ON THE DESCRIPTION OF THE CHURCHES OF ST. ANASTASIAAND ST.DONAT IN ZADAR IN DE ADM/NSTRANDO IMPERIO BY

CON STANTIN E PORPHYROGEN ITUS

MILENKO LONEAR

Ten and a half centuries ago Porphyrogenitus's literary associate was struck by the similarity of the church of St. Anastasia

in Zadar utith the church of the Virgin of Chalcoprateia in Constantinople while the gallery of St. Donat's rerninded him of

catechumeneum, Drawing from Porphyrogenet's data in De Cerimoniis, the first aim of the article u)as to bring informa-

tion about the church of Chalcoprateia and of the catechumeneum in order to be able to acqyire knoutledge of the churches

of Zadar. As a uerification, sotne other terms used in the description inDe Administrando imperio haue been examined, too,

They are: Dromic6s, entirely pictured in antique wood painting, second temple, eilematik6s, spiral staircase.

UDC: 7 26.54(497 .5 Zadar)Original scientific paperManuscript received: 25. 02. 1999.Revised manuscript accepted: 01. 04. f999.

INTRODUCTION

Approximatelyten and ahalf centuries ago Porphyroge-nitus's literary associate was struck bythe similarity of thechurch of St. Anastasia in Zadar with the church of the Vir-gin of Chalcoprateia in Constantinople while the gallery ofSt. Donat's reminded him of a catechumeneum. lt canbeunderstood that people who are concerned with the past ofsacred places feel the need to get acquainted with the Constantinopolitan half of the equation because in that way itsleft side, that of Zadar, indirectly gets more light. This is thereasonwhyMr. Palu5aVeZi6 suggested to me that, as a con-noisseur of products with the label "Porphl'rogenitus" (if Idare call myself so), I should look for the parts of the book" On Ceremoizles" which describe the church of Chal-coprateia and catechumeneum. Further, I'd like to discusswhat I leamed about the matter while analysing other worksof Constantine De cerimonllsin the fust place, manuals andavailable literature as well as some other, not so understand-able and not so well-knovrm elements of the description.

In order not to leave out the most important in all this,I'd like to recall that it all began with the unusual news ab-out a young Iew who used to recommend bread instead ofstone and whose destiny mankind is familiar with. The in-formation about this newly given possibility for man's in-ner reversal spread very quickly from Judea to all the tov,nsof the Roman empire. After more than two centuries of ter-rible persecutions conducted by the authorities, in the year313 Constantine gave the sectarians the privilege of pub-licity and it was only then that they were allowed to buildthemselves places for gatherings. The appearance of thosebuildings was strongly influenced by the emperor's prox-imity (which can be seductive and dangerous for those car-

rying and witnessing the message). After all, the subjectmatter here is rooms for meetings that iater turned intosacred places, which is, in fact, a specific displacement ofthe emphasis in the Galilean's teaching according to whichit is the people who should be sacred.

M. LoniarFaculty ofPhilosophy

Obala Petra I(reSimira 2Zadar, Croatia

DE ADMINISTRANDO IMPERIO

In this book, at the place usually occupied by a title, themanuscript reads: Constantinos, eternal emperor in Christ,emperor of the Rhomaioi, to his own son Rhomanos wreath-ed by God and in purple born emperor.' Mersius, its firstpublisher, gave the book the title On administrating theEmpire (De administrando imperio) underwhich it is com-monly quoted today.2 The book deals with Byzantine for-eign affairs (chapters I - 48) and slightly less with internalpolitics (49 - 53). Meursius's title conforms well to the firstpart of the book only (ch.l - 13) where the balance of forcesbetween northern nomadic tribes is described and whereinstructions for treating them are given as well. In the hugemiddle section of the document the peoples on the out-skirts of the empire are dealt with, round in succession beg-inning withthe Saracens (ch. 14-25), across Italy (ch.26-28),Dalmatia (ch. 29-36) and northern peoples (37-42) all theway to Armenia, Georgia and Clprus in the East. Anyway,politics is not dealt with very much in this part; importanceis given more to the history of nations and their govern-mental organization and geographical settings. It is inter-esting and somewhat puzzling to see the Byzantine themaDalmatia in the company of foreigners. For the time beinglet us assume that the geographical element prevailed overthe political one, as there was a similar case with Lombardia(ch. 27), but not in the case of Peloponesus (ch. 49-50) orHerson on the Black Sea (ch. 53), all of which were situatedin the "inland" part of the Document. Could this direct usto the conclusion that the Byzantine interest towards theremote western provinces was weaker and that the con-nections were less frequent? In any case, chapter 29 is dedi-cated to Dalmatia; namely, the first part to the fact that itsgreatest area had been occupied by the Slavs and by theAvars respectively, the middle part to Basilius's interven-tion against the Arabs in Dalmatia and South Italy, whilethe last section is assigned to the tor,t'ns and islands thatremained in the hands of the Romans.

M. Loncar; On the Description of... 235

Constantine VII tholtght that it was necessary to informhis son about two interesting churches inZadar. We can-not guess what were the criteria for them to enter the book,whether it was for the proximity of the bishop,s palace ormaybe something else because at the time they were notthe only ones in tor,rm.

The description was composed by someone who hadseen them with his own eyes, and who was, at the otherdistant end, at home in Constantinople and who used towrite to the local readers, most probably an official of theemperor's government in Dalmatia.3 The same Dersonmust have described the remaining Roman cities in chap-ter 29, Dubrowik, Split, Trogir and Kotor (as well as theSlavic countries in the hinterland, ch.3 I -36), judging all thisby the extremely frequent use of the pronoun ,,the iame,,.,\{h.en-introdrrcing a to\.,"Tl, he invariably devotes a headingwith the explanation of the meaning of the town,s name]he usually quotes a geographic or urban detail; while fromthe field of religion he mentions the churches and the saintswhose remains are kept in them. E.g. in Dubrovnik thereIies Saint Pancratios in the temple ofEt. Stephanos which isin the centre of the same town} Presewed in Split, there isthe church in which lies St. Domnus himself, and which wasthe resting-place of the same emperor Diocletian. (.. .) andSt. Anastasios also lies in the city.1The holy martyr Lawrence,the archdeacon, liesinTrogir.T ln Kotor lies St

'Tryphon en-

tire, who heals euery desease, especially those who are tor-mented by unclean spirits; his church is domed.B And inZadar lies in the Jlesh St. Anastasia, the uirgin, daughter ofEustathios who on the throne at that time; and St. ehrvso-C!r!us, monk and martyr, and his hofu chain. The temp'le ofSaint Anastasia is a basilica like the church of the Chalco--pratia, with green and white columns, and all d.ecoratedwith enc-austic pictures in the antique style; its ftoor is ofwonderful mosaic. Near it is another church, a domed one,Holy Trinity, and aboue the churcl't again is another church,like a trforium, domed also, into which they mowt bv aspiral staircase.s

SAINT ANASTASIA

The sketch ofthe church ofthe protectress ofZadar ismade in five lines. Four of them illustrate it directly andone by comparison.

