ma dissertation (version)

8/12/2019 MA Dissertation (Version)

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Introduction

Septimius Severus, emperor of Rome from 193-211CE, was one of the most difficult and yet one

of the most intriguing men of antiuity! "oday, some eighteen hundred years after his death, he

still e#cites strong emotions amongst students of ancient history, stimulating $oth intense regard

and intense animosity in almost eual measure!

"he elusive figure $ehind the legend remains $oth comple# and enigmatic! %orn into one of

Roman &frica's leading families, most pro$a$ly in 1()CE, he had a fairly ordinary senatorial

career $efore $ecoming part of a conspiracy to topple the emperor Commodus and, in the chaotic

period afterwards, he launched his own, ultimately successful, $id for power1! &fter defeating

two rival claimants in four years of civil war, Septimius $ecame the undisputed ruler of the

Roman world in 19*CE!

+t is perhaps fitting that Septimius' personality was similarly comple#! &lthough he was a een

student and stood in awe of the li$eral arts, religion and history in particular, he removed $oos

of sacred lore from Egypt, closed the tom$ of &le#ander the reat and mutilated the famous

statue of .emnon2! /e was also as capa$le of ruthless cruelty as of open-handed generosity!

"hose who stood in his way were persecuted without mercy, whilst his close supporters were

1Septimius' date of $irth is disputed! HA Sev.1!3-( states plainly that Septimius was $orn 0si# days $efore the +des

of &pril, in the first consulship of Severus and the second of Erucius Clarus' /& Sev! 1!3-( that is, on 4th&pril1(5! Elsewhere, a num$er of conflicting dates are given! "owards the end of the vitaHA Sev.22!1, the author

contradicts himself, stating that Septimius died at the age of eighty-nine! "he same claim is repeated in the largelyfictitious 6ife of 7escennius 8iger HA Nig.)!1! &lthough these fantastic claims do not definitively refute a date of

$irth in 1(5CE, they do seriously wound the author's credi$ility as a truthful witness! io, in his summation of the

reign, disagrees somewhat he states that Septimius was si#ty-five years, nine months and twenty-five days old when

he died on (th:e$ruary 211CE io *5 **! 1)!2, 1*!(! &ccording to io's calculation therefore, Septimius was

$orn on 11th&pril 1()CE! See %irley 19*;, p!5) Septimius, &pp! 2 no! 2* Syme 19*1$, (2 %arton 19*2, *1!

Cf! 7latnauer 1914, 34 /ammond 19(;, p!139 .agie 195;, 3*1, who all argue for 1(5CE!2HA Sev1*!3-( io *5!13!1-2!

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treated with patient indulgence3! 0"owards friends not forgetful, to enemies most oppressive' is

io's omersley ed! 199(, 1(;, 1(4, 1);!5.iller 1939 2(!*.iller, op! cit!, 25! See also, 7latnaeur 1914, 34 raham 19;2, *)-4;!

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6ater writers, conscious of this failing, sought to $ring Septimius within the reco-Roman fold!

>here $efore he had $een the archetypal other, he now $ecame the 0Roman %ureaucrat' 4! "his

re-evaluation was given further impetus $y the growth of epigraphic studies! "he increasingly

sophisticated analyses of senatorial career patterns demonstrated that Septimius' own progress

stood firmly within the traditional framewor of patronage! "his process reached its logical

conclusion with the attempt of one scholar to argue that Septimius was, in fact, from a family of

+talian ?migr?s9!

espite these advances, intense de$ate regarding Septimius' heritage, and its ultimate

significance, continues1;! &s we have seen, this is due in part to our own historical pre


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Septimius and &frica is made clear! %y any measure therefore, &frica plays a ey role in

understanding Septimius and his era, which any informed discussion must address!

uring the initial research for this dissertation it soon $ecame apparent that the ey to the larger

uestion lay within Septimius' relationships with his senatorial peers! "he central uestion of

the place of &frica and &fricans under Septimius can only $e addressed $y first e#amining his

route to power! %efore any attempt to study the character of Septimius' principate can $e

undertaen, it is necessary to e#amine the pillars upon which his reign was $ased! +n other

words, we must acuaint ourselves fully with those responsi$le for helping Septimius into

power!

iven the range and intended scope of this paper, it is not the o$


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will also attempt to discuss the principal features of Romano-&frican society, its concerns and

preoccupations! &lthough due consideration will $e given to the constraints of space, such an

analysis is vital $efore we can properly understand the impact of &frica and &fricans on Rome

and Septimius, we must first understand Rome's effect on &frica!

+n the third chapter, the present study will conclude with an e#amination of Septimius' later

career, from 149CE until the defeat of his last rival Clodius &l$inus in 19*CE! +n an influential

article, %irley has argued that an emerging &frican faction, which had its ultimate victory with

Septimius' own accession, orchestrated the ey events of this latter period! "o test this theory, a

step-$y-step e#amination of the significant events and principal characters will $e necessary!

%efore we can $egin, we must pause for a moment and e#amine our source material! espite

some significant gaps, the literary, epigraphic, numismatic and archaeological record for the

Severan period is relatively full! iven this, it is e#pedient that we loo at them in greater detail!

&rgua$ly the most accurate source for the Severan period is theRoman Historyof the senator

io Cassius Cocceianus! %orn at %ithynian 8icaea to a wealthy senatorial family, most pro$a$ly

in 153-15(CE, io was 0Athe only man who new Severus personally and left a


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omits significant material2;! Het despite these faults, he does supply us with some otherwise

unnown information and seems to have $een genuinely interested in his su$hittaer, op! cit!, #lii lii-liii22See Syme 19*1a, pp!1-15!23+nHA Sev.2;!2, Caracalla is said to $e Severus' son $y his first wife! "his is contradicted at 3!9 and (!2 where

Caracalla's correct parentage is given! %etweenHA Sev.1(!11-15!*, the author loses his way during the second

7arthian war in 194CE a long interpolation, data$le to 2;3CE, then appears, followed almost as suddenly $y a

return to 194CE! See %irley Septimius, 2;5 .agie 195;, (;3-(;) Syme 19*1$, pp!3;-)3 Syme 19*1d,

pp!13)-1()!

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&l$inus and 7escennius 8iger, and other more ephemeral figures, are virtual fictions2(! Scholars,

long aware of a ualitative difference in the earlier lives, have argued that the editor of the

Historiamade use of a num$er of older literary sources2)! Syme argues that the $asic source of

the earlier lives wasIgnotus, an unattested and otherwise unnown author, ending his account

during the reign of Caracalla25!

ur other literary sources may $e summed up $riefly! "he Church :ather "ertullian maes a few

references to the state of &frica and Christianity under Septimius2*! iven Septimius' penchant

for legal matters, rescripts imperial replies to legal petitions are understanda$ly plentiful24! "he

0uneven and at times incongruous' De Caesaribusof &urelius Jictor, most pro$a$ly written

around 3)4CE, devotes a fair amount of space to Septimius! &part from some anecdotal

references to the emperor's thirst for learning, it is mostly erroneous29! Eutropius'Breviarium,

written at much the same time, is of much the same uality and is descri$ed $y Dones as 0an

elegant summary for gentlemen who had not the patience to plough through 6ivy' 3;! "he

scattered and confused references found in other such late writers need not delay us here31!

