constrained to be equal.

    B. The political instability equation. Political instability can differ among

    nations depending upon a number of factors, such as the level of education,

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    government economic performance, party fractionalisation, regime type, and

    socio-cultural diversity among countries. A higher level of education may

    lead to improvement in legal and political rights and this may reduce the

    incidence of political violence. To capture this link, I include in the instability

    equation a variable SCPR (the primary school enrolment as a percentage ofadult population). The positive growth rate of GDP (Y), indicating good

    economic performance, is included to test whether rapidly growing

    economies tend to be more stable. Rapid economic growth provides more

    prosperity, less dissatisfaction and possibly less instability. One can, of

    course, argue, as Alesina and Perotti [1996] note that rising economic growth

    may lead to social disruptions and economic transformations, with an

    increase in political instability.

    I add in the equation another variable PFI (party fractionalisation index)

    that captures the degree of disharmony among members in the legislature. An

    increase in fractionalisation may make it difficult for smooth functioning of

    the legislature, create dissatisfaction among members, and may lead to

    successful or unsuccessful coups detats. A country with a higher level of PFI

    is likely to be more unstable than others. I include ethno-linguistic

    fractionalisation index EF on the assumption that more homogeneous

    societies are likely to be more politically stable, all else equal. The equation

    also includes lagged values of the instability index (PI71 and PI72), two

    dummy variables, REG (regime type) and DLA (Latin America), and laggedPI index. Given the same level of political violence, a dictatorship is more

    likely to be overthrown by extremists than a stable democracy, as noted

    earlier. I include DLA, as in Alesina and Perotti [1996], on the assumption

    that Latin American countries tend to be more unstable than other developing

    countries. The instability equation can thus be written as:

    PIit g0Z0itgze

    piit 4

    where the vector Zit includes the exogenous variables SCPR, Y , PFI, EF,

    PI71, PI72, REG, and DLA . epiit is an N61 vector of random errors withmean zero.

    The Policy Equation

    Following Burnside and Dollar [2000], I construct a policy index as a linear

    combination of the three main indicators of macroeconomic policy, budget

    surplus, inflation, and trade openness. They are weighted by their effect on

    economic growth. The specification of the policy equation builds on

    previous studies. Guillaumont and Chauvet [2001] included aid plus severalenvironmental/structural vulnerability variables in a policy equation. The

    initial level of human capital (education) and some vulnerability variables

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    are found to be statistically significant. The structural vulnerability of a

    country can result from several kinds of shocks, climatic, ecological, and

    trade shocks, for example. Only trade shocks are found, in the same study,

    to have significant negative effect on growth, possibly through policy

    changes.I therefore instrument policy by the initial level of human capital (EDU)

    and trade shocks, measured by the instability of the real value of exports

    (EXI). Besides these instruments, I also include the initial GDP per capita, the

    lagged value of the policy index, the lagged values of the aid variable and a

    regional dummy variable DASfor east Asian countries, because of the relative

    success of their economic policies in the recent years. The policy equation

    can therefore be written as:

    POLit d0Z0itdzepolit 5

    where the vector Zit includes the exogenous variables, Y0, EDU, EXI,

    POL71, and DAS e

    polit

    is an N61 vector of random errors with mean zero.

    Identification of the Model

    I now have a system of four equations, (1), (2), (4) and (5). The vector (PI)

    and the three policy variables (budget surplus, inflation, and trade openness)

    in the growth equation (1) are now replaced by the corresponding indices.The system contains 26 exogenous variables and seven endogenous

    variables (including aid squared, an interaction of aid with the political

    instability index and as well as the policy index). Equation (1) has six right-

    hand side endogenous variables and a total of 19 excluded exogenous

    variables and thus the equation is overidentified. The number of excluded

    exogenous variables in the other three equations in the system exceeds the

    number of right-hand side endogenous variables, thereby meeting the order

    condition of identification. Notice that the system also meets the rank

    condition of identification.In order to estimate the growth equation, I use a two-stage least square

    (2SLS) procedure, with simultaneous instrumentation of aid, political

    instability, and economic policy. To check that the instruments are not

    correlated with the growth residual, I use Hausman test of overidentification

    [Hausman, 1983].

    I I I . T H E D A T A A N D E S T I M A T I O N R E S U L T S

    The DataI perform cross-section regressions to examine the relationship between aid

    and growth using a sample of 65 countries for the period 1968 97. Although

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    the published data on aid cover a large number of countries (111 countries in

    Lensink and White [2001], for example), the data on other variables used in

    this study are not available for many countries. I was able to collect the

    requisite information for a sample of 65 countries. The dependent variable is

    the average annual growth rate of real GDP per capita over six five-yearperiods, starting with 196872 and ending with 199397. In case of missing

    data (Bangladesh 196872, for example), the average value of existing

    observations are used to represent the average for the specific time period.

    Table 1.1 provides the definitions and sources of data used, along with their

    summary statistics (means, standard deviations and the correlations between

    the growth rate and the explanatory variables).

    Table 1.2 highlights simple correlations between the independent

    variables. The correlation matrix shows that political instability is highly

    correlated with coups detat (0.92), assassinations (0.36) and revolutions

    (0.35). It has a very low correlation (0.09) with aid flows and a negative

    correlation with per capita GDP growth. The latter is positively correlated

    with primary schooling, financial depth and economic policy and it is

    negatively correlated with ethno-linguistic fractionalisation, population size,

    and export instability.

    To construct the political instability index, eq. (1), excluding any of the

    terms involving aid, is estimated by ordinary least square (OLS) method.

    The results are presented in Table 2 column (1). Of the five variables used inthe definition of political instability index, assassination, coup detat, and

    revolution have negative significant effect on growth. The other two

    variables, riots and strikes, do not have intuitive sign and are not significant.