Oblong (dromic6s in Greek). This atrribute has beentranslated byvarious translators in two similar ways: by anadjective which stands for oblongnessro or by a noun-ba-silicacontaining the notion of oblongness in itself as afun-damental characteristic.Ir Howewer, this unanimousnessin translation only hid the problem in transfering the mean-ing of this term which, nevertheless, exists. In claisical Greekit only stands for (the ability of a liuing being or) the suit-ability of a space for running.t2 The all time fundamentaldictionary of medieval Greek by Du Cange offers the samemeaning as the translators and it reflects uncertaintvwhenexplaining the origin of that meaning, even hesitating be-tween what I find occasionally vague definitions given bywriters majnly from the late Byzantine period, accordingto whom the adjective dromic6s or its nominalized formriromic6nis used for anlthing resembling narthex, or evenfor square-based churches wiih wooden r"oof construction;the third possibility could be that the adiective was derivedfrom the nouns drdmoiand peridr6moiwhich correspondto the cloisters extending on both lateral sides of Saint So-phia, and, according to this, the name "a dromed temple,,

236

could be given to those extending like a cloister. In otherwords, this seems to me the most acceptable derivationwherc dromikds describes the ty?e of atleast a three-ves-seled church that, with their iateral vessels, remind us ofporches.13 Several insufficient instructions and examplesfollow, one of which is exactly this one of ours being placedat the beginning as the oldest.la Sophocles's dictioniry.o.r-tracts.Du Cange's paper into one word accompanied by aquestion mark: oblongls Understanding has been mademuch more difficult by the fact that droiikIs canbe foundonly in the description of St. Anastasia and nowhere elsein the entire DAI, and not even in other works of porohv-rogenitus exceptin De Cerimoniis,where it stands for a ionewtrich used to^ be sung during the procession, somethin;like a march.16 So we have been left only with the contexithat.was-analysed byI. Martinovii. We can accept his sug-gestion that Porphyrogenitus uses the expressio i dromicl6sin order to describe a longitudinal type of building, con-trary to the notion of eilematic1swhich has been asiignedto the church of St. Domnos and St. Tryphon in Kotorwhichcould oppositely represent a central type.rT We cannot goany further than this. Thus, we have one assignement ldftand that is to explore the background of the word dromic6s,its use and meaning.

Similar to the temple of Chalcoprateia. What is com-pared here with the church of Chalcoprateid Is it the firstfeature of St. Anastasia, its basic shape, or the entire descrip-tion? According the impression the text has made on me ifisonly added as an explanation to the attribute dromicIs.ltisless possible that the writer had the intention to describethe colour of the pillars, the carvings or the floor mosaics.

The parable can be conceived in a way that there aremanyelongated temples, each differingfrom the other, andamong them, our church looks exactly like the one fromChalcoprateia. This means thar our anilogy goes even fur-ther from classifying St. Anastasia as a basilical Wpe of sa-cred building, but it is hard to tell how far it goei. Our de-duction would be much more certain ifwe knewthe churchin Constantinople, but it has been destroyed.ls All we haveis records about it and the results ofexcavations.

Porphyrogenitus mentions it two times in his books. Ac-cording to De cerimoniis, the imperatorial protocol includesa visit to the church of the Holy Lady on the dav of Marv,sbirth (LadyDay) and onAnnunciation. The

".np".ot,t u.rd

the patriarch's ceremonial walk gives an account of someparts of the church refering to its structure and specificspaces: narthex-infront of the entrance, the portal calledthe emperor's doorvnth atleast two entrances, one of whichis called the right entrance; solea is inside the building, thesanctuary with an altar and the holy doon the left part ofthe_church is cdJed gtn aicireswhich itands for g1ma"."u-,and from which one can pass through tropicds and enterat least one eucterium where the Lady's relic was kept.Z0Upstairs there is a catechoumeneumwhereyou can asc'endusing wooden stairs on the left side. A special room forchanging clothes is here, tooi'metatoriuinr.To exit thechurch, one was to descend the conche stairs which lead, intodidascalium. T. F. Mathews considers this as a passagethrough or even under sjtnthrononzz, and from there com-ing to the doors that open to the porch.z3 Nevertheless, A.Vogt leaves the original term didascalium explaining thatit literaly refers to a school.2a

In Vita Basilii Porphyrogenitus credits his grandfatherwith the restoration of the church: " And, seeing that another

God's temple of our all illustrious Lady, the one of the uen'erable and sacred chest in Chalcoprateia was unpresumpt'ious and without light, by building two apses on its bothsides and by hauing its roof heightened, he endowed it withappropriate height and embelished it with light shiningthrough."2sT. F. Mathews explainedthis as "adomedbuild-ing"26 which, I have to admit, I am not able to see in thetext so clearly. He also brought to light the more recent re-sults of archeological researches as well. On the basis ofvery poor evidence he assu'mes the existence of an almostsquare atrium, slightly longer than wider. The church it-self was a basilica with a nave and two aisles, 3l m in widthwhich made it the widest in the capital city. The large apsehad three sides on the outer side and itwas a semi circularapse on the inside and had three big windows. It was notflanked with rooms but with doors, one of which was men-tioned in De cer.21 The gallery or the galleries must havebeen columnated. The altar rail was of the older type, withno architrave and about one meter in height.28

It is not I who should answer the question how could,then, St. Anastasia remind anybody of the church of Chal-coprateia, but it should be someone who is much morecompetent to talk about its architectural past and present.

Entirely pictured, in ancient wood canting (xylography).The translation wood carving stands for the literal mean-ing of this expression. The question is what it really means.It is undoubtedly about a kind of picture. So let us see howvarious translators tackled the problem: N. Toma5ii (tuirhancient painted icons), B. Ferjandi6 (entirely in old picturesuiuidly painted), M. Sui6 (entirely embelished with ancientimagery) and J. Martin ovie @ncient pictures) .2s In this ex-pression R. H. Jenkins recognized the technique of encaus-tic: with antique style encaustic pictures.3o Refering toBanduri in his commentary he explains that thk word meanspictureslicons on wood as distinct from mosaic.3t Contraryto this, A. Banduri has a different point: he claims that theseare pictures painted with wax and colours on any matter.3ZIf this is correct then the first word of the compound nounchylographiashould not be interpreted as "wood" but in amore general sense as "matter", which is also contained inits meaning, so that it would not refer to a surface but, I think,to a mixture used for painting. Taking Banduri's exampleone cannot reach any certainty in solving the dilemma.

And, one more point. The term archaios has been as-signed two meanings'. ancient and old. Both may be cor-rect. The first could mean that the reporter had noticed theoutmoded style in comparison with, let us say, Constanti-nople, which could additionally imply that the artefactsmight have been recently constructed; the other transla-tiqn could express the age of the product, not distinguish-ing style from material.

SAINT DONAT'S

Today's Saint Donat's in DAlwas described as two tem-ples, one above the other. Roundness is their commoncharacteristic. Onlythe titular, the HolyTrinity, of the lowerone was mentioned, while the specific characteristic of theupper one is that it resembles catechumeneum and that ithas a snail-like staircase which is the link with the groundfloor.

The second temple. The writer sees the gallery as an-other church, like catechumeneum. I think that this de-

scription could be analysed in the following manner: a) thegalleryhas the shape of a church and the function of a cate-chumeneum, b) it functions as a church and the shape isthat of a catechumeneum. Knowing the state of the firstfloor in St. Donat's, everyone could agree that since it doesnot have the form of a church, the possibility marked as a)is not to be taken into account. Consequently, the gallerymust have had the function of a church, although its ap-Dearance was not common because it looked like a cate-ihumenerrm, if the record is to be trusted.

Par,u5aVeZii allows the interpretationwith two churchesbecause of a separate entrance but inside, they have to beconsidered as a singular space, "ceremonies taking placeinside are common and according to that we can talk aboutonly one temple. There is no evidence of any original hori-zontal construction which would divide the central cylin-der into upper and lower parts."33 Nevertheless, I think thatthe impression that there had been another temple or thatit had had an actual liturgical function could have arisendue to the existence of a sanctuary which was at the sameIocation and was of the same size as the one on the groundfloor. An equal idea could have been influenced by the di-mensions of the spaces that had significantly been alteredby additions built to the church and which were almostentirely open towards its rotunda and connected with it'Later on, four altars existed in the gallery, three of whichwere situated in the aPses.

In conclusion, that space could have functioned as achurch, at least on special occasions,3a since it had a sanc-tuar:y, tvvo aisles and the basis of a nave, as well as a sepa-rate entrance.