+nscriptions form the second maall=

De Caes.2;!3;Dones 19*3, 1;1;! "heBreviariumwas pro$a$ly written during Eutropius' spare time! "he wor is full of

erroneous and legendary materialBrev.2; states that Caracalla married his mother Dulia! See %ird 1993, vii-lvii!31See %irley Septimius, 2;*!

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:irstly, the languages inscri$ed on these monuments are an important indication of social

change! "he survival of 7unic and 6i$yan inscriptions helps reveal the comple#ity of

"ripolitanian culture! 6atin inscriptions, and their social and spatial conte#ts, illustrate the width

and depth of Romanisation in 6epcis! &s will $ecome clear in Chapter one, such information is

vital in assessing Septimius' early life!

+nscriptions from elsewhere in the empire are also important to this study! "hese documents

record vital information a$out the origins, careers and outloos of the imperial aristocracy! "hey

can also illustrate the connections $etween individuals and groups! :or instance, the Septimiiare

recorded on a num$er of inscriptions that help us to reconstruct, with some degree of accuracy,

the family's relationships with 6epcis and the wider empire 32! +nscriptions can also help reveal

developing trends! "hus the social, administrative, political and military changes of the Severan

era are all illuminated $y epigraphic material! "here are however, some significant draw$acs,

which are worth noting! "he primary disadvantage of epigraphic evidence is its selectivity! +n

general, only especially noteworthy events are recorded, which means that much of the day-to-

day information, of the type vital to modern historians, is missing! Secondly, the survival of

inscriptions is $ased entirely upon random factors! "his maes statistical analyses especially

difficult! "hirdly, inscriptions rarely allow access to the mentalities of the ancient world! &s

>allace-/adrill points out, 0+nscriptions only divulge formalities, not the $acground of

patronage and intrigue that in practice made a career'33!

"he Roman coinage is another meaningful source of information! Successive emperors used the

coinage as a means of disseminating official propaganda! "he use of su$tle and richly sym$olic

32See %arton 19**, pp!1-13!33>allace-/adrill, op! cit!, 5!

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imagery helped the imperial government to highlight specific themes coin issues could

emphasise an emperor's strength, mercy or religious $eliefs!

Septimius' manipulation of the coinage was particularly adept! :or e#ample, the literary sources

indicate that Septimius declared $efore the senate that he would tae 7ertina# as a role model 3(!

"hereafter, virtually his entire coinage maes reference to his apparent mentor! "he name

7ertina# is added to Septimius' official nomenclature3)! uring mid-193, a special denarius

commemorating the consecration of 7ertina# was issued35! &n especially significant issue recalls

another important episode! io states that shortly $efore 7ertina#' death, Septimius dreamt that

a horse threw 7ertina# from the saddle, which was then given to him 3*! "his dream, widely

pu$licised as an omen, was made reality in 2;1 when an euestrian statue was set up in the

forum! &sestertiusissued shortly afterwards $ears a depiction of this statue, with the legend

SEJERJS 7+JS &J and 7"+. 7R+8C S7KR "R 7 J+++ SC :igure 13 34! ther issues

pu$licise Septimius' religious piety towards 6epcis' ancestral deities, 6i$er 7ater and %acchus,

and his dedication of a temple at Rome to Eshmun, whilst others still honour his home province

of &frica39!

+t is important to $ear in mind however, that the coinage has its own peculiar draw$acs! :irstly,

coins need not always reflect the actual will of the emperor under whom they were minted some

are $etter understood as a ind of $ureaucratic 0default setting'! Secondly, there is a limit to the

3(

/er! 2!1(!3!3)"he name 7ertina# is found on virtually all Severan coinage! SeeBMC J, 21-2) for a few e#amples of this

otherwise u$iuitous issue!35BMCJ, 2), nos! 35 L 3*, pl!5!5 L 5!*! "he o$verse legend reads +JJS 7ER" 7+JS 7&"ER! "he reverse

shows an eagle standing upon a glo$e with the legend C8SECMR&"N+!3*io *( *)! 3!2-3!34BMCJ, 52(, no!4;1a /ill 19**, 2( no!4;2 /ill 1949, 54 n!1(1!39See /ill 19**, nos! 5(a, 4(, 1;2, 24;, 24), 3;;, 3;3, for 6i$er 7ater and %acchus! "he temple of Eshmun is

referred to in /ill, op! cit!, nos! 49;-492 /ill 1949, 31! :or Severan coins referring to &frica, see /ill 19**, nos!

59, 9(, 11;, 4*), 91(!

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amount of information that even the most tantalising coin can reveal! +ssues honouring &frica do

not $y themselves disclose Septimius' true feelings! espite these draw$acs, this study will

mae repeated recourse to numismatic material where appropriate!

&rchaeological evidence forms another useful $ody of information! "here are two distinct types

of archaeological data relevant to the present study! :irstly, there are the material remains of

"ripolitania, Septimius' $irthplace! "he wealth of the region's native culture is a significant

factor in determining its cultural allegiances! /ence it is an essential part of illustrating the

environment in which Septimius spent his formative years! :ortunately, "ripolitania has $een

increasingly surveyed in recent years, its fascinating economic, social and military history are

now $eing increasingly $rought to light(;! Secondly, archaeology is an e#tremely useful means

of assessing Septimius' own $uilding programmes, and the ideological content within them!

"wo of his pro


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Chapter ne! "epcis Magna and the #ens Septimia.

&ncient writers perceived a deep connection $etween Septimius and &frica! /erodian calls him

a 06i$yan' 2!9!2-3, whilst later writers, such as Jictor and the author of the Historia Augusta,

all mae him a native of 6epcis(2! Dohn .alalas, in his si#th century chronicle, interestingly

descri$es the emperor as a man of medium height, with 0dar sin' 12!19! &lthough this is

almost certainly wrong, it shows the continuing strength of the connection, some three hundred

years after his death(3!

+n this chapter, we shall e#amine this association for ourselves $y attempting to assess where

e#actly the emperor's roots lay! %efore however, we can loo at the origins of thegens Septimia,

we need to place our discussion in its proper conte#t $y tracing $riefly the history of their native

city and its relationship with Rome!