    The political instability index is thus formed by using the estimated

    coefficients of assassination, coup detat, and revolution as their respective

    weights:

    PI0:02550:2282Assassinations0:4218Coup detat

    0:0406Revolutions 6

    where 0.0255 is the average growth rate for all countries during 196897.

    Consistent with a numerically large coefficient in the growth regression,

    coup detat has a large impact on the instability index. A high value of

    instability in terms of assassinations, coup detat, and revolution, leads to a

    small value of the index. In other words, a small value of the index is an

    indication of more political instability and vice versa. Hence the effect on

    growth is expected to be negative.The policy variables, budget surplus, inflation, and trade openness, are all

    found to have significant effect on growth (see Table 2 column 1). The policy

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    TA

    BLE1.1

    DEFIN

    ITIONSOFVARIABLES

    ANDTHEIRSUMMARYS

    TATISTICS

    Variables

    Definitionsanddatasources*

    Mean(Standarderror)

    Correlation

    b

    Growthrate:(Y)

    Thegrowthratesarecalculated

    fromannualrealGDP

    percapitainconstantdollars

    (internationalprices,

    baseyear1985)andthenaveragedoverfiveyear

    intervals,startingwith196872andendingwith199397.

    0.0255(0.0155)

    InitialGD

    P(Y0)

    ThelogarithmofrealGDPinthelastyearprecedingthe

    periodforwhichthegrowth

    rateiscalculated.

    6.9081(0.0165)

    0.1256

    Instbl.in

    GDP(CV)

    InstabilityinGDPismeasured

    bythecoefficientofvariation

    ofrealGDPpercapita.

    0.0042(0.0100)

    70.0800

    Positiveg

    rowth(Y

    )

    Themeanvalueofonlypositiv

    egrowthratesofrealpercapita

    GDPduringaspecifiedtime

    period,0otherwise

    0.0600(0.0200)

    0.6520

    Aid/GDP

    (A)

    ThenetODAdisbursementsas

    apercentageofGDP.ODA

    includesdirectgrantsandco

    ncessionalloansforwhichthe

    grantcomponentexceeds25

    percenta

    5.613(0.0620)

    70.1390

    Source:OECD,GeographicalD

    istributionofFinancial

    FlowstoLDCs.

    Primarys

    chooling(SCRP)

    Averageenrolmentsinprimary

    schoolsasapercentage

    ofadultpopulation.

    78.9730(3.5360)

    0.1857

    Secondaryschooling(SCH)

    Averageenrolmentsinseconda

    ryschoolsasapercentage

    ofadultpopulation.

    34.1100(2.8470)

    0.0981

    Humancapital(HC)

    Meanschoolyearsofeducationattheprimaryandsecondary

    levels[Nehruet.al.,

    1995].

    56.5420(2.6730)

    0.1476

    Education

    (EDU)

    Thelogarithmoftheinitiallevelofhumancapital.

    0.0760

    Population(POP)

    Population,total(million)expressedin

    logarithms.

    2.2363(0.1410)

    70.1789

    Mortality

    (MORT)

    Mortalityrate,infant(per1,000livebirths).

    28.590(2.1230)

    70.1052

    Inflation(INF)

    Consumerprices(annual%).

    0.1503(0.2950)

    70.2034

    Budgetsu

    rplus(BS)

    Governmentoverallsurplus/deficit,excludingcapitalgrants,

    asapercentageofGDP.

    0.4123(0.0120)

    0.1367

    (continued)

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    TA

    BLE1.1

    (Continued)

    Variables

    Definitionsanddatasources*

    Mean(Standarderror)

    Correlation

    b

    Tradeopenness(OPN)

    SachsandWarner[1995]index

    ,0foreconomiesthathave

    averagetariffsonimportsof

    intermediateandcapitalgoods

    above40percentorblackm

    arketexchangepremiumsabove

    20percentorahighcoverageofquotasonmachineryand

    materials,and

    1foropenness.Thedatafortheperiod

    199397arebasedontheinformationcollectedfromEasterly

    andYu[1999].

    0.4539(0.0490)

    0.3845

    Financial

    depth(M2/GDP)

    Moneyandquasi-money(M2)asapercentageofGDP.

    25.8860(1.4720)

    0.6012

    Policy(POL)

    Indexofeconomicpolicy,constructedaslinearcombination

    ofBS,OPN,andINF,weigh

    tedbytheireffectson

    economicgrowth.

    0.2729(0.0730)

    0.2231

    Assassina

    tions(ASS)

    Thenumberofanypoliticallymotivatedmurdersorattempted

    murdersofhighgovernment

    officialsorpoliticiansper

    100,000ofpopulation.

    0.3026(0.1001)

    70.1534

    Coupsdetat(COP)

    Thenumberofsuccessfulcoup

    speryear.

    0.0308

    70.2567

    Revolutio

    ns(REV)

    Thenumberofforcedchanges

    ingovernmentalelite,orany

    successfulorunsuccessfular

    medrebellionsperyear,aimed

    atachievingindependence.

    0.1503(0.0122)

    70.0670

    Riots(RT

    S)

    Thenumberofviolentdemonstrationsorclashesperyearof

    atleast100people,involvingtheuseofphysicalforce.

    0.4123(0.0124)

    70.0978

    Strikes(S

    TK)

    Thenumberofstrikesperyear

    of1,000ormoreworkers

    ofatleastoneorganisation,aimedatgovernmentpolicy.

    0.1339(0.0560)

    70.0895

    Regime(REG)

    Adummyvariable,1forciviliangovernment,

    2

    formilitary-civilian,3formilitary,and

    4forothers.

    1.0538(0.0670)

    0.0934

    Politicalinstability(PI)

    Indexofpoliticalinstability,co

    nstructedasalinearcombinatio

    n

    ofASS,COP,andREVweightedbytheireffectson

    economicgrowth.