Like a catechumeneum. Even the writer himself knewthat it was not an ordinary church. That is why he added:as a cathecumeneum. But, what does cathecumeneummean, anyvvay? First, let us look at the form of the word'Cathecortmena is the present participle of a mediopassiveverb catech4o in plural neuter gender (there are confirma-tions that this word with its two meanings as a verb: I . echo,2.Ieach - was used in the Helenistic period)35 so that itsIiteral meanin gisthe subject of teaching. But it transformedinto an expression designating space. Constantine Porphy-rogenitus used this word four times in his Book on ceremo-nies as well as its variants catechoumdnia (30 times) andcatechoum1neia (4 times) without any noticeable changeof meaning. Catechoumdneia, as lhe most used variant is adiminutive derived from the form from DA1; diminutiviza-tionwas one of the characteristics of medieval Greek. Onlythe third form of the term has an ending typical for thewords designating the place for an event (...-eion, plural;. . . -eia), but this time it is with an inappropriate accent' anacute accent on the third syllable from the end instead of acircumflex on the second.36 There remains the questionhow and why three variants emerged for the same notion,why they were used in plural and which was their originalform.

Regarding the liturgical function of catechumeneLLm,Ihave located two definitions Testamentum Domini nostri

Jesu Christi explains that it must have been a building thatwa-s connected with a church so that those who were to bebaptised could listen to the readings and chants.3' The Lexi'con of lconography... emphasises only the direct connec-tion between catechumeneum and the baptistery limitingthe functioning from 4th to 6th century.38 Here, without in-tention to open the interpretation of the differences, let us

M. Loniar: Or1 the Description of... 23i

say that the situation in:St. Donat's corresponds to the ref-erence inTestamentttm Domini. EvenV. Brunelli relied onthis basic meaning of the term catechumeneum with histranslation: ad uso dei cqtecumeni.3s

The next stage in the use of catechumeneum is de-scribed by T. F. Mathews, as j. Jelidii has transfered it tous: the gallery ceased to be used by cathecumens since theirnumber had gradually decreased and in the like mannerthe function of the halls changed, too. As early as duringthe 7s century they were used as a private or].tory by e. g.Maximus Confessor or patriarch Nicephor.ao

A completely different position is held by Du Cange,Reiske, Stephanus, and as it seems, even M. Sui6. In his Dicr-ionary of Medieual La.tin, contrary to some other authors,Du Cange considers catechumeneum as a space for wo-men.ar Much to my regret, his works where he gave a deeperanalysis of the subject cannot be obtained without diffi-culty so that it is impossible to reach any decisive conclu-sion.a2 J. J. Reiske also follows Du Cange's path and in a long-ish note he explains the word catechumdnia itself statingthat it refers to women.a3

In a like, but more concise manner, Stephanus did that,too.aa M. Suii joined the same direction of interpretationby opening a critique of Brunelli's, Ienkins's and Ferjandi6'stranslation, by referring to Du Cange and Stephanus andby proposing that ta catechoilmena should be translatedas mqtroneum, albeit his reasons about deciding in favourof such a term are not quite clear: "this is not a matroneumin a 'classical' sense".as

The catechumeneums of Constantinopolitan churcheshad a special part in the imperial ceremony of the tenth,and probably the two preceding centuries as well.a6 Por-phyrogenet's De Cer. abounds in confirmations.aT In thefirst book which had 92 chapters altogether (with the miss-ing chapters 11-9 in the one and only manuscript) it is inthe first 46 chapters where the emperor's protocol duringcelebrations is described in detail and where catechume-neum is mentioned in seven Constantinooolitan churches:in St. Sophia's, in the church of the Holy Apostles, in St.Sergios's, in St. Mokios's, in the church of the Lady of theWell (Peg6), in Lady's Great church in Blachernae as wellas the one of the Lady of Chalcoprateia.a8 These were allreligious holidays of the'second rank', less importantthanChristmas, Easter and Pentecost. The only double excep-tion to this, concerning the greatest holiday but not theemperor himself, is the empress's Eastern kiss, i. e. her re-ception given for the wives of the highest emperor's offi-cials which used to take place in the catechumeneum ofSt. Sophia at Easter.as The holidays when the emperor usedto ascend catechumeneum were: Eastern Monday andTuesday, Pentecostal Wednesday, Ascension, Uprising ofthe Holy Cross, Candlemas, the Holiday of Orthodoxity, (inthe honour of the victory over the enemies of the icons)and Annunciation.

After the gospels and chants had finished, the emperorused to follow the second part of the ceremony in the cate-chumeneum here includingthe communion received fromthe patriarch's hands. lVhen the ceremony was over, theemperor and the patriarch used to dine together. The cate-chumeneum of the nartex is usuallv mentioned as part ofthe gallery, especially its part opposjte the chancel and ab-ove the emperor's doors, i. e. the central part of the nartexcatechumeneum, where a removable altar for the emper-or's communion is placed and where persons of eminencestand.so The right side of the catechumeneum, where the

238

emperor attends the ceremony, is mentioned with regularfrequency throughout the book. A special term for thatspace is paracyptic6n, which is something like a window(b alus t r ad e o r lo ge in F r ench) . s I So me parts of the catechu -meneum used to be separated with curtains when the em-peror was inside (in order to create a mistical atmospherearound him).52 There are special places in the catechume-neum of some churches where holy objects are kept; theseare the so called eucteria (oratory, side altars or chapels):in St. Sergios's the Lady's oratory, in St. Sophia the "littlechest" where holy wood is kept, the eucterium in Blache-rnae.s3 On each catechumeneum or closely connected to itthere is a part called palace except in St. Sophia's whichmakes part of the emperor's palace and is connected withit on gallerylevel. Usually, that part contains rooms for rest(koit6n), for changing clothes (metatorium) and the recep-tion and the dining h.all (triclinium).s4

Bearing all this in mind, to me the most possible con-clusion seems that the gallery space had originally beenassigned to the catechumens afterwhom itwas named, thatafter having lost its function it had various purposes e. g.as a space for clergyrnen's personal prayer, as a space forthe emperor and his suite on certain holidays and, it seems,even as a space for women.55

Vaulted, eildmatikds in Greek. This is how the HolyTrinity and the {upper temple'were characteized. Study-ing the meaning of this term leads us toward the questionwhether it stands for a circularity of a ground-plan,s6 theroundness of the ceiling, both, or maybe even somethingelse. Modern translators share the opinion that it referedto a vault.sT The word does not exist in Old Greek. (It wasderived from the noun eilEma from the verb e/issd: twist,roll, turn).58 Stephanus noted down the following mean-ings: uolubilis, cameratus, rotundus which include bothmeanings: circular and vaulted (domed?) and he also givestwo examples: the first fromVitaConstantiniM. etHelenaematriswhere this adjective is acoompanied by another onewhose basic meaningis roundso, in that case eilEmatik1smost probably meant vaulted (domed?),5s and the secondfrom the very chapter 29 of DN. The church of Saint Try-phon in Kotor is described with the same term.60 Archeo-logical f indings have shown that its ground-plan wassquare.6l Its superficies couldn't have been oval. Even theunderground rooms in Diocletian's palace were describedwith this word.62 Since it is not clear whether it refers to acrypt under St. Dujam's63 or to the cellars,6a it is not possi-ble to identify the precise meaning of the word. The lastlocation in D, lwhere we meet eilematikdsis also found inthe description of Split: "And there stands in the city a mul-titude of columns with adorments aboue where the sameemperor Diocletianus intended to build uaulted rooms andcouer the whole town and on top of those uaults make him-self palaces with two and three floors and so it was that hecouered a small part of the same town.'65 Concerning thefact that the forementioned columns can be only those onPeristil, we strongly suggest to gxclude the possibility of acircular ground-plan.