Septimius seems to have $een $orn in 1()CE, at 6epcis .agna, then the largest city of

"ripolitania((! eographically, the ruins of 6epcis lie along the Syrtic coast of 6i$ya, at the

mouth of the >adi 6e$dah, toward the eastern end of the efara plain! "he city seems to have

$een founded during the mid-seventh century %CE $y 7hoenician settlers, whilst its near

neigh$ours, Sa$ratha and ea, were pro$a$ly esta$lished a little later, during the si#th and fifth

centuries respectively()! /owever, the original names of all three cities are 6i$yan in form rather

(2JictorDe Caes.2;!19HA Sev.1!2 EutropiusBrev. 4!14 &usonius pus1(!21!3-(!

(3 .alalas' usefulness for the Severan era is limited! /e is at the mercy of faulty sources and is himself often guiltyof $asic errors! +n any case, io **!15!1 contradicts .alalas' physical description of Septimius! See Deffreys

199;, 15*-215 Croe 199;, pp!1-25! +n the %erlin tondo, a small colour cameo, the emperor is shown standing

with his wife and sons! &lthough he is noticea$ly darer than his 0pale' family, this reflects a convention of ancient

portraiture, in which a dar male contrasts a pale female! :or e#amples, see /anfmann 195(, pl! FJ+++-FF, pl!

FF+F, pl! F6++-F6+++, pl! F6J+++ Ro@en$erg 1993, 129, pl! 51 rant 19*), 33-35, )2-)3, and 1((-1()!((&ncient 6epcis pro$a$ly covered some *,;;; s! m!= %arton 199), pp!*-9 cf! .attingly 199), 1(3!().attingly, op! cit!, 115 .acOendric 194;, 1(3!

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than 7unic, which suggests the possi$ility of some ind of older native settlement(5! espite this,

the earliest archaeologically attested settlement at 6epcis seems to have $een under the later

:orum Jetus, although later on a new site was esta$lished on an island in the har$our called

Neapolis(*!

:igure 1= 6epcis!

8otwithstanding its adeuate har$our facilities, it was the city's agricultural and economic

potential that uicly esta$lished it as the region's premier ur$an centre! "his potential was

$ased upon a fortunate com$ination of climatic and geographic factors, which meant that the

city's territory covered some of "ripolitania's most fertile and well-weathered land(4! &s such, it

attracted the glowing praise of /erodotus, who remared that the near$y River Cinyps the

modern >adi el-Caam valley was=

(5%irley Septimius, 3!(*.attingly, op! cit!, 11* Dones 1949, pp!92-9)!(4S


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0Aeual to any country in the world for cereal crops and is nothing lie the rest of 6i$ya!

"he soil here is $lac and springs of water a$ound so that there is no fear of drought and

heavy rains Q for it rains in that part of 6i$ya Q do no harm when they soa the ground!"he returns of the harvest come up to the %a$ylonian measuresAthe Cinyps region

yields three hundred fold' /erodotus, (!194!

>ith the aid of artificial irrigation techniues, 6epcis could $oth feed itself and generate a

reasona$le grain surplus! +t also seems to have had a good source of tim$er in the near$y e$el

.sellata region(9! +n addition, the city was the focus of an ancient trans-Saharan trade route,

which made it a small, yet important, maret for gold, slaves and e#otic animals from >est

&frica);! /owever, the city's most important asset was the olive! "he olive tree, which can

survive in arid areas with little attention, was ideally suited to local conditions! +n a good year

the city could produce vast uantities of oil for domestic use and e#port, which created

su$stantial revenue)1! +t is not, therefore, surprising that 6epcis' Carthaginian over-lords were

a$le to e#tract one talent per day in tri$ute, whilst Caesar could later impose the enormous fine

of three million pounds of olive oil per year)2!

iven this wealth, the city was an attractive target! Competition for control of the region's

resources was fierce! +ndeed, from its very $eginnings, 6epcis had to use its wits to survive! 8ot

only did it have to contend with its am$itious neigh$ours and local tri$es, it also had to defend

itself from outside attac! uring the late si#th century, a Spartan adventurer named oreius

founded a strong rival $ase at the mouth of the >adi el-Caam! +t too an uneasy alliance of

Carthaginians, .acae and other 6i$yans to dislodge oreius from his camp)3!

(9/dt! (!1*)!);.attingly, op! cit!, 1))-1)*! "he Saharan caravan route passed through arama, 0capital' of the aramantian

tri$e! See aniels 19*;,passim!)1.attingly, op! cit!, 1(3 .attingly 1944, p!31 %arton, op! cit!, p!* Carandini 1943, p!1)1!)26ivy 3(!52 CaesarBA$r.*, 9, 29,9*BC34 7lutarch Caesar))!)3/dt! )!(2!

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>hen 6epcis ne#t appears in the historical record, it was again fighting off the unwanted

attentions of outsiders! "he Roman destruction of Carthaginian supremacy, during the third and

second centuries, created a regional power vacuum into which stepped the Roman-appointee

.assinissa! "his powerful and dynamic 8umidian ing repeatedly attempted to wrest control of

the emporium from its former masters and $y the 15;s %CE had finally succeeded in esta$lishing

some ind of su@erainty)(! espite his victory however, 6epcis seems to have en


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"he city's active participation in Roman politics led to it $ecoming em$roiled in the disastrous

civil war of the mid-first century! Shortly $efore the war, 6epcis was involved in a $order

dispute with Du$a + of 8umidia! Significantly, a senatorial commission found in 6epcis' favour!

7ossi$ly influenced $y this turn of events, Du$a sided with 7ompey and used the ensuing conflict

to sei@e control of the emporium, with the aid of a pro-8umidian party within the city itself! "he

Repu$lican victory over Curio at Itica confirmed Du$a in his control, which led to the e#ecution

of a num$er of Caesarian sympathisers! "he tide turned against Du$a however, with the death of

7ompey in Egypt in (4%CE! espite regrouping under Cato at 6epcis, Repu$lican forces in

&frica were overwhelmed $y Caesar two years later)9! Conseuently, the city was fined an

enormous three million pounds of olive oil per year5;!

:igure 2= "he .aret of &nno$al "apapius Rufus

)9See CaesarBC2!3*BA9*!

5;CaesarBA$r.*, 9, 29, 9*BC11, 34 7lutarch Caesar))!

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espite this apparent set$ac, the region recovered rapidly under &ugustus! Regardless of some

early campaigning in the :e@@an, "ripolitania was peacefully a$sor$ed into the newly formed

province of A$rica 'roconsularis51! 6epcis' evident wealth and am$ition made it one of the

area's principal cities! &s such, its leading citi@ens $egan to adopt Roman customs and

architectural fashions! "hus in 4%CE, one &nno$al "apapius Rufus, whose name shows an

accurate understanding of Roman nomenclature, $uilt a large new tholos-style maret along the

&ia (rion$ale, in apparent imitation of the capital's new macellum! & few years later, under the

proconsul Cn! Calpurnius 7iso, a new Roman-style :orum was laid out52! & large new "heatre in

the city's western district, paid for $y &nno$al, followed this in 2CE

53

!