    0.0207(0.0020)

    70.2789

    (continued)

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    TA

    BLE1.1

    (Continued)

    Variables

    Definitionsanddatasources*

    Mean(Standarderror)

    Correlation

    b

    Freedom

    (FR)

    FR

    (14-CL-PR)/12;CL,PRareGastilindicesofcivilliberties

    and

    politicalrights.

    Source:Free

    domintheWorld(variousissue

    s).

    0.4934(0.3120)

    70.3010

    Govtcons.(Gc)

    Governmentconsumptionexpe

    nditure/GDP.

    0.2926(0.8900)

    0.0311

    Partyfrac

    tionalisation(PFI)

    Anindex

    (1t);tthepropo

    rtionofmembersassociatedwith

    the

    ithpartyinthelowerhouse

    ofthelegislature.

    0.1881(0.0260)

    70.0766

    Exportin

    stability(EXI)

    Anindexofinstabilityofthere

    alvalueofexports,measuredby

    the

    coefficientofvariationinatimeinterval,startingwith196872

    andendingwith199397

    0.0313(0.0135)

    70.1745

    Trade(TRD)

    TheratioofthesumofrealvaluesofexportsandimportstoG

    DP.

    0.2826(1.1200)

    0.0911

    Ethno-linguisticfragmentation(EF)

    Afixedfactorshowingthenum

    berofdivisionsofthesocietyin

    the

    year1980intermsoflinguisticandethnicoriginsofpeople.

    46.4620(3.037)

    70.1987

    Timedum

    my(Dti)

    Adummyfortheithfive-year

    sub-period.i1,2,......,5.

    Reg.dum

    my(Di)

    Adummyvariablefortheithg

    eographicalarea,iAS(Asia),AF

    (Africa),LA(LatinAmerica

    ),FZ(FrancZone),CA(Central

    America),andEGP(Egypt.)

    IncomeD

    um.

    Dinc

    1foramiddle-incomecountry,

    0foralow-income

    country.

    0.2453(0.4300)

    70.3600

    Notes:AlldataarefromEasterly,W.and

    H.Yu[1999],GlobalDevelopmentNetworkGrowthDatabase,WorldBankorunlessotherwiseindicated.

    aODAratherthanEDA(efficientdevelopmentassistance),asusedinBurn

    sideandDollar[2000]isused,b

    ecausethedifferencebetweenth

    em,asDalgaard

    andHansen[2001]note,isasimpletransformationwithacorrelationof

    0.98betweenthem.

    bThecorr

    elationbetweenthedependentv

    ariable,thegrowthrate,andthe

    explanatoryvariables.

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    index is therefore constructed by using these variables, weighted by their

    estimated impact on growth:

    POL 0:025530:0329Budget surplus

    0:0742Openness0:1974Inflation 7

    where 0.02553 is the average growth rate of real GDP per capita for all

    countries in the sample over the period, 196897. A good policy, in terms of

    budget surplus, trade openness, and low inflation, leads to a high value of the

    index and thus it is expected to have a positive effect on growth. The other

    most significant variable in the regression is the dummy for sub-Saharan

    Africa, which appears with a negative significant coefficient. The initial GDP

    per capita Y0,the dummy variable for east Asia, and M2/GDP (lagged) have

    intuitive signs but they are never significant. The regression also includesfour time dummies and none of them are significant.

    Table A1 presents a classification of the countries in the sample by

    political instability. In the absence of a compelling theory of classification of

    countries in terms of political instability, I use here an ad hoc procedure. I

    define a country as stable, at least moderately, if its instability index is greater

    than or equal to the overall average growth of GDP per capita minus one

    standard deviation of the average. The difference between the average

    growth and one standard deviation of growth is 0.01 (0.02550.0155). The

    other countries can be defined as politically unstable. Based on thisclassification, there are 20 relatively stable and 45 unstable countries in the

    sample.

    T A B L E 1 . 2

    C O R R E L A T I O N M A T R I X

    Y0 A SCPR SCH POL M2 PI COP ASS REV EF

    Y0 1.00

    A 70.45 1.00SCPR 0.71 70.32 1.00SCH 0.58 70.25 0.67 1.00POL 0.22 70.01 0.38 0.45 1.00M2 0.31 0.001 0.18 0.28 0.39 1.00PI 70.21 0.09 70.43 70.19 0.01 70.13 1.00COP 70.32 70.15 70.23 70.28 70.18 0.05 0.92 1.00ASS 70.09 0.04 70.37 70.18 70.07 0.02 0.36 0.09 1.00REV 70.08 0.02 0.08 0.01 70.001 0.04 0 .35 0.15 0.10 1.00EF 70.41 0.05 70.38 70.40 70.06 70.20 0.12 0.04 0.08 0.06 1.00POP 70.08 0.48 70.37 70.25 70.12 70.22 0.02 0.03 0.12 0.05 0.26

    Note: See table 1.1 for definitions of variables.

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    TABLE2

    GROWTH

    REGRESSIONS

    (t-ratiosinparentheses)

    Estimationmethod

    Regressio

    n

    OLS(1)

    2SLS(2)

    2SLS(3)

    2SLS(4)

    2SLS(5)

    2SLS(6)

    2SLS(7)

    Y0

    (InitialGDP)

    70.0399(71.15)

    70.5439(72.57)

    70.9

    520(74.16)

    70.2561(70.42)

    70.5598

    (72.34)

    70.5358

    (71.23)

    70.7732

    (72.57)

    ASS(Ass

    assinations)

    70.2282(72.83)

    COP(Coupdetat)

    70.4218(71.72)

    STK(Strikes)

    0.0677(0.39

    )

    REV(Revolutions)

    70.0406(71.69)

    RTS(Rio

    ts)

    0.0794(71.2

    5)

    PI(Politicalinstab.

    index)

    73.1513(72.63)

    A(Aid/GDP)

    70.0175(70.75)

    0.1197(1.90)

    70.0066

    (70.22)

    0.0997

    (2.05)

    70.0094

    (70.31)

    A1

    (Aid/G

    DPsquared)

    70.0002(70.70)

    70.0103(71.98)

    0.0004(3.36)

    70.0003

    (71.96)

    0.0003

    (2.42)

    A2

    (Aid/G

    DP6Pol.

    instab.)