All in all, in the case of St. Donat's and its gallery themajorify of reasons force us to conceive the term eilema-tik6s as vertical roundness. But if it is really so, then thedescription of the gallery is not adequate because its cir-cuit/rounds is like a ring in the same way as the centralcone, it is roofed with a wooden ceiling and tiles.66 Or, maythe term refer to the walls, too?

Spiral stairca.se. In the churches of Constantinople, too,this is the usual expression for the access to a catechume-neum.67 I don't know yet whether the expression containsthe reference to the spirality of the walls; the plan of St.Sophia comprises a square basis of all three staircases inthe corners that have been preserved from decay.68 In Decerimoniiswe can find the same expression used for theirdescription, too. However, in the church of Chalcoprateiaa'wooden scale'6s takes us to the catechumeneum, and inthe church of Blahernae it is a stiracium, something thatIooks more like a sloped balustrade than a staircase.T0 Accesto the lower part of the staircase is usually from the atriumor narthex, but in St. Mokios there is a 'secret staircase'withan entrance from the glmeceum.Tr In St. Sophia there is a

big staircase which one can approach from the didasca-lium,72 then the staircase behind the conche which has itsentrance door from the side of the sanctuary,73 and there isa special mention of a 'wooden scale' which one can reachthrough the upper passages from the Magnaura's palace.TaIn Blahernae, one staircase led from the catechumeneumto the upper floor, into the Danubeian triclinium.?s

Finally, thinking of a conclusion, it seems to me that Ihave only prepared the land for cultivation in order that,while searching for responses, we might be much moreaware of the problems involved in dealing with our Byzan-tine heritage.

English translation by EmiI Sprlj an

1 CONSTANTINE PORPH\ROGENITUS, De administrando imperio. Greek text edited by R. I. H. Ienkins, New Revised Edition, Dumbarton oaks,

Texts, One, Dumbarton Oaks, 1967, p. 44: K<ovorcrvdvol dv HprorQ poor).ei oiovi<p poor)"6<oq Pcopaitrrv trpdq tdv i6rov oidv ?tlpcrvdv tdv Oeoocdql roi

llopQrpopvvltov PcloL).ecr.? ConstantinilmperatorisporphyrogenetiDe ad,ministrando imperio adRomanumF. Libernumquamantehaceditu.s. Joannes Meursius primusvulgavit,

Latinam interpretationem, ac Notas adjecit. Lugduni Batavorum 1611. In translation: The uol on ruling the empire by Emperor constantineporphyrogenitus to his son Roman neuer before published .Joannes MEURSIUS published it first, accompanied it with translation in Latin and with his

notes.3AquotefromM.Sui6,Zadar, "Deadministrand,oimperio"byConstantinePorphyrogenitus,RadoviZavodalfZUinZadar,part2T-28,p.6., More on the sub ject in the dissertation I am writing under the title: "The Phylological Analysis of Porphyrogenitus's news of the Croats".5CONSTANTINEPORPFnROGENITUS, Deadministrandoimperio,ch.2gl231-6,p. 134:...reitorddyLoqllcFpcitrogdvt@voQro0anoulteQdvo!,rQ i5vn peoov toi citot, rciorpou.6IBID. ch. 2gl24t-Z and291245, p. 136: ... b vadq toi ofor A6pvor. iv {r ratd,rerrc[ 6 alrdg &ytoq A6pvog, cinep r1v xorrriv toi crt,to,j paotlerog

Arorlltrovo0. (...) An6xeitar 6i dv crtt@ tg rdotpql rcri b iinog Avcrotriotoq.? IBID. ch. 29 126l-2, p. 136: ... d,r6rertcrr 6 dnoq pdptrq Aaup6vroq, 6 dpXr8rdrov.8 IBID. ch. 29 i 26g-71, p. 136: . .. rerrcn o ciytoq Tpriqotv orcdporoq ndoav v6oov i<irpevoq, pdlrorcr todg r,rnd nelpdtr,rv drcr0ciptalv nrpcwoupdvouq; ri 6d

vcrdg cx,rtoi eorv eiXlpotr6q.,IBID.ch.291276-84, p. 138: ... rceircfl ev oaprirl &licrAvc,otcroic,l acrp06vog,0uyd,tep pyovria Edotaoiot ro{ rstdrdv rccrpov ereivov pcotlniocvtoq,

rcri o ti^yroq Xpro6yovog povaxdq rai trrdpruq roi 11 crlic ciluoLg outo0.O 6i vodq {q o ytog Avcotooraq dotiv 6poprrciq, 6irorog <tr6> tcdv Xc,}.xotpotetorv

voQ, petd"riovarv npo*uru *oi fer*Or, 6ioq eirovropdvoq i( ulo^poqioq <irplaioq; d 6d tdtog oritof eottv crn<i o'uyrconrig Ootpaor{q. "Eoav 6b roi'6cpoq vodg nlloiov cnjroi eilrlpcrcr6q, f1 hfa TpLdq, rai Jncivo tof va,of cmt'ori ndl.v irepoq vadq 8ircqv roqXoupdvov, roi aritdq er)'lpottrciq, e4

6v rccri ov6plovto,r 6td xo1l"ioo.m A. BANDURI in l. P. MIGNE, PatrologiaGraecd, part 113. col.z7\: oblongus; N. Tomasii in KONSTANTIN PORFIROGENET, O uprauljanju carstuom(D,4J) edited by M. Svab, and translated by Sir Nikola Toma5i6, published byAugust Cesarec andAGM,Zagreb,1994,p.77: odugaika(the equivalent in

Englishis; ext inded,tongish)lvanslatot inote/.J.Murt inovi i ,ProlegomenonontheproblemoftheoriginalchurchofSt.Trt?honsinKotor,Supple-..l.rt. to the history of irt in Dalmatia, 30, p. 16: izduienog oblika (elongated in form) while on page 19. he gives a somewhat broader interpretation:,,porphy,rogenitus iescribes its general uppe"r"tt.u using the attribute Dpoprrdq... (...) we suggest accepting the interpretation which states that

lorpiyroginitus used only two eipressionidescribing thJtypes and forms ofreligious and profane buildings on our coast: 6poprr<5q for oblong build-

ingi oi ioiUuitaings with i rectangular base and: eitrlpcrnrriq for building with a central base, or, for all buildings where vaults or even domes were

us-ed in the construction." As we will see later on, in the end he showed his uncertainty which can be accepted.t Vizantski izuori za istoriju naroda Jugoslauije (Byzantine sources for the history of the peoples ofYugoslavia) part. II, edited by B. Ferjandii, Srpska

akademija nauka, Posebna izdanja, vol. CCCXXII, Vizantolobki inst i tut, voi.7. Belgrade, 1959, p. 24; R' i . H. Jenkins in CONSTANTINE

PORPFilROGENITIJS, De administrando imperio, p. 139. M. Sui6, Zadar' p' 6.12 Consulred literature: A. BAILLY , Dictionaire Grec-frangais,Paris, 1950; H. G. LIDEL and R. SCOTT, Greek-English Lexicon, Oxford 1968; STEPHANUS,

Thesaurus Graecae Linguae, Graz 1954, s. v.r3 In Old Greek, too, besides a place for running the noun 6p6pog (dr6mos) had the meaning: a place for walking; in Strabon: a vestibule ofa temple; see:

A. BAILLy, Dictionnaire.... Significantly enough, in an Old Latin text the term porticus was used for the side aisles (lGN. EPHR. MHMANI Testamen-

tum Domini nostri Jesu Chrisii, Mogunliae 1899, p. 23, n. 153-6; a quote from Dictionaire d arch^ologie chrdtienne et du liturgie, tome deuxi6me, I dre

partie, B. col. 543. and note 2.)14 DU CANGE, Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae graecitatiJ, 1968, s. v: "DROMIKA, Templa, dicuntur a forma structurae: quod scilicet in

longitudinem procurrant, contra quam aliae aedes sacrae quae quadratae erant apud Graecos, lateribus paribus vel imparibus, ut est Sophiana