"en years later, his compatriot +ddi$al $uilt a temple to Jenus and the spirit of &ugustus the

Chalcidicum, as well as paying for a college of fifteen attendant priests 5(! "his was the first

such temple in an allied treaty-state and, interestingly, its dedication recalls Jenus #enetri), the

patron deity of the Dulian house5)! uring the last two years of &ugustus' life, &nno$al made yet

another pu$lic donation, erecting a "emple to Rome and &ugustus on the 8orthwest side of the

:orum55! "wo other maor also $egan on the

51Inusually, an e#-consul with military command governed &frica! Caligula removed this anomaly $y restricting

the proconsul to civilian affairs and granting the legate ofIII Augustacontrol over the entire southern $order of

8umidia! >ilson et al1995, p!3(! Conventional wisdom dates the foundation of'roconsularisto 2*%CE! Shaw

199)$, 359-34;, proposes the much earlier date of c!(;-39%CE! 6! Cornelius %al$us, proconsul in 2; %CE,fought several campaigns against the aramantes and aetuli! 7linyNH )!)!35 Jell! 7at! 2!)1!3! Syme 1939, 4;,

23), 32), 339, 35* aniels 194*, 223-25) aniels 1949, p!()!52"he :orum Jetus is dated $yIR()2; to 7iso's proconsulship )%CE Q 2CE, /aynes, op! cit!, 4)-9;!53IR(319"ibya, )5-59 /aynes, op! cit!, 49-9) .acOendric, op! cit!, 1(4 %irley Septimius, 13-1)! "he "apapii

are one of the most important families in first century 6epcis!5(IR(32("ibya, *;-*)! "he man's full name was +ddi$al Caphada &emilius!5)"ibya, *) /aynes, op! cit!, 92-93!55IR(321-323 /aynes, op! cit!, 49-9;!5*/aynes, op! cit!, 44-49, 9;!

1*


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Carthage to &le#andria highway, with si@ea$le sections $eing laid out at near$y ea and

"acape54!

:igure 3= & 7lan of the "heatre of &nno$al "apapius Rufus

"he civic donations of the "apapii have their counterparts in other cities of the empire! &t

7ompeii, for e#ample, the early &ugustan period saw a very similar re-modelling! 6ie their

6epcitane contemporaries, leading 7ompeian families cemented their social position $y

financing the construction of pu$lic $uildings and amenities, as well as refur$ishing e#isting

ones! "hus .! /olconius Celer and .! /olconius Rufus who seems to have $een a younger

$rother paid for a ma


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uring "i$erius' reign, "ripolitania's apparent tranuillity was $roen $y the revolt of

"acfarinas, a former Roman au#iliary soldier! "he dispute, which seems to have $een caused $y

interference with traditional migration routes, lasted for seven years $efore $eing $rought under

control and involved the transfer of an entire legion from the anu$e frontier*2! "acitus notes the

interest that "acfarinas' e#otic looing aramantian allies caused at Rome when they $rought

news of their unconditional surrender*3! 6epcis pro$a$ly served as the campaign headuarters!

7! Cornelius ola$ella, the victorious general, placed a dedication to &ictoria Augustainside the

city's :orum*(!

:igure (= "he Chalcidicum at 6epcis

Inder Claudius and 8ero, the city's pu$lic amenities were further e#panded! +n ()-(5CE a large

statue-group was dedicated to Claudius and placed in the :orum *)! Shortly afterwards, the

:orum itself was refur$ished! "he floor was completely re-paved in white limestone and a

colonnaded portico added in the 8orthwest corner! "his e#pensive restoration was important

*2"ac!Ann.2!)2 >hittaer 19*4, pp!3((-3() >hittaer 1943, pp!11;-111!*3"ac!Ann!3!2;-21, *3-*( (!23-25!*(A*195;, 1;*!*)IR(33*, 339-3(;!

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enough to $e dedicated $y the then proconsul, 7ompeius Silvanus! "he wor was paid for $y

#+y ben Hannoin honour of his grandson #+y! /is adoptive grandson Ba+alyaton ,md+ ben

M+-rsupervised the pro


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Rutilius allicus was sent to calm the situation further, as a specially appointed provincial

governor! Jespasian rewarded 6epcis' loyalty in *4CE, granting it the ius "atii 0or 6atin

right'41! "his meant that all city officials automatically received Roman citi@enship! Inusually

however, although the municipal priests the mahaim were called $y their 6atin euivalents

aediles, its chief magistrates, thesu$etes, remained distinctly &frican42! &s such, the num$er of

Roman citi@ens dramatically increased! +n response to this largesse, a new temple to

Cy$ele.agna .ater was placed inside the :orum Jespasian was honoured $y the erection of a

triumphal arch at 6epcis, near the later %y@antine ate 43! "he city also paid for a pair of

honorary statues of the proconsul and his wife to $e erected in their home city of "urin

4(

!

:igure 5= "he /adrianic %aths at 6epcis

6epcitanes during the late first and early second centuries were affluent and upwardly mo$ile!

"hus under omitian, one Septimius $ecame part of the literary circle of Statius, an influential

41%irley Septimius, 15!42IR(3(2, 3(5, 3(* Sherwin->hite, op! cit!, )2f!, 1;9f!, 19)ff! IR(3;) hasIIIv/ir01 pot.I'(3; gives mahaim!

See alsoI'(9!43IR(3(2!4(CI")!599;! &lthough only the statue to allicus' wife survives, it seems to have $een one of a pair! SeeIR(3;;

"ibya, *5, dedicated in *2CE!

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court poet4)! "he city was sufficiently well connected to successfully convict a wealthy e#-

proconsul of &frica, .arius 7riscus, of e#tortion and murder! "he trial came to court in 1;;CE

and was deemed important enough for "ra


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7lautius 6upus, a duumvirfrom an eminent senatorial family, seems to have paid for much of the

wor, whilst his contemporary Rusonianus restored the "heatre now over a hundred years old 92!

ne inscription of particular interest records the dedication of a statue of Cupid to the emperor

$y C! Claudius Septimius M&Nfer93! "his man seems to have $een the father of 6epcis' first

consuls, 7! Septimius &per cos.1)3 and C! Septimius Severus cos.15;, and is presuma$ly

related to the future emperor! Septimius' own father, 7! Septimius eta, who may well have

served as an aedile, set up a statue to Septimia 7olla his sister at a$out this time which was,

according to uncan-Dones, 0the mostAe#pensive in &frica'9(!