    70.0751(73.07)

    INF(Inflation)

    70.1974(71.88)

    BS(Budg

    etsurplus)

    0.0329(1.68

    )

    OPN(Openness)

    0.0742(1.65

    )

    POL(Policyindex)

    1.4695(0.05)

    0.4

    935(2.22)

    70.0070(70.22)

    0.0145(0.43)

    0.0105

    (0.82)

    0.0209

    (0.58)

    A3

    (Aid/G

    DP6Policy)

    1.0032(3.27)

    0.1

    491(3.70)

    A5(Aid/GDP6Pol.

    Inst.6

    Policy)

    0.1792(0.42)

    M2/GDP(Lagged)

    0.0026(0.69

    )

    0.1342(0.72)

    0.0

    178(1.70)

    0.0031(0.14)

    0.0345(0.41)

    0.0272

    (1.24)

    70.0307

    (71.95)

    (continued)

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    TABLE2

    (Co

    ntinued)

    Estimationmethod

    Regressio

    n

    OLS(1)

    2SLS(2)

    2SLS(3)

    2SLS(4)

    2SLS(5)

    2SLS(6)

    2SLS(7)

    Daf(Afric

    a)

    70.5762(73.34)

    70.3971(74.94)

    70.2

    186(72.43)

    70.6739(73.98)

    70.4472

    (74.52)

    70.4277

    (72.57)

    70.6088

    (75.71)

    Das(East

    Asia)

    0.2499(0.85

    )

    0.1982(0.19)

    0.0

    424(0.04)

    0.4525(2.23)

    0.9335(1.39)

    0.6791

    (2.43)

    0.8973

    (1.01)

    Constant

    73.2984(74.31)

    76.5751(71.07)

    75.7

    020(71.11)

    72.5821(70.51)

    7.2219(2.21)

    7.0341

    (12.29)

    7.6697

    (7.76)

    Observations

    325

    260

    260

    80

    180

    76

    168

    JB(Norm

    alitytest)

    56.84

    52.67

    51.90

    11.17

    26.01

    3.59

    4.81

    Adjusted

    R2

    0.49

    0.43

    0.37

    0.39

    0.36

    0.32

    0.34

    w2(Overidentification

    test)

    3.90

    3.67

    1.89

    2.34

    1.98

    3.52

    Notes:Timedummiesareincludedinallregressions.Theyaregenerallyfoundtobestatisticallyinsignificant.JB:Jarque-Berateststatistic

    isdistributedas

    w2with2

    degreesoffreedom.Thecritica

    lw2with2degreesoffreedom

    at5percentlevelofsignificanceis5.99.

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    Estimation Results

    I now treat aid, political instability and economic policy as endogenous and

    estimate the growth regression by 2SLS method. The results (see Table 2,

    column 2) indicate that the coefficient on aid/GDP is negative andstatistically insignificant; the coefficient on aid squared is also insignificant.

    This implies that aid is ineffective in promoting growth in the recipient

    countries, which conforms to Dalgaard and Hansen [2001].

    There are two aspects of the insignificant marginal effect of aid on growth

    with which I am particularly concerned. The first one is whether aid becomes

    ineffective in the presence of political instability and the other is whether the

    impact of instability is influenced in any way by the quality of economic

    policy. The results show that the coefficients on political instability and its

    interaction with the aid variable A2are both negative significant. This implies

    that political instability leads to a significant decline in GDP growth by

    reducing the effectiveness of aid. The coefficient on the policy variable is

    positive insignificant, although the interaction of policy with aid appears with

    a positive significant coefficient. The coefficient on the interaction term A5(aid6political instability6policy) is positive insignificant (see column 2).

    This implies that the incremental marginal effect of policy on growth due to

    increased aid flows becomes quite insignificant in the presence of political

    instability. In other words, a comparison of the coefficient on A5with that onA2 suggests that political instability reduces the effectiveness of aid even in

    the presence of good economic policies.

    Burnside and Dollar [2000] interpret the positive coefficient on the

    interaction term A3 (aid6policy) as aid being more effective in countries

    with good policies than in others. But I suspect that this positive significant

    coefficient on the interaction term may imply that policy is more effective

    when supported by inflows of aid rather than aid being more effective in a

    good policy environment. To test this proposition I re-estimate the growth

    regression excluding the aid variable. The results (see column 3) show thatpolicy has a positive impact on growth and this positive marginal effect is

    higher in countries with increased aid flows, as indicated by the positive

    significant coefficient on A3. The initial GDP per capita appears with a

    negative significant coefficient, capturing the conditional convergence effect.

    The other significant variable in the regression is the dummy for sub-Saharan

    Africa; the coefficient is negative conforming to previous results.

    As my main focus is on the growth regression, I briefly discuss the

    estimates of the other equations (aid, political instability and policy) in the

    model. The variables that have positive significant effect on aid allocationinclude infant mortality rates, and the Franc zone dummy (Table 3 column 1).