Coistantinopoiitana. Id potissimum discere est exTheodosio Zygomala, apud Crusium in Turcogr. ubi ait Ndp0lxo dici tb 6lo to0 vooij 8poptrov

6irr1v N6p0r1roq. Deinde addit, n6iv opoprrbv Ndph[ Myetcfl. Quae autem sit forma Narthecis seu ferulae, pluribus exposuimus in Descript. Aedis

Sopirianae lib. i. Constantinopoleos Christianae, num. 18. Unde nescio an Allatii in Dissert. 2. de Recentiorum Graecorum templis sententia non

reipuenda sit, scribentis 6poprro apellari, quae forma quadrata lateribus paribus vel imparibus substructa sunt, quorum in culmine asseres seu trabes

cantheriis colligantur, & tegulis superpositii conteguntur: adeo ut Templi parietes projecturis asserum tegantur. Leunclavius in Pand. Turc. num. 21 0'

ait Templa in longum porrecta & tectis cooperta Glaecos vaoiq Spoprioi! appellare. Nicephor. Callist. in Proemio Hist. pag. 18. toirq 6v8ov 6pcipouq

rui repi8p6porg iediJSophianae, Porticus utrinque procurrentes, videtur appellare: unde 6poprroi vcoi dicti forte fuerint, quod procurrant instarporticus. Constantinus de Adm. irnp. cap. 29..." In translation: dromical temples'. so called because of the way they were built. They were oblong,

M. Lonear: On the Description of...2il9

contrary to the usual Greek temples which used to be square, wether with equal or different sides (flanks) as in the case ofSt. Sophia in Constantinople.

This can be best understood in Theodosius Zygomala, at Crusius in Turcogr. where he says that what is called narthex is that which is outside the

temple and dromical as narthex. Then he adds that anything being dromical can be called narthex. We have already explained the forms of narthex and

feruia which were given in the description of St. Sophia, vol III of Constantinopolis Christiana, No. 18. For this reason I am not sure whether to reject

Allatius's opinion in Drscours 11on modern Greek temples where he states that dromicalisbuilt in a rectangular form, whether with equal or different

sides on the top of which laths or beams are connected with spars and they are covered with tiles in a way that the temple wails are roofed with laths.

Leunclavius inpand. Turc. No. 210 says that oblong temples covered with roofs are called dromical temples by the Greeks. It seems that Nicephor

Calist. in the Introduction to the Hist. p. 18 calls the inner dromes and peridromes ofSt. Sophia porches that extend on both sides and that they got the

name dromical temples because they extend like porches. Constantinus De Adm. Imp. ch. 29...rs E. A. SOPHOCLES, GreekLexiconof the RomanandByzantine Periods, NewYork 1904, s. v: 6poprr6q, r1,6v, oblong as abuilding. Porph. Adm. 139, 19.

Glyc.495, 15. Codin. i7. - 2. Substantively, rd 6poprr6v, quid? Porph. Cer.49, 15.50, et alibi.16 Constantin VII PORPHYROGENiiTE, Le Liure des Cdrdmonies, Commentaire, par A. VOGT. Colection Byzantine publi6e sous 1a patronage de

l,Association Guillaume Bud6. Soci6te d'6dition "Les belles lettres", Paris 1967, p. 80- l. E. A. SOPHOCLES, Greek Lexicon... s. v. directs usro De cerimonii

but he doesn't give the meaning of the word; see previous footnote.r? See quote in footnote 10.rB A. Banduri, l. P. MIGNE, Patrologia Graeca, vol I13, col. 269-70, note 43a, displays several contradictory authentic information and subsequent

opinions about the time of the conitruction and he finally adds Du Cange's conclusion: scilicet a Theodosio inchoatam, a Pulcheria confectam, a

Verina postmodum et Justino de novo instauratam (i.e.: Begun by Theodosius, finished by Pulcheria and afterwards restored by Verina). About the

area ofthe town where the church was: Unde non dubito quin etiam Constantinopoli antequam a Turcis caperetur, fuerint et Chalcopratia et

Chartopratia, ab officinis aerariis, necnon chartaceis loca sic nuncupata. (l have no doubt that Chalcopratia and Chartopratia, places named after

brass and paper workshops, existed in Constantinople before it was taken by the Turks.) - A. VOGI, Commentaire, p. 76, describes the construction of

the church "presumablyiround the middle ofthe 5s century", andits location "entre le Forum de Constantin, et l'6glise de Sainte-Sophie d gauche, en

allant, par liM6s6 a l'August6on." T. F. MATHEWS, The early Churches of Constantinople. Architecture and Liturgr, Second printing, The Pensylvania

State Univ. press, University Penns. and London i977, p. 28, about the time of the construction similarly as Bandury, and about its location: "within

150 m. of Hagia Sophia".le An arch on trvo columns, according to CONSTANTIN VII PORPITROGENETE, Le Liure des Cdrdmonieg Commentaire, par A.Vogt, p. 76-7.m T. F. MATHEWS , The Early Churches... p.33, says that the Lady's beltwas kept in a little chest on the main altar, which contradicts Constantin's text.

A.VOGT Commentaire,p.Z6-Tthinksthattheeukterium(oratory,chapel) wasbuiltadditionallytothechurch,theproofforwhichcouldbethedoorinthe middle of the left, northern wall for which Mathews gives the interpretation (on p. 31) that "This mighthave led into one of the adjoining churches

of Soter Christos or Hag. Iacobos which were located in the vicinity, but the accounts of the pilgrims do not agree as to precisely where they were. "

Contrary to this, A. Vogt places the sanctuary of St. Jacob in an unknown location inside the church.,IA. VOgt: CONSTANTIN VII PORPHYROGENETE, LE LiUTC dCS C6T6MONiES, COMMENIAiTE,P,6I.2T.F.MATHEWS,TheEartyChurches...p.3l:throughsyntronon(whichmaypossiblymean underrhesyntronon: xotel0r)vtdTpo6nlrocflqrciulq

:r;frtJ:::J:ri-t% text with parailel translation in coNSrANrrN vrr poRpH\GoGENi,rE, Le Liure des Cirdmonies,votl, texte 6tabli et traduit par

AlbertVogt, deuxidme tirage, Paris, 1967, ch.\,p.24,9-25,29 and ch.39, p. 154,3-155,29.'z4 IBID. p. 155 and Commentaire, p. 143.r J. p. MIGNE, pa trologiaGraeca,vol 109, col. 356AB: Kai tdv Erepov 6i rfrq ncrvrpv(tou Oeot6xo1), tdv dv rolq XoL.ronporefotg oelov vadv cfrqtovodntor.r

rcri fo{oq oopoi, rgnervdv i6rjtv rsi &qcir11otov, roi qano8oldq 6rur6poeev civaorlocrg cirpbaq roi td tdloq peteopfoog tfiyer erJrpereiug rccrioyaoev

rccri poppopt^ycrig Qotdq ror4yl.dioe.m T. F. Vu\*THEWS, The Early Churches,p.23: ... Basil I added a dome to the structure, thus transforming it into a domed basilica.