%y the mid-second century, 6epcis had $ecome one of &frica's leading cities! +n the course of

little over a century, the emporium went from an allied, though still 0foreign', city to a

municipium and thence to a fully-fledged Roman colony! &n e#amination of the spread of

Roman citi@enship and the 6atin tongue demonstrates 6epcis' desire for upward mo$ility still

further!

"he first thing to note a$out 6epcis during the first century was its conspicuous lac of

immigrants! +n mared contrast to the rest of &frica, the city did not see the official

esta$lishment of a large +talian community in its midst 9)! "hus although individual +talians did

settle at 6epcis, lie the $aner "! /erennius during the early first century %CE, there was no

mass influ# of settlers95! Conseuently, immigrant families mae up a surprisingly small

percentage of 6epcis' nown no$ility! f particular importance are the2ulvii "epcitani, who are

first attested under &ugustus, and who are seemingly connected to Septimius through :ulvia 7ia,

92"i! 7lautius 6upus=IR()93, 532, 53(! "ibya, 9)-95, gives 7lautianus, whilstIR(253 reads Rufinianus!93IR(315!9(uncan-Dones 1952, no!54!9):or &frica, see "hompson, op! cit!, pp!132-141!95Cic!In &errem2!)!1)) "hompson 1959$, p!235!

23


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his mother9*! ther e#amples include the 'erperna"epcitanus, recorded on an inscription

dedicated to "i$erius, and the family of Carminius Saturninus, who set up an inscription in the

city's main street94! "he complete lac of any organised $ody of resident Roman citi@ens, such

as a conventus civium Romanorumor apagusalso demonstrates the a$sence of a large +talian

community99! "here is no record of there ever having $een any such organisation at 6epcis!

"hese corporations are found throughout 8orth &frica and $ecause of their high status, they

e#erted a disproportionate influence on their respective cities 1;;! "hat 6epcis did not have such a

corporation suggests that the native aristocracy retained their importance under Roman rule1;1!

:igure *= "he &rch of Severus at 6epcis

uring the early principate, grants of citi@enship were e#tremely rare! "hus although we find

eleven %ulii in the city's epigraphic record, without further corro$orative evidence, it is

9*IR(32; 324! "he epithet 06epcitani' seems to have $een intended to distinguish this family from others with the

same name! :or their e#act relationship to Septimius see $elow, pageB Romanelli 19)4, 2)4-251 "hompson

1959$, p!23* %irley 1944, p!3!94IR(33) *;5 "hompson 1959$, pp!23*-234!99"hompson, op! cit!, p!239!1;;:or e#amples of this influence, see CaesarBC2!35BA35, 54, 44, 9;, 9* SallustB%25, 5(!1;1"hompson, op! cit!, pp!239-2(;!

2(


25/136

e#tremely unliely that any of them were enfranchised under the early Dulio-Claudian period 1;2!

"here are also a large num$er of names suggesting connections with early proconsuls! Some

thirty-eight names recall &ugustan officials and some forty-two suggest "i$erian magistrates1;3!

>hilst it seems liely that few of these actually reflect such early enfranchisement, there are

some possi$le e#ceptions! "hus an ancestor of the 6! &elius &eMA, recorded on an inscription

from 6epcis, could possi$ly have $een granted citi@enship under the early "i$erian proconsul, 6!

&elius 6amia1;(!

Inder Claudius and 8ero, there seems to have $een a small e#tension in the num$ers of Roman

citi@ens! +t is from this period that the first solid dating evidence emerges! :rom this time

onwards, inscriptions with proper Roman nomenclature, including filiation and details of voting

tri$es $egin to appear! :rom an analysis of this data it can $e seen that all new citi@ens enrolled

at 6epcis $efore the grant of colonial status in 1;9-11;CE, were placed in the Kuirina tri$e,

whilst those enfranchised afterwards appear in the 7apiria tri$e1;)!

"he surviving epigraphic record includes thirteen e#amples of Claudiiat 6epcis1;5! +t is virtually

certain that the families of two of them were enfranchised during this time! "i! Claudius Sestius,

asu$esand priest of Jespasian, dedicated a podium to omitian in the "heatre at 6epcis! "he

inscription dates to 91-92CE and his tri$e is given as the Kuirina his nomenclature suggests that

1;2IR(2*;, 2*5, 2** K! Dulius Dustus 2*5 Dulia :austa )*3 Dulius /oMAN )94 #2 "i! Dulius :rontinus L his son

"i! Dulius :ronto 5); Dulius Oamerinus 593 .! Dulius Cethegus *13 Dulia Capitolina *1( Dulia Clymenis *1) C!

Dulius Silvanus 4)4 Dulius MANnus "MAN! "orelli 19*3,stemma, adds one Dulia Serviliana! f these, "i! Dulius:rontinus and his son "i! Dulius :ronto were most pro$a$ly granted citi@enship under "ra


26/136

an ancestor, pro$a$ly his father, was given citi@enship under Claudius or 8ero 1;*! "he neo-7unic

te#t is a direct translation of the 6atin1;4! &nother set of inscriptions from the city maret records

one "i Claudius &micus, a first century aedile1;9! ther evidence is less precise! "here are

nineteen names recalling either Claudian or 8eronian officials11;! & num$er of names recall the

cognominaof the short-lived emperors al$a, tho and Jitellius! /owever, it is worth noting

that these men, or their relatives, all served as proconsuls of &frica under Claudius or 8ero111! K!

Servius Candidus, who dedicated a large statue group to Claudius in the :orum Jetus, also

seems to have $een enfranchised at this time112! ne especially interesting inscription records the

dedication of a statue of Cupid to /adrian $y C! Claudius Septimius M&Nfer

113

! +t is possi$le that

this man was a relative of Septimius11(! +n any case, his nomenclature strongly suggests that he,

or another mem$er of his family, was given the franchise during this period!

espite this gradual e#pansion of Roman citi@enship, it is significant that even at this time the

epigraphic corpus demonstrates the importance of the indigenous non-citi@en elite! &s we saw

a$ove, in ()-(5CE 6epcis' "heatre was completely refur$ished and a large statue-group was

dedicated to Claudius inside the :orum Jetus! Jarious mem$ers of 'y $en /anno's family

paid for this wor11)! "hey are clearly still ofperegrinestatus and were o$viously wealthy and

socially influential!

1;*IR(314 L 3(*1;4I'(2*!1;9IR()9;!11;%irley, op! cit!, pp!*-4!111%irley, op! cit!, p!*!112IR(2*), 3)*-3)9"ibya, 49-9;!113IR(315!11(See $elow, page 3911)"ibya, *5!

25


27/136

"he first ma


28/136

earlier period, rather than direct imperial grants, such as the very early 6! &elius 6amia, or an

otherwise unnown &urelius123!