    Population size appears with a negative significant coefficient, implying that

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    TABLE3

    AI

    D,POLITICALINSTABIL

    ITYANDPOLICYREGRE

    SSIONS

    (t-ratiosinparentheses:samplesize

    325)

    Thedependentvariable

    independentvariable

    Aid/GD

    P(1)

    Political

    instabilityindex(2)

    Policy

    index(3)

    Y0

    (InitialGDP)

    72.2618

    (72.70)

    Y

    (Positivegrowth)

    0.0024(1.06)

    SCPR(Primaryschooling)

    70.2100(72.44)

    0.0003(2.36)

    MORT(M

    ortality)

    0.1194

    (1.93)

    EXI(Exp

    ortinstability)

    0.3585

    (0.39)

    70.0092(70.34)

    POP(Pop

    ulation)

    70.5980

    (76.10)

    A71

    (Aid/GDPlagged)

    0.1200(74.21)

    70.1748(73.82)

    A72

    (Aid/GDPlaggedtwoperiods)

    70.0246

    (72.70)

    70.1022(72.87)

    PI71

    (Pol.instab.lagged)

    0.4109(7.13)

    PI2

    (Laggedtwoperiods)

    0.0211

    (2.83)

    REG(Regimetype)

    70.0076(71.32)

    EF(Ethnic-fractionalisation)

    0.0005(0.31)

    PFI(Partyfractionalisation)

    0.0095(0.62)

    DFZ

    (Fran

    czonedummy)

    0.5598

    (15.94)

    DCA

    (Cen

    tralAmericandummy)

    70.8046

    (70.36)

    DEGYPT(Egyptdummy)

    0.6120

    (0.61)

    DAF

    (SubSaharadummy)

    0.2653

    (0.87)

    DLA

    (LatinAmericandummy)

    0.0137(2.56)

    Das(East

    Asiandummy)

    0.0397(2.82)

    POL71(P

    olicyindexlagged)

    70.0856

    (70.97)

    0.0406(0.70)

    Constant

    0.5954

    (8.73)

    0.1711(9.38)

    0.2319(9.62)

    Observations

    325

    3

    25

    325

    Adjusted

    R2

    0.54

    91

    0.6

    495

    0.4895

    w2

    (Overidentif.test)

    3.9

    1

    2.98

    2.87

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    smaller countries tend to receive more aid than larger ones. Initial GDP per

    capita and the previous aid shares also have negative significant impact on aid

    flows. Policy lagged, export instability and the other donor interest dummy

    variables do not affect aid significantly. The results in general conform to

    some previous studies, Guillaumont and Chauvet [2001] for example.Political instability seems to persist over time; PI

    71and PI72appear with

    positive significant coefficients. A country with a higher level of education is

    found to experience less instability than others. The Latin American countries

    are also found to have more political instability than other developing

    countries in the sample. The coefficients on other variables in the regression,

    such as positive growth, party fractionalisation, ethnic fractionalisation, and

    regime type, have expected signs, but they are never significant (see Table 3

    column 2).

    The most significant variables in the policy regression (see Table 3 column

    3) are the level of education, lagged aid shares and the dummy for east Asian

    countries. The level of education seems to improve the quality of a countrys

    economic policy. Countries with a higher level of education are found to have

    better economic policies than others. The results also indicate that east Asian

    countries have better economic policies than others. The aid shares (lagged)

    appear with negative significant coefficients. Aid allocations are often

    conditional on better economic policies and thus countries receiving more aid

    in the past tend to have fewer changes in current policies than others. Table 3also includes overidentification test results, measured by w2. The calculated

    values of w2 are all less than their critical values, which implies that the

    instruments chosen for aid, political instability and policy are not correlated

    with the growth residuals and thus the instruments can be considered as

    appropriate. R2 in 2SLS is not well-defined and therefore I have included

    adjusted squared-correlation between the observed and predicted dependent

    variable.

    I V . R O B U S T N E S S A N D S E N S I T I V I T Y A N A L Y S I S

    I now examine how sensitive the results are when the model is tested on

    the data for stable and unstable countries separately. It is expected that the

    coefficient on aid would be positive for stable countries and negative for

    the unstable ones. There is likely to be little change in the impact of aid on

    growth when the estimation is done controlling for policy. It will be

    interesting to investigate the sensitivity of the results when possible outliers/

    potentially influential observations are deleted and an alternative measure of

    political instability is used. It is also important to examine, as an anonymousreferee has suggested, whether the results still hold if a fixed effects model

    had been estimated.

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    When the model is estimated on separate samples of stable and unstable

    countries, an interesting story emerges. The coefficient on aid/GDP is now

    positive significant for politically stable countries and negative insignif-

    icant for the others (see Table 2 columns 45). One percentage point

    increase in aid/GDP ratio in a stable country leads to roughly 0.12percentage point increase in the growth rate, when the effect is evaluated

    at the mean value of the aid variable. This finding conforms to Hansen

    and Tarp [2001]. The positive marginal effect, however, tends to decline,

    as indicated by the negative coefficient on aid/GDP squared. The turning

    point3 for which the marginal effect is negative corresponds to an aid/GDP

    ratio of 5.8 per cent. The implied turning points in previous studies vary

    from 3.7 per cent [Collier and Dollar 1999] to 10 per cent [Lensink and

    White 2001], when PPP-values for GDP are used in measuring aid/

    GDP ratio.

    Although the coefficient on the aid variable is negative insignificant for the

    unstable countries, aid squared appears with a positive significant coefficient

    and this implies increasing returns to aid. The coefficient on the policy

    variable is now statistically insignificant, with a negative sign for stable

    countries and positive for others. It is also found that when this variable is

    deleted from the regression for stable countries, the coefficient estimate of the

    aid variable becomes more efficient; there is little change in the estimate for

    the unstable countries. The other coefficient estimates remain more or lessunaffected. Thus, the impact of aid on growth does not seem to be influenced

    by policy.