27 Seenote22.m T. F. MATHEWS, The Early Churches... p. 28-32.s N. TOMASI( in KONSTANTIN PORFIROGENET, O uprauljanju carstuom, (De ad.ministrand.o imperio) p.(/ izantiski izuori. . .)p.24M.SUIC, Zadar.. .p. 16; I .MARTINO\IC,Prolegomena...p.16.il R. l. H. IENKINS in CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS, De administrando imperio, p. 139.31 CONSTA\]TINE PORPFryROGENITUS, De administrando imperio, vollI Commentary, London 1962, p.

wood, as distinct from mosaics.v J. p. MIGNE, Patrologia Graeca, vol. 113, col. 269 note 44: . . .Recentiores quippe Scriptores 'bl.olpaQicrv pro r4po^ypcrQiov dixere, ut hanc distinguant

a musivaria; duplicem enim picturam statuunt, alteram Drd rrlpolirou{il.1q, id est cum cera et coloribus in quavis materia; alteram 6io yqQi6rov, sive

opere musivario. . . - writeri from later periods introduced the term r5l,o^ypcrQiu (hylographia) instead of rqpolpoQio (kerographia : "wax carving") to

make it more distinct ftom mosaics; andihis was done in order to mark the distinction between tlvo kinds of paintings: I) wax and paint on any surface

6io rqpoliror {li'Iq; and 2) 6ia yqQi8rov (diir psephidon: "with small stones"), or mosaic.s p. \,T216 , Rotonda suetog Trojstua u prostoru episkopalnog kompleksa u Zadru; Magistarski rad, fuhitektonski fakultet Sveudili5ta u Zagrebu,

Postdiplomski studij (Postgraduate Studies) Graditeljsko nasljede, Zadar, 1991, p 95.3a One could find inspiration for further analysis in the recent interpretation where double-built churches had two roles: the bigger part was used on

Sundays and on holidays while the smaller pirt was used for everyday religious services. They were in close connection with the bishop'-s see: P. PIVA,

Basiliia doppia: appunti sulla storiographia dell' ultimo decenio-,Hortusirtium medievalium, vol. l. May 1995, p. 111-6. Cf. aiso P.\GZIe , The Early

MedieualPhaseoftheEpiscopalcomplexinZadar,ibid.p. l57,note10;A.ERI"{NDE-BRANDENBURG, Katedrala,ZagrebI99T'p.47.3s Lexicon Graecum Noui Testamentl, auctore Francisco ZORELL, S. I. Reimpressio photomechanica, Romae 1978, s. v. rorlXdol L resono, disono' 2.

alloquensalqmdoceo,uiuauoceinstruo(mt)ndlichunterrichten).Thewordechohasthesameroot,andthewords catechistandcatechlsmwerederived

from the same verb All this' of course' belongs to elementary knowledge of Greek' but a lalrman might find it useful'sA.MUSIC -N.MAINARIC, Gramatikagrikogajezika,tentheditioneditedbyM.Sironii,Zagreb,l9T0,p. 168,S341.v IGN. EPHR. MHMANI, Testamentum Domini nostri Jesu Christi, Moguntiae 1899, p. 23, n 153-6: Habeat ecclesia aedem catechumenorum, quae

etiam sit aedes exorcizandorum: neque dicta aedes separata sit ab ecclesia (id est ab aede sacra), cum necese sit, ut (catechumeni), eam ingredientes,

et in ipsa stantes, audiant lectiones, cantica spiritualia et psalmos. (According to Dictionaire d'archdologie chrdtienne et de liturgie, tome deuti6me,

ldre partie, B, cot. 543 and note 2.) - Let the church have a building for catechumens which will be the buiiding for exorcisandi as well: and let the

240

77. B. FERIANCIC in Byzantine sources...

I I 1: The word means icon-paintings on

building not be separated from the church (i. e. from the holy building), because it is necessary that catechumens, while entering and standing inside,listen to the readings, spiritual chants and psalms.38 Leksikon ikonografije, liturgije i simbolike zapadnog kri1anstua, (Lexicon oficonography, Iiturgy and symbols of western christianity) Zagreb 1979, p.327.s V. BRUNELLI, Storia della citta di Zara,Venice 79).3, p.224.s l. IELICIC, Ta katechortmena crkue Suete Trojice (Su. Donat) u Zadru, in Diadora, vol. 14, Zadar 1992, 348 and note 7. T. F. MATHEWS, The EarlyChurches...128-30.arDu CANGE, Glossarium mediae et infimae Latinitatis, s. v. CATECHOUMENA, -[A, Porticus ecclesiae superiores sic dictae, non quod fuerintCatechumenorum stationes, vel locus ubi instrui solebant, ut censet Baronius ann. 656. n. 38. Wolphius, et Meursius: sed quod in iis mulieres sacrasLiturgias auditu exciperent. Anastasius in Collectaneis pag. 180: Et ascenderunt ad eum in Catechumenium Ecclesiae ipsius Monasterii. Gregorius II PP.Epist. 2 ad Leonem Isaurum in VII. Synodo: Pontifices, si qui peccauit ... eum in Ecclesiae Diaconia et in Catechumena ablegant. Eustochius in Vlra S.Pelagiaemererriciscap.S: QuaeaccipienseumascenditinCatechumenum,eoquodetnosibimaneremus. Kor4loipevaetKocqlotpevrahassuperioresporticus a Graecis appellari, pluribus ostendimus in Descriptione sanctae Sophiae cap. 38. Alotelov rdrv roqloupCvorv habet Crispinus in Vita sanctiParthenii Episcopi Lampsaceni cap. 2, n. 14. ubi Gentianus tabulafitm, alii locum Catechumenorum veftunt. Sed 8ioteyov, hoc loco, est 6e6tepovrocllofpevov, porticus Ecclesiae superior, ita dicta Codino de S. Sophia. Aelrd p6pq ralv xcrrllor-rp€vrov aedis Sophianae, in Concil. \llll Act. l. [**VideGlossar. med. Graecit. col. 621 etAppend. col. 98J - The upper porches of the church got their names not because they were places for catechumens orplaces where they were given their instructions in the rudiments of christianity (as Baronius, Wolphius and Meursius think in note 656 No. 38.) butbecause it was the place where women attended liturgical service . Aioreyov ri:v ran1yotp6,vav canbe found in Crispinus' tfe o/Sr Parthenios,b\shopof Lampsacos ch.2. No. 14, where Gentianus translates it with foor, and some others translate it with aplacefor cathecumens. But, droreTcvused heremeans 6e'(trepov ran17o61twov,i. e. the upper porch of the church named so by Codinos when writing about St. Sophia. Ae(rir p6p1 tdlv rorqlolp6vrrrvofSt. Sophia, inAct I oftheVIII Council. [** See Glossar. med. Graecit. col 62I andAppend. col.98]a2 E. g. Descript. Sanctae Sophiae, cap. 38, or we can refer to a quote from Reiskein De cerimoniis col.258-9, note 27: "Du Cange ad Paulum Silentiar. etCpli Chr. I, III, item Gloss. Graec et alibi."4 i .P.MIGNE, Patro logiaGraeca,vol . 