"he linguistic history of 6epcis reveals a num$er of comple# phenomena at wor! :irstly,

although 7unic survives as the city's native tongue, 6atin seems to have swiftly esta$lished a

position of dominance in the pu$lic world of the :orum12(! "hus the last e#tended inscriptions

written in neo-7unic script date to the reign of omitian or in other words


29/136

an acuired language for $oth men, as does +asucthan's failure to properly distinguish vowel

lengths13;! "his suggests that whilst 6atin uicly $ecame the primary language of refined

culture and pu$lic $usiness, native tongues, whether 6i$yan or 7unic, remained the first language

for most of the region's inha$itants, especially in 6epcis' pre-desert hinterland! "his is further

$orne out $y the survival of 7unic loan words in modern 6i$ya's collouial &ra$ic131!

iven this comple#ity, it is legitimate to as to what e#tent Septimius himself understood 7unic!

&s an educated mem$er of the no$ility, he must certainly have $een fluent in 6atin, and possi$ly

in ree too132! Some degree of fluency is strongly suggested $y the continuing strength of

7unic! ne source, al$eit rather late, states, uite uneuivocally, that he was a fluent 7unic

speaer133! "heHistoria Augusta+sremars that Septimius' sister could $arely spea 6atin are,

however, of argua$ly greater significance13(! &lthough caution is reuired, the $asic thrust of the

story, that a female mem$er of the 6epcitane elite had noticea$ly poorer 6atin than her $rother,

seems fairly accurate! +t may also mean that her 6atin was distinctive, rather than


30/136

untangle the complicated networ of relationships and ultimately, to argue that on the $alance of

pro$a$ilities Septimius' family did originate at 6epcis!

ur investigation $egins with one .acer, said $y theHistoria Augustato $e Septimius' paternal

grandfather avus paternus135! &n inscription from 6epcis has shown this to $e inaccurate13*!

.acer, a fairly common 6atin name meaning 0lean', is found throughout "ripolitania134!

+nterestingly enough, inscriptions from 6epcis record the donations of one &nno .acer and his

family during the mid-first century CE139! "he last of them records the dedication of a statue to

his son, aius 7helyssam, in )(CE1(;!

+n light of this, %irley suggests that .acer was Septimius' great-grandfather, citing a possi$le

corruption of theHistoria Augustain support1(1! /e then goes on to suggest that .acer, active

during the :lavian period, may well have received his citi@en status under one Septimius :laccus,

a legate ofIII Augustaout-stationed at 6epcis, thus giving him the name of Septimius .acer1(2!

>hilst this interpretation is certainly attractive, it is $ased on somewhat tenuous evidence! +n the

first place, .acer's identification as Septimius' great-grandfather is far from certain! Secondly,

the e#istence of a fault in the te#t of the vita is not universally accepted 1(3! "hirdly, Septimius

:laccus is an e#tremely shadowy figure! nly 7tolemy definitely records his presence at 6epcis,

though other references, including two inscriptions, refer to a :lavian legate $y the name of

135HA Sev.1!2!13*IR((12 gives his name as 6ucius Septimius Severus!134Oa


31/136

Suellius :laccus, who may or may not $e the same man 1((! +nterestingly however, a 6! Septimius

:laccus cos! suff! 143 served as a proconsul of 7annonia +nferior early in Commodus' reign 1()!

espite these uncertainties, it is uite plausi$le that the HistoriaAugusta has recorded the name

correctly, merely erring with regards to the e#act relationship! +n other words, it is possi$le that

.acer was another, more distant relative, although in the a$sence of fresh evidence we cannot

advance much $eyond this!

>ith Septimius' grandfather, we move onto more solid ground! +ndeed, as will $ecome clear,

the current de$ate centres on him! %efore advancing any further therefore, it is worth setting out

the evidence as it stands! &n inscription, set up in 2;3, gives this man's name as 6ucius

Septimius Severus and supplies us with details of his pu$lic career1(5! /e held the post ofsu$es,

6epcis' chief native magistracy, wasprae$ectus when the city $ecame a colony and immediately

afterwards he $ecame its first duumvir! /e served as a priest of the imperial cult at some point

and was also a


32/136

+n 9(-9)CE, Statius pu$lished %oo :our of his Silvaeand dedicated it to his influential patron

Jitorius .arcellus! "he fifth poem of this $oo, a rather unusual alcaic ode, is addressed to

Septimius Severus, a young euestrian and 6atin poet from 6epcis, now living in +taly1);

! "he

poem, the te#t of which is set out in &ppendi# "wo, clearly shows that Statius' friend was

$rought to the capital as a child! 6ines 3( to 35 descri$e the young Septimius entering 0Athe

havens of &usonia', there$y su$tly comparing him to &eneas, who was liewise an 0Aadopted

child, on "uscan waters'! 6ine 33 depicts him crawling 0Aas an infant on all the hills of

Rome'1)1! "he poem also suggests that Septimius was educated at the capital, although if not

actuallyphysicallylocated there then at least with the hallmars of classical Roman education!

+n lines 3) to 35 Statius invoes the legendary waters of the$onte Iuturnaeand liens them to a

mother's mil= 0>ho would not say that he had drun, his weaning done, of Duturna's

fountainB'1)2! +n 6ine (), Statius sums up Septimius'Romanitas= 08either your speech nor your

dress is 7unic, yours is no stranger's mind= +talian, you are, +talianT' 08on sermo 7oenus, non

ha$itus ti$i, e#terna non mens= +talus, +talus'1)3! "he use of three repeated negatives 0nonA

nonAnon' forcefully emphasises Statius' point that Septimius really is 0one of us'1)(! "his

pro$a$ly e#plains why, in the preface to this poem, Statius goes so far as to name Jeii, instead of

6epcis, as Septimius' origo1))!

Coleman 1944, 1)9!1);Silvae(prae$.1;! "his style of poem was popular during the later first century and $orrowed heavily from

/orace! See 7liny*p! 9!22 /ardie, op! cit!, )4-*2 Coleman, op! cit!, 1)5-1)*!1)1

Coleman 1944, 155!1)2Silvae(!)!3)-5! Cf! #ell! 12!1!2;! .artial 2!95, descri$es a erman drining from the &ua .arcia as though it

were the Rhine! See Coleman, op! cit!, 15*!1)3Sermowhich primarily means speech and language, also has the sense of good diction and hence manners, see

Coleman, op! cit!, 159! Cicero usessermoin this sense in his description of "ullia= Cic! ,.2r.1!33 also .o#ley,

op! cit!, 2(1 n!! Septimius, as a poet himself, must have paid particular attention to correct pronunciation,


33/136

espite this however, there must have $een something percepti$ly 0foreign' a$out Septimius!