    Table 2 includes Jarque-Bera test of normality of residuals. The computed

    test statistics for residuals in eqs. (1)(5) exceed their critical values,

    indicating that the residuals are not normally distributed and there is a

    likelihood of extreme outliers in the sample. Dalgaard and Hansen [2001]

    detected nine outliers4 and five leverage5 points in a sample of 56 developing

    countries. The outliers include: Cameroon (197881, 199093), Egypt

    (198285), Ethiopia (198285), Gabon (197477, 197881), Nicaragua(197881), Nigeria (197073), and Syria (197477). The leverages are

    Argentina (197477), Gambia (198689, 199093), Guyana (199093), and

    Nicaragua (199093). The sample in the present study includes nine

    additional countries which show two more outliers (Liberia, 199397, and

    Uganda, 199397).

    I exclude two outliers (Gabon, 197377, 197882) and two leverages

    (Gambia, 198387, 198892) from the sample of stable countries. Note that

    the time intervals are slightly changed to match with the five yearly-intervals

    used in this study. The sample of unstable countries excludes the remainingnine outliers and three leverages. Regressions (6) and (7) show the changes

    in the parameter estimates for stable and unstable countries respectively.

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    The exclusion of outliers/leverages leads to a more efficient estimate of the

    coefficient on aid; the t-ratios are considerably higher in both regressions. Aid

    squared appears with significant coefficients, without any change in sign. It

    can be noted that the coefficients on aid and aid squared in the regression

    estimated on the combined sample of stable and unstable countries, excludingthe outliers/leverages, are both positive and statistically insignificant (the

    results are not reported). Overall, the results are sensitive to the outliers but

    the main finding that aid promotes growth only in a politically stable

    environment seems to be a robust result.

    I investigate the sensitivity of the results when the instability index is

    measured alternatively by the weighted sum of the number of revolutions per

    year and of the number assassinations per million inhabitants per year, as

    used in Guillaumont and Chauvet [2001]. The coefficients on both aid and aid

    squared are now positive and significant at 10 per cent level. The coefficient

    on the instability index is negative insignificant, but the coefficient on the

    interaction term (aid6instability) is negative significant. There are only

    minor changes in the other coefficient estimates. If political instability is

    measured by the ethnic-fractionalisation index, the coefficients on aid and the

    interaction term are both insignificant (the results are not reported). The

    results are thus sensitive to different measures of political instability and

    therefore it is important to use a proper definition of the index, as explained

    earlier.

    Fixed Effects Estimation and Sensitivity of the Results

    I now estimate the growth regressions (2), (4)(7) in Table 2 by fixed effects

    method, where an individual constant is entered for each country. Following

    Barro [2000], I exclude the two time-invariant regional dummies, one for

    sub-Saharan Africa and the other for east Asia, from each of these

    regressions. This is intended to check whether it is sufficient to only include

    regional dummies for fixed country effects or instead use a panel estimation

    technique (fixed effects method). Table 4 shows the results of a fixed effectsestimation of these regressions.

    The estimated coefficients on aid/GDP are still statistically insignificant

    for unstable countries (and in the full sample), but significant for stable

    countries. However, the sizes of these coefficients are now considerably

    lower than their 2SLS estimates. The fixed effects specification allows only

    for contemporaneous relations between aid and economic growth and thus

    the coefficient estimates would pick up a short-run link between them. But

    in the 2SLS estimation using pooled data, the estimates reflect both time-

    wise and cross-sectional variations, and thus the estimates pick up longerrun aspects of the relationship between aid and growth. Note that the fixed

    effects estimates of the coefficient on aid/GDP for a stable country reflects

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    TABLE4

    FI

    XEDEFFECTSESTIMATIONOFGROWTHREGRESSIONS

    (t-ratiosinparentheses)

    Fullsamp

    le

    Stable

    Unstable

    Stable

    Unstable

    Includingoutliers

    Excludingoutliers

    CountryR

    egressions

    (2)

    (4)

    (5)

    (6)

    (7)

    A(Aid/GDP)

    0.01124(0.44)

    0.0729(2.30)

    70.0301(70.84)

    0.0897(2.20)

    70.0194(70.52)

    A1

    (Aid/G

    DPsquared)

    0.0056(0.19)

    70.0021(71.66)

    0.0022(2.45)

    70.0035(71.76)

    0.0021(2.43)

    POL(Policyindex)

    0.7307(0.69)

    70.0731(70.31)

    0.8706(0.79)

    70.0751(70.74)

    0.6953(0.62)

    M2/GDP(Lagged)

    70.00002(7

    0.002)

    0.0232(1.34)

    70.0031(70.19)

    0.0229(1.01)

    70.0124(70.82)

    Constant

    70.0070(7

    0.07)

    0.1119(0.69)

    70.0213(70.18)

    0.1389(0.74)

    70.0195(70.17)

    Observations

    325

    80

    245

    70

    195

    Notes:Th

    eregressions(2),(4)(7)corre

    spondtothe2SLSregressionspresentedinTable2.Theconstanttermrepresentstheaverage

    oftheestimated

    intercepts

    forallcountriesincludedinthe

    regression.

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    roughly 60 per cent of the variations in growth due to changes in aid share,

    all else equal. There is hardly any change in the coefficients on aid/GDP

    squared, except that its sign is changed in the full sample, but it is still

    insignificant. Thus, the main finding that aid promotes growth only in a

    stable environment still seems to be a robust result. There is also no changein the robustness of the other coefficient estimates with a fixed effects

    estimation.

    An Alternative Stability Test

    Levine and Renelt [1992] and Sala-i-Martin [1997] suggest a more

    systematic procedure for testing robustness (or stability) of parameter

    estimates in regression analysis. The procedure involves the following

    steps: (a) estimate the coefficient on the variable of interest, aid/GDP ratio

    in this case, from a growth regression, using a set of independent variables

    which in the past were found to have important influence on growth across

    countries, and (b) augment this base regression with linear combinations of

    up to three additional variables which have explanatory values (a

    Q-vector) and find an estimate of the coefficient on aid/GDP. If the sign

    of this estimated coefficient remains the same and its level of significance

    does not change too greatly, the aidgrowth relationship can be considered

    as robust.