112,col 259: Catechumeniaerantport icussuper iorestr iaecclesiaelateraambientes,borea. le,occidentaleetaustrale, ita ut sub parte occidentali narthex, sub parte boreali et australi autem porticus virorum essent; ipsa catechumenia erant statio mulierum,illarum nempe, quae in t(o yuvarrirl non sederent. Sunt igitur illud, quod nos, a Latina voce porticusindercrius formata alia , Boorkirchen appellamus,quasi dicas ecclesiae porticus; converso tamen usu, Catechumenia penes nos viri occupant, penes veteres tenebant feminae; fundum ecclesiae seunavim implebant olim viri, hodie obsident feminae. Ascendebatur e narthece per cochleam in Catechumenia, et habebat imperator ibi metatorium inquo metabatur, id est agebat, haerebat, dum sacra fierent, et ipsi ad introitum in tribunam, ad evangelium audiendum, ad obsequendum sacris inintroitu maiore, ad Agapen dandam, et ad communionem accipiendam non esset procedendum, sed vacare liceret aut hJnnnorum cantationi, authomiliae auscultationi. Adjunctum erat illi metatorio triclinium, in quo epulabatur, quoties placeret in templo manere, neque domum ad prandiumreverti, et coeto, ubi dormire poterat, si qua in ecclesia pernoctare vellet. Multa de his Catechumeniis Du Cange ad Paulum Silentiar. et Cpli Chr. l. III,item Gloss. Graec. et alii. De appellationis ratione verbo adhuc dicendum est. Si certum esset, olim in veteri Ecclesia Catechumenos ibi stetisse, possetvideri nomen loco mansisse, quamvis Catechumeni deinceps desinerent. Putem igitur Catechumenia dicta fuisse a feminis, quae forte fuerint tirrcrtrllofpevo (subint. np6oono) apellatae, subjecta, quae tantummodo audiunt institutionem fidei Christianae et sacrorum, quae fiunt, sonum, eorumautem, quae aguntur, nilvident, quandoquidem porticus earum clathris oppositis septae essent, ipsisque sub poena anathematis tempore processionissacrorum deorsum per transenam despicere interdictum esset. Erunt igitur Catechumenia loca, in quibus agunt personae, solo sono sacrae doctrinae,precum reliquorumque sacrorum feriendae. - Catechumdnia were the upper porches of a church encircling three sides of the church, its northern,western and southern side; namely narthex was under its western side, while the porches for men were under the northern and southern sides; thecatechum6nia were the places where women used to stand, namely those who were not seated in yuvarrirqg (g1'naikites). In fact, those were what wecaJl Boorkirchen, as when one says church porch; the name used to be occupied by men and today it is by women. To enter catechum6nia one coulduse the cochlea from the narthex and the emperor had his metatorium where he stayed during the holidays and he didn't have to approach theplatform while listening to the gospels, while attending the ceremony in the grand admission and when giving agdpe and receiving the communionbut he was allowed to attend the singing of h1'rnns or listen to the homilies. Triclinium,where he used to be treated to some food in order not to returnhome for lunch, was adjointed to metatorium, as well as coeto where he could sleep if he wished to stay overnight in the church. Many details oncatechum6nia can be found in Du Cange, Paulus Silentiar. and in Cpli. Chr. 1 III, as well as Gloss. Graec. and others' works. The term itselfneeds to beexplained. If it were certain that a long time ago Catechumeni used to stand there, one might get the impression that the nam€ remained after theplace, although Catechumeni vanished later on. Therefore, my opinion is that catechum6nia were named after the women who used to be called thatway td, rcrqXoripevc (i. e. np6orrmcr) i. e. persons attending and only listening to the instructions in the elementary principles of Chirstianity as well asthe sounds ofthe ceremonies going on, aithough they could see nothing ofwhat was going on since the porches were barred during the ceremony andit was forbidden to look through the palisade even under the threat of anathema. So, most probably, catechoum6nia were the places where peoplehearing only the voice of the holy teacher, prayers and other festivities stayed.e STEPHANUS, Thesaurus Graecae Linguae, vol. I-X, Graz, 1954, s. v.6 M. SUIC, Zafur ,p.7-8 and note 8-9, I2-3.a6 This is howVogldarcs De cer., CONSTANTIN VII PORPFIYROGENETE, Le Livre des Cdrdmonies, Commentaire,p.rt.a7 This has been already mentioned by Reiske, see note 42.asEx:.CONSTANTINVIIPORPH\ROGENETE, LeLiuredesCdrdmonies,voI . I ,ch.g,p.6I /10-I , l3 ; ch. l0,p.70l12,26;ch.20,p.79117,21,23;ch.26,p.93 /30 ; ch .27 ,p .104125 ,30 ; ch .3 I , p . 116 /18 -9 ; ch .39 , p . 155 /5 .a ' s IB ID . ch .9 , p .61 .50 IBID. e. g. ch. I0, p.70-72.5r I Icpurunnrov, ch.20, p.79125, ch 26, p. 96/10-1, ch.36, p. 14417 etc.s2 IBID. ch. I0,p.70-2; ch.26, p.97.s3 IBID. ch.20, p.79122-5; ch. 31, p. fI6l26-].17 ll and Commentaire, p.142-3; ch. 36, p. 140/13-8.5a IBID, ch. 10, p. 7l / I I etc., ch. 26, p. 93-7 etc.s5 Thewhereabouts of thewomen in the church is explainedbyReiske whilewritingabout gyrlaeceum (yuvcrrrirnd, t. P. MIGNE PafiologiaGraeca,vol.112,coI . 197-8,note24: LocusecclesiarumGraecarum,quicapi t feminas, i taappel latur . Partemmul ierumappel lantLat in i . [Del tvarx i t r l inecclesiaS. Sophiae v. Smith. p. 89. De matroneo,locoubi feminae in sacris aedibus erant, v. Altessera adAnastas. p. I.l Colligas exhoc loco, stationem natronarumfuisse a sinistra ingredientibus in Ecclesiam, adeoque ad boream; idque confirmat Gerlach in Itinerario, p. 496, sed, ut ex illo ipso loco constat, etiam