"he poem maes little real sense otherwise! Statius himself hints at this! Septimius is referred to

as an 0+ndian /arvest' and as the 0rare cinnamon' of the Sa$aeans1)5

! /is flattery is designed to

show that Septimius is fully 0Roman' in his manners and lifestyle and so conseuently, $ears no

trace of the stereotypical 0faithless &frican'! /anni$al came to typify this stereotype and was

often evoed in late first century literature as an image of savagery Statius himself maes

freuent use of this motif in his poems1)*! Septimius, as a $udding 6atin poet in his own right,

also had another reason for wishing to emphasise his Romanitas! omitian, an emperor with

literary pretensions of his own, actively prevented &fricans from winning poetry competitions 1)4!

>hat then, lins this Septimius with the emperor's grandfatherB

& close e#amination of the evidence demonstrates $eyond reasona$le dou$t that the Septimius of

Statius' poem was the same man as the emperor's grandfather! "o start with, $oth men were

$orn at 6epcis and were active during the late first and early second centuries 1)9! Secondly, $oth

were wealthy! Statius' friend must have had at least moderate wealth to move in Statius' literary

circle, whilst the emperor's grandfather, as one of 6epcis' leading citi@ens, must have $een

immensely wealthy! "hirdly, $oth men held land at Jeii! Statius gives his friend's origo as

Jeii15;! "he Historia Augusta states that in 191CE,


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Sev.(!)151! &lthough this corrupt portion of the te#t has often $een restored as 0a single farm in

Jenetia' 0unum fundum in Jenetia', /ammond convincingly argues that the te#t should $e

emended to read 0unum fundum Jeientanum vel Jeientem' 0a single farm at Jeii' 152! +n

other words, the future emperor received this farm $y inheritance from his grandfather! "his is

supported $y the discovery of a near$y lead pipe, with the name 07! Septimius eta' inscri$ed

upon it153!

&lso, $oth men were of euestrian status! Statius' friend was clearly an e-ues, whilst the

emperor's grandfather served in the euestrian legal post of iude) selectus at Rome15(!

:urthermore, $oth were active in the courts! Statius praises his friend's legal elouence=

07leasing too is your voice in the strident courts, $ut your elouence is never venal' Silvae

(!)!(9-)2! f greater significance are the names of 6ucius' children, which $oth evoe Statius'

literary circle! "hus 7! Septimius eta, the emperor's father, recalls Jitorius .arcellus eta, the

dedicatee of Silvae %oo :our15)! +t is interesting to note that this is the first attested e#ample of

the name at 6epcis, although it was later used as a derivative of the popular &frican name

aetulusaetulicus155! Similarly Septimia 7olla, the emperor's aunt, recalls &rgentaria 7olla,

6ucan's famous widow and a mem$er of Roman high society 15*!

151HA Sev.(!) erroneously recorded as ermania %arnes, op! cit!, p!4* %irley Coup, pp!2)3-2)(!152See /ammond, op! cit!, pp!1(;-1(3! Supported $y %irley Coup, p!2)( ignored $y %arnes, op! cit!, p!!44! "hea$ove translation is .agie's, op! cit!, 3*4-3*4!153CI"11!3415 Jia Cassia! "his is pro$a$ly 6ucius' son 7u$lius!15(Statius' friend is descri$ed as a iuvenisSilvae(prae$.1;! &lthough the term strictly means 0youth' it was used

to refer to young no$lemen, of either euestrian or senatorial $acground, aged $etween fourteen and seventeen! +t

was also used in a wider sense to include e-uitesunder 3)= %alsdon L 6evic 1995, pp!*91-*92 i#on 1992,

133-134! :or 6ucius seeIR((12!12-13 0inter selctos Romae iudicavit' %arnes, op! cit!, p!44 %irley Coup,pp!2)3-2)(!15)Statius' friend is stated to have $een a fellow school pupil with Jitorius= Silvae(prae$.1; Coleman, op! cit!,1)4!155eta is a rare name! f the eighteen surviving e#amples, ten are found in &frica seven of which come from

"ripolitania, Oa


35/136

&s such, we can $uild up a fairly accurate picture of the emperor's grandfather! 6ucius

Septimius Severus was $orn to a wealthy 6epcitane family during the later first century CE

most pro$a$ly in the late 5;s to early *;s, of pro$a$le euestrian status, possi$ly to the

mysterious Septimius .acer! /e was taen to +taly Jeii to $e e#act as a child, where he was

presuma$ly educated! &s a young man, lie others of his class, he turned his hand to poetry

none of which survives $efore em$aring upon the more serious $usiness of a career, pro$a$ly

$ecoming a iude)shortly $efore omitian's assassination in 95-9*CE! Returning to 6epcis after

omitian's death, 6ucius $ecame a leading mem$er of the local elite, holding the posts of su$es

and prae$ectus $efore finally $ecoming its first duumvir in 1;9-11;CE! espite his &frican

origin, 6ucius remained completely romanised, giving his children names recalling powerful

mem$ers of his former literary circle! +t is clear, then, that he was an important figure in his

grandson's early life!

&lthough Septimius' father, 7! Septimius eta, was of some interest to ancient writers, he seems

to have $een a less prominent figure than his father154! "hus, very little is nown a$out him

$eyond his name and the fact that he was the emperor's father159! &s no details survive, it is

therefore impossi$le to go $eyond mere guesswor in assessing his career! &lthough he was

certainly not a senator his relatives, Septimius and &per, were the first Septimii to hold that

distinction, it is possi$le that he was the aedile 0MANs eta' recorded on an inscription found

inside the "heatre at 6epcis1*;! espite this, he was clearly a man of considera$le wealth! "he

inscription he set up in honour of his sister, Septimia 7olla, was, according to uncan-Dones, 0the

233 n!1!154HA Sev.1!2HA #eta2!1 states that .arius .a#imus wrote a$out eta at great length! %irley Septimius,

&pp!2!no!2;!159CI" 4!19(93 Cirta andIR((1( 6epcis are the only two e#tant inscriptions set up in hishonour!1*;IR()9*!

3)


36/136

most e#pensiveAin &frica'1*1! /is marriage to :ulvia 7ia, of the 2ulvii "epcitani, also

illustrates his social and financial importance at 6epcis1*2!

&s we saw a$ove, the emperor's sister, Septimia ctavilla, is an important figure in our search

for the origins of thegens Septimia! Some time after 194, she was honoured posthumously $y

three of 6epcis' curial wards as 0a woman of most no$le memory' 0clarissimae memoriae

femina'1*3! +n other words, it seems that she was married to a senator! .ore significantly for

our particular study, however, is an oft-uoted incident in the Historia Augusta! +n the midst of a

passage dealing with the events of 194, the author remars that during Septimius' time as

emperor=

0/is sister from 6eptis once came to see him, and, since she could $arely spea 6atin,

made the emperor $lush for her hotly! &nd so, after giving the $road stripe to her son andmany presents to the woman herself, he sent her home again, and also her son, who died a

short time afterwards' HA Sev.1)!*1*(!