    I include the following six variables in the vector Q: trade (ratio of exportsplus imports to GDP), civil liberties, political rights, the share of government

    consumption in GDP, economic instability and a dummy variable ( 1 for amiddle income country, 0 for a low-income country). The first threevariables are added as they are included in Islam [2003] and Lensink and

    White [2001]. The justification for including the other variables can also be

    found in previous studies. Barro [1991] has found a negative significant

    relationship between government consumption share and growth. Economic

    instability, measured by the coefficient of variation in per capita real GDP,

    has also a negative significant effect on growth [Islam and Winer, 2004]. Theincome dummy is added because aid does not necessarily have same effect on

    growth in countries with different levels of per capita income [see Burnside

    and Dollar, 2000].

    Table 5 shows the coefficient estimate of aid/GDP based on the base

    growth regression and its augmented forms, using alternative linear

    combinations of the Q-variables. For the full sample the coefficient estimate

    of aid/GDP remains statistically insignificant, but its sign changes and

    therefore the coefficient estimate is not robust. In case of the stable (unstable)

    countries, the coefficient estimate retains its positive (negative) signand statistical significance (insignificance) and thus the corresponding

    aidgrowth relationships can be considered as robust.

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    V . C O N C L U S I O N S

    In this study I have investigated several questions regarding the interactions

    among aid, political instability, economic policies and growth. Consistent

    with other studies, I found that on average aid has an insignificant impact on

    growth, although a robust finding was that aid promotes growth only in apolitically stable environment irrespective of the quality of countries

    economic policies. The empirical results also provide some tentative support

    for the presence of an aid Laffer curve in the politically stable countries. The

    returns to aid become negative at higher levels of aid inflows, in particular,

    beyond an aid/GDP ratio of 5.8 per cent. This finding underlines the

    importance of incorporating political instability in an aid growth regression.

    The data from different developing countries should not be pooled without

    allowing coefficients to vary with political instability, which places interesting

    restrictions on the signs of the coefficients of aid in explaining economicgrowth.

    The allocation of aid is found to depend on the size of a country and its

    state of human development, and partly on the strategic interests of the

    donors. The quality of economic policy did not influence aid allocation.

    A country with a higher level of education is found to have less political

    instability than others. Consistent with past history, the Latin American

    countries are found to be more unstable than other developing countries.

    A country with a higher level of education and also an east Asian country are

    found to have better economic policies than others.

    Final version received August 2004

    T A B L E 5

    S E N S I T I V I T Y T E S T R E S U L T S F O R T H E E F F E C T S O F A I D O N G R O W T H

    CountryClassification Regression

    CoefficientAid/GDP t-ratio R 2 Q-variables

    Robust/fragile

    All countries High 0.0208 0.78 0.33 TRD, FR, Dinc FragileBase 0.0175 0.75 0.37 Low 70.0007 70.02 0.30 FR, Dinc

    Stable countries High 0.1287 1.98 0.39 TRD, FR, Dinc RobustBase 0.0997 2.05 0.32 Low 0.0309 1.99 0.33 TRD, FR, Gc

    Unstable countries High 70.0098 70.32 0.33 FR RobustBase 70.0094 70.31 0.34 Low 70.0636 71.87 0.43 FR, Dinc

    Notes: TRD Trade, FR (14-CL-PR)/12, Gc Government consumption/GDP, an Dinc 1

    for a middle-income country, and 0 for a low-income country. High and Low refer to theaugmented regressions yielding the highest and lowest values of 2SLS estimate of the coefficienton aid/GDP.

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    N O T E S

    1. Foreign aid or technically called official development assistance (ODA) includes grants andconcessionary loans from government(s) to government(s). They contain a grant element of atleast 25 per cent; the grant element is the difference between the face value of a loan and its

    present value of amortisation including interest payments. Roughly 65 per cent of aid funds goto projects, the rest being divided among programme assistance (6 per cent), food aid (3 percent), and others (26 per cent). ODA does not include non-concessionary loans, grants andloans for defence purposes.

    2. Consider the following growth model:

    gt b0 b1At b2Pt b3APt ut 1

    where gt growth rate of GDP, At aid share in GDP, and Pt a policy index.The model can be written as:

    gt b0 b1 b3PtAt b2Pt ut 2

    Or

    gt b0 b2 b3AtPt b1At ut 3

    The coefficient of At, in eq. (2), implies that the effect of aid on growth depends on the level ofpolicy as in Burnside and Dollar [2000], while the coefficient of Pt in eq. (3), implies thatpolicies work better if supported by aid inflows. Thus Burnside and Dollar results can have adifferent interpretation.

    3. The turning point is the share of aid in GDP above which more aid has a negative marginalimpact on growth. The partial derivative of the growth rate with respect to the aid share (inregression 4, Table 2) is equal to 0.1197 2(0.0103) A/GDP.

    Equating this to zero and solving for A/GDP, the turning point is found as: A/GDP 5.81or approximately 5.8 per cent.

    4. An outlier is an extreme observation, usually generated by some unusual factors. Theinformation it conveys is quite different from the rest of the observations and as a result it

    produces substantial changes in the estimated regression equation. An observation isconsidered as an outlier if the corresponding studentised residual exceeds plus or minus 2.A better technique to detect outliers/influential observations is to use DFFITS, which is astandardised measure of the changes in the fitted value of the dependent variable due to

    deleting the particular observation.5. A leverage point has an above-average influence on fitted values of the dependent variable.

    R E F E R E N C E S

    Alesina, A. and D. Dollar, 2000, Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?, Journal of Economic Growth, Vol.5, pp.3363.

    Alesina, A. and R. Perotti, 1996, Income Distribution, Political Instability, and Investment,European Economic Review, Vol.40, pp.120328.

    Barro, R.J., 1991, Economic Growth in a Cross Section of Countries, The Quarterly Journal ofEconomics, Vol.106, pp.40743.