M. Loni(tr': On the Description o!...241

ad dextram vel austrum feminas sedisse, ita e Nostri p. 325, id ipsum quoque confici potest, ut adeo extrema Navis in utramque partem occupassefeminae videantur, sed clathris septa et ab aspectu viromm separata. Habebant quoque sedes in Catechumeniis, seu porticibus, de quibus alio locodicimus. Gerlachi verba haec sunl: Apudintroitumecclesiae S. Georgii est clathrum, ueltransena, per quamfeminae in ecclesiam prospiciunt, etaddextramIocus separatus, ubi stant feminae plebeiae. Graecae enim ecclesiam non intrant, sed aut foris restitant in narthece, quod fit in ecclesia patriarchali, aut inporticLt stant ad sinistram, tLbi S. Euphemia jacet. In aede Galatensi Chrysopeges est earum statio in extremo recessu ecclesiae et ad sinistram in superioribusapud muntm, unde per transennam possunt despicere. -This is how the place used by women in the Greek churches was called. The Latins call it thewomen's slzle [Refering to yuvurriqq in St. Sophia, see Smith, p. 89. Refering lo matroneum - a place in the holy houses where women stayed, seeAltessera in connection with Anastas. p. l.l 'vVhat we can understand from this description is that the place for women was on the left side when enteringthe church, which means: on the north side; this was confirmed by Gerlach in Itinerarium, p. 496, but here we can find that women used to sit on the rightor southem side, too; in a like manner, according to our wdter, (p. 325) we may conclude that the lower part of the nave was occupied by women, but thattheywere enclosed bypillars as obstacles laid before men's eyes. Theyhad their seats in catechum6nia or in the upper porches which have been discussedelsewhere. Here are Gerlach's words: At the entrance of St. George's church there is a grate or a netting through which women look into the church andthere is a separate place on the right sidewhere plebeian women stand. Greekwomen do not enter the church, theyonly either stayout in the porch whichis the custom in the patriachicai church, or they stand on the left side in the porch, where St. Euphemia is laid. In In the church of Chrisopeges in Galata,they have their place on the left, by the wall in the upper part where from they can watch down through the net. - Similarly, Di.ctionaire d'arch4ologiechrdtienne et de liturgie, tome deuxibme, l'" partie, B. Paris, 1910, col. 586, with an added commentary that the gallery was ca-lled "glnaeceum" by theGreeks, which does not correspondto De cer., cf. e. g. the description ofthe church ofChalcoprateia, above, p. 6.s6 A. Banduri transiates it with rotundus inJ. P. MIGNE, Patrologia Graeca, vol.ll3, col.267 A, B, C, 266 A, B.' N. TOMASIC in KONSTANTIN PORFIROGENET, O uprauljanju carstuom, (De administrando imperio),p.77: presuodena crkua (a domed church);B.FERJANCIC in Vizantiski izuori... p. 24: ln its proximity there is another domed temple, The Holy Trinity; The choice of words is a bit clumsy and itsuggests that the former temple, St. Anastasia is vaulted/domed, too, although the translator knows the situation: "the church ofSt. Anastasia ia abasilica (...) while the temple of the Holy Trinity is a domed one and round in shape." (ibid. note 25); interestingly enough, a "round" shape is men-tioned which mayhave been because the actual shape ofthe temple was known and, ifonejudges bythis translation, itwas not from Constantin's text.R. I. H. IENKINS in CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS, De administrando imperlo, p. 139, says domed one. He, too, stresses St. Donat s roundnessand he even doesn t think it s necessary to explain his translation (Commennry, p. lI2). M. SIJIC, Zadar... p. 7 is in accordance with the unisontranslation: i ona takoder nadsvodena (it is vaulted/domed, too). J. MARTINOViC : Prolegomena... p. 19, gives the comment that: "the above usedattribute designates vault/dome i. e. roundness in the verticai plan and not in the ground plan."s STEPHANUS, s. v. ii),qpo inuolucrum, integumentum: zastor, pokivalo, zamot (veil, curtain, cover) (accordingto DiVKOUC: Latinsko-hruatskirjeinikl Latin-Croatian Dictionary by Divkovii, s.v.) or uaultinrhe descdption of Split, footnote 65, below.$ STEPFIANUS, s. v.: dv otpoyyrl"oer8eiei),qponrQ vc.Q in a domed, circular church,60 The Greek text in note 8.6t J. tr4r\RTINOVIC, Prolegomena... p. lI.n CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS, Deadministrando imperio,291242-4, p. 136:'YroKdro Ed orto[ tndploro'tv ei],1ponrcoi rqt6.pat,... Thereare uaulted rooms under it. . .63 IENKINS in Commentary, p. 109.il B. FERtANele inByzantinnSources (Vizantiskiizuori...) p.22. J. MARTINOYIC, Prolegomena...p.14i19.ffiCONSTANTINEPORPFIIGOGENITUS, Deadministrandoimperio,2gl250-5,p. 136:"lorcx,vtcn6deiqrdrotoftovrtiorpovra,inioveqrrurvoi,dlovteqdrdvr,l rooprlttrq, dv o( dpe),).rv 6 ortdq Bcrorl,rirq Aror)"r1novdg ei),qpoardq dpipor ropdpcrq, rai orerrdoor td rdotpov 6l,ov, rai zor{oor rd rstrdrss,tro[ xai rtivta rd oirrjpcta roi rtiotpor.r dn<ivrrl t6v eilqpdr<ov dreivrrw 6rdrpoQa roi rpr6poQa, dlore rai ri],f"yov er tot cx,rlnof rdorpo! doKdndo€v.66 P. VEZIC, Rotonda... p. 43.6TE.g.inSt.Apostles:CONSTANTINVIIPORPFInOGENETE, LeLiuredesCdrdmonie$vol.I ,ch. 10,p.7017-8,18,25;inSt.Mocios:lBiD.ch.26,p.94l19, 20; in Lady of the Source (Peg6): IBID. ch. 27, p. 102 | 9, 10, 31, 32 etc.68 Cf. Sabathin TURKOGLU, Hagia Sophia, 1989, p. 4.S CONSTANTIN VII PORPHIT.OGENETE, Le Liure des Cdrdmonies, vol. l, ch. 39, p. I55 l 4, 25.70 IBID. ch. 36, p. 140/ l0 and note 1.7' IBID. ch. 26, p. 96 I I0.7'z IBID. ch. 31, p. 117/ I 1-2, p.37 , p. 14617 -8. Concerning didascal ium, see p. 6.73 IB ID. ch .37 ,p .147 132.7a IBID. ch. 37 , p. I45l 17 -2075 IBID. ch. 36, D. 141 /4-6.

oPrs ZADARSKTH CRKAVA SVETI STOSTJE I SVETOG DONATAU PORTIROGENITOVU DE ADMINISTRANDO IMPERIO

SAZETAK

Prije otprilike deset i po stoljeia zadarska je crkva sveteStoSije podsjetila Porfirogenetova knjizemog suradnika nacarigradsku crkvu Bogorodice Halkopratejske, a galerijaSvetog Donata na katekumenej. Prvi cilj dlanka bio je, natemelju Porfirogenetovih podataka u De cerimoniis, obavi-

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jestiti o Halkopratejskoj crkrri, isto tako i o katekumenejima,kako bi se tako eventualno napredovalo i u poznavanju za-darskih crkava. Dopunski su propitani i neki drugi terminiiz njihova opisa u De administrando imperio.

SYETA STOSUA

Dromik6s. Postoji opda suglasnost kako taj pridjevoznaduje izduieni tip crkve, tj. baziliku. Nejasno je me-dutim, kako je tekao razvojzna(enja od osnorno g, pogodanza trtanje, hodanje, ietnju. Najuvjerljivijom se dini pret-postavka da je novo znadenje doSlo od imenice dr6mos usmislu uestibul, trijem, pri iem su bodne lade svojom slid-no56u s trijemom predstavljale vezu za pro5irenje pojma.

Slitan Khalkopratejskom hramu. Te5ko je pogoditi Stoje u Sv. Sto5iji asociralo izvjestitelja na Halkopratejskucrkm. Zato se ovdje navode svi oni dijelovi koji se moguspoznati iz De cerimoniis, Vita Basilii i arheoloSkih istra-Livanja. To su njena iznimna veliiina, atrij i narteks na za-padnoj strani, u unutraSnjosti svetiSte odvojeno niskompregradom, solea, Siroka polukruZna apsida s tri velika pro-zora (koji su vj erojatno poslj edica Bazilijeve restauracij e) ;nije sigurno da Ii se kapela s Gospinom relikvijom nalazllana lijevoj strani unutar crkve ili je bila dogradena na nju.Na katu se nalazila galerija s kolonadom i uobidajenim pro-storiiama.

iitau ostikan dreunim druopisom.eini se da je tu rijed otehnici slikanja voskom i bojama na drvenoj podlozi. Dvoj-beno je radi Ii se o starim ili starinskim slikama.

SVETI DONAT

Drugi hram. Ako nas pisac iz nekog razloga nije krivoobavijestio, onda je galerija Sv. Donata morala imati i neke

samostalne obredne funkcije, sudedi po tome Sto se nazivacrkvom, a i njezin bi prostor to dopu5tao.

Poput katekumena. Oblikrijeei nije ustaljen, javljaju setri varijante. Nedostaje potpunija povijest rijedi, no dini seda je pojam s priprarmika za kr5tenje pre5ao na prostor ukojem su boravili. Kad se negdje u 6. stoljeiu njihov brojsmanjio, galerije su se stalekoristiti kao kapelice za osobnumolitvu, vjerojatno i kao prostor zaLene, a prema De ce-rimoniis katekumeneji u brojnim carigradskim crkvamasluZe caru i njegovoj pratnji u odredene blagdane za pra-6enje drugog dijela bogosluljaiza protokolarne susrete spatrijarhom. Zato je prostorkatekumeneja redovito podije-ljen sjedne strane na dio okrenut srediSnjoj ladi, a s drugena pomo6ne prostorije: triklinij, metatorij i koiton, desto ieukterii.

Eilematik6s.Koliko je bilo mogu6e razumjeti, atribut seu De administrando imperio koristi za oznaku vertikalnezaobljenosti u arhitekturi, dakle u znadenlu zasuoden, ahutom sludaju ne bi odgovarao galeriji Sv. Donata diji srediSnjicilindar i prstenasti ophod natkriva drveni krov s crijepom.Zato treba ostaviti otvorenom mogudnost da se eilematik1sodnosi i na vodorar,nu kruZnost u doslo'rnom smislu rijedi,a onda moZda i opienito na centralni tip prostora, za razlikuod izduZenog - dromik6s.

Puiastim stepeniitem. Premda postoji nekoliko wstauspona u katekumeneje, najde5ii je prema De cer. upravotaj, did kokhliou, dije ime, potjedu6i od morskog puZa, su-gerira zavojitost. Pristupa im se iz atrija ili narteksa, ali po-stoje i u unutra5njosti crkve.

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