    Barro, R.J., 2000, Inequality and Growth in a Panel of Countries, Journal of Economic Growth,Vol.5, pp.532.

    Boone, P., 1996, Politics and the Effectiveness of Foreign Aid, European Economic Review,40(2), pp.289330.

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    Burnside, C. and D. Dollar, 2000, Aid, Policies and Growth, The American Economic Review,90(4), pp.84768.

    Cassen R. and Associates, 1994, Does Aid Work? Second edition, New York: Oxford UniversityPress.

    Collier, P. and D. Dollar, 1999, Aid Allocation and Poverty Reduction, Policy Research

    Working Paper 2041, World Bank, Washington, DC.Dalgaard, C.J. and H. Hansen, 2001, On Aid, Growth, and Good Policies, Journal of Development Studies, 37(6), pp.1741.

    Easterly, W. and H. Yu, 1999, Global Development Network Growth Database, World Bank,Washington DC.

    Fischer, S., 1993, The Role of Macroeconomic Factors in Growth, Journal of MonetaryEconomics, 32(3), pp.485512.

    Griffin, K. and T. McKinley, 1994, A New Framework for Development Cooperation,Occasional Papers, Human Development Report Office, UNDP, New York.

    Guillaumont, P. and L. Chauvet, 2001, Aid and Performance: A re-Assessment, Journal of Development Studies, 32(3), pp.6692.

    Gupta, D.K., 1990, The Economics of Political Violence, New York: Praeger.

    Hadjimichael, M.T., Ghura, D., Muhleisen, M., Nord, R., and E.M. Ucer, 1995, Sub-SaharanAfrica: Growth, Savings, and Investment, 19861993, Occasional Papers 118, InternationalMonetary Fund, Washington, DC.

    Hansen, H., and F. Tarp, 2000, Aid Effectiveness Disputed, Journal of InternationalDevelopment, 12(3), pp.37598.

    Hansen, H., and F. Tarp, 2001, Aid and Growth Regressions, Journal of DevelopmentEconomics, Vol.64, pp.54770.

    Hausman, J.A., 1983, Specification and Estimation of Simultaneous Equation Models, inZ. Grilliches and M.D. Intriligator (eds.), Handbook of Econometrics 1, Amsterdam: NorthHolland, Ch. 7.

    Islam, M.N., 2003, Political Regimes and the Effects of Foreign Aid on Economic Growth, TheJournal of Developing Areas, 37(1), pp.3552.

    Islam, M.N., and S.L. Winer, 2004, Tinpots, Totalitarians (and Democrats): An empiricalInvestigation of the Effects of Economic Growth on Civil Liberties and Political Rights,

    Public Choice, 118(3), pp.145.Lensink, R., and H. White, 1999, Assessing Aid: A Manifesto for the 21st Century, A Sida

    evaluation reports 99/17:13, Stockholm, Sweden.Lensink, R., and H. White, 2000, Aid Allocation, Poverty Reduction and the Assessing Aid

    Report,Journal of International Development, Vol.12, pp.399412.Lensink, R., and H. White, 2001, Are there Negative Returns to Aid?, Journal of Development

    Studies, 32(3), pp.4265.Levine, R., and D. Renelt, 1992, A Sensitivity Analysis of Cross-country Growth Regressions,

    The American Economic Review, Vol.82, pp.94263.

    Nehru, V., Swanson, E., and A. Dubey, 1995, A New Database on Human Capital Stock inDeveloping and Industrial Countries: sources, methodology, and results, Journal of Development Economics, Vol.46, pp.379401.

    Sachs, J.D., and A.M. Warner, 1995, Economic Reform and the Process of Global Integration,Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Vol.1, pp.1118.

    Sala-i-Martin, X., 1997, I Just Ran Two Million Regressions, The American Economic Review,Vol.87, pp.17883.

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    T A B L E A 1

    C L A S S I F I C A T I O N O F C O U N T R I E S B Y P O L I T I C A L I N S T A B I L I T Y

    I N D E X ( P I )

    Stable countries

    Country PI Country PI Country PI

    Mauritius 0.0218 Paraguay 0.0179 Indonesia 0.0152Malaysia 0.0179 Singapore 0.0162 Nepal 0.0228Malawi 0.0114 Zaire 0.0179 Cote dIvoire 0.0225Dom. Repub. 0.0152 Costa Rica 0.0255 Tri. & Tobago 0.0242Botswana 0.0255 Gabon 0.0255 Gambia 0.0242Madagascar 0.0139 Mali 0.0288 Tanzania 0.0179Tunisia 0.0255 Zambia 0.0242

    Unstable countries

    Country PI Country PI Country PIJamaica 70.0049 Argentina 70.5010 Ecuador 0.0006Uruguay 70.0125 Venezuela 0.0014 Algeria 70.0228Cameroon 0.0098 Egypt 70.0255 Ghana 70.0275Kenya 0.0027 Liberia 0.0049 Morocco 70.0242

    Nger 0.0047 Nigeria 70.0364 Senegal 70.0283Sierra Leone 70.0156 Sudan 70.0334 Swaziland 70.0166Togo 70.0051 Uganda 70.2969 Zimbabwe 70.0374El Salvador 70.4084 Guatemala 70.7100 Honduras 70.1348Mexico 70.0353 Nicaragua 70.0485 Bolivia 70.1175Brazil 70.0429 Columbia 70.3056 Peru 70.2098

    India 7

    0.1907 S.Korea 0.022 Pakistan 7

    0.0984Philippines 70.2265 Sri Lanka 70.0743 Thailand 70.0102Haiti 70.0578 Chile 70.1486 Burk Faso 70.0337Ethiopa 70.1199 Somalia 70.0046 Syria 70.1673Turkey 70.2094 Bangladesh 70.0589 Guyana 70.0125

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