+t is possi$le that Septimia's son, who remains unnamed $y the Historia Augusta, is the

euestrian 6! :lavius Septimius &per ctavianus recorded on an inscription at Rome 1*)!

&s we saw a$ove, 6epcis' first two native consuls were $oth relatives of the emperor! "he

Historia Augustagives their names as &per and Severus and descri$es them as great-uncles

patrui magniof the emperor1*5! &per, or 7! Septimius &per, was suffect consul in 1)3, whilst

Severus, or C! Septimius Severus, held the office seven years later in 15; and in 1*( $ecame the

1*1IR(5;* uncan-Dones 1952, no!54!1*2HA Sev.1!2IR((1)-(15!1*3IR((1*! ctavilla must have come from an otherwise unattested relative!1*(Septimia's hus$and name unnown cannot have $een a senator $efore this incident otherwise the emperor's

grant of the $road stripe to their son would have $een unnecessary! %irley Septimius, &pp! 2, no!4!1*)CI"5!1(1)! :lavia 8eratia Septimia ctavilla, ctavianus' daughter, set up the inscription! %irley Septimius,

&pp! 2, no!1*IR(, p!19 7+R 2 8);!1*5HA Sev.1!2!

35


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proconsul of &frica, with the future emperor serving as his legate1**! &s such, Severus is

recorded on a num$er of inscriptions throughout &frica! ne from "hu$uriscu 8umidarum

records him as the city's patron and gives us details of his career1*4! &nother inscription, from

the arch of .arcus &urelius at 6epcis, was dedicated in 1*(, 0when the proconsul was C!

Septimius Severus, and his legate was 6! Septimius Severus'1*9!

%arnes argues that Severus is also the su$


38/136

tri$e'14(! "his significant piece of evidence reveals a num$er of things! :irstly, it shows that he

cannot have $een the man referred to in the 7raeneste inscription although the praenomenis the

same, the tri$e is not! &s was seen a$ove, those 6epcitanes who were enfranchised at 6epcis

$efore "ra


39/136

"here is also a distinct possi$ility that Septimius was a distant relative of the powerful second

century orator, .! Cornelius :ronto! +n a letter to one 7etronius .amertinus, :ronto

recommends a young man who is said to $e 0among the devotees of our$amilia' Ad Am! 1!1;!2!

&lthough $amiliacan mean 0household', Champlin argues that :ronto is here referring to an

actual $lood relationship19;! +f this connection is accurate, it shows a clear lin to the powerful

senator . 7etronius .amertinus cos! 1);191! f particular interest, however, is the

nomenclature of this man's son, .! 7etronius Sura Septimianus, which seems to recall a

marriage lin with an otherwise unattested Septimia192! :urther corro$orative evidence can $e

found in SeptimiusU appointment of :ronto's two grandsons, .! &ufidius :ronto and C! &ufidius

Jictorinus, to ordinary consulships193! "hat they served in consecutive years 199 and 2;;

respectively seems particularly suggestive of a family connection19(! +t is possi$le, therefore,

that the 0ANo :rontMoNni', recorded as the city's first senator under "ra


40/136

unliely! "here is no record, in any other source, of the e#istence of these young women, which

seems strange, given their liely status!

:ulvia 7ia, the emperor's mother, is only attested in two e#tant inscriptions, $oth set up $y

Septimius himself194! /er family, the2ulvii "epcitani, were originally +talian immigrants and are

first attested at 6epcis under &ugustus199! &s epigraphic evidence reveals, the family soon

married into the local elite, most nota$ly with the native 'lautiifrom whom sprang C! :ulvius

7lautianus, Septimius' close friend and praetorian prefect2;;! &lthough not a$solutely certain, it

is liely that the emperor's $rother, also a 7! Septimius eta, was his father's eldest son! 8ot

only did he inherit his father's full name, he also seems to have $egun his career $efore his

$rother's2;1! f the remaining Septimii, 6! Septimius &per cos! ord! in 2;* was particularly

connected with $usiness, it seems to $e his name stamped upon olive oil amphorae found at

Rome2;2! +t seems pro$a$le however, that this man's name was actually C! Septimius Severus

&per! &n as yet unpu$lished military diploma calls the consul ordinarius for 2;* $y this

name2;3! +f accurate, this would mae him a son or grandson of C! Septimius Severus cos! 15;!

+t seems particularly appropriate to end our discussion with 6! Septimius &per for a num$er of

reasons! :irstly, his apparent involvement with 6epcis' lucrative olive oil trade reminds us the

194HA Sev1!2IR((1)-(15!199IR(32; L 324 %irley Septimius, 22;! See page 2(!2;;"hompson 1959$, p!2(5, suggests that the'lautiiwere enfranchised at the $ehest of "i! 7lautius Silvanus

&elianus, son of 6! &elius 6amia proconsul under "i$erius! &fter 7lautianus' 7+R 2 : ))( fall from grace and

e#ecution in 2;), he suffered damnatio memoriaeand all pu$lic record of him was destroyed! /is children, 7u$lia:ulvia 7lautilla 7+R 2 : )5( and C! :ulvius 7lautius /ortensianus 7+R 2 : ))) were $oth e#iled and later put to

death $y Caracalla! %irley Septimius, &pp! 2, nos! 29, 32, 33! ther2ulviiinclude the emperor's maternalgrandfather, :ulvius 7ius HA Sev.1!2, :ulvius 7ius, cos! ord! in 234 7+R 2 : ))3, %ar$ieriAlbo, no!1;)( and one

C! :ulvius 7ius A*193;!5*!2;1"he father'spraenomenwas commonly reserved for the eldest son! Salway 199(, p!12) %irley Septimius,

&pp! 2, no! 21 cf!IR(, p!19 %arnes, op! cit!, p!91, p!1;*! eta's career pro$a$ly $egan in 152, it ended with a

second consulship in 2;3! SeeIR()(1! See Chapter "wo, page )2!2;2.attingly (ripoli., 1)3-1)), "a$le *!1!2;3' Michigan)(*( uoted in %irley Septimius, 2*(!

(;


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city's e#pansion was $ased suarely upon its mercantile strength! &s we have seen, it was the

city's rich trading networs that $rought it to international prominence, and hence eventually into

the or$it of Rome! Secondly, 6ucius' family, the gens Septimia, stood at the forefront of the

city's drive for social mo$ility during the late first and second centuries! &s was argued a$ove,

they represent the most successful of many such native families at 6epcis, and indeed throughout

&frica as a whole! "he emperor's family were most pro$a$ly enfranchised during the :lavian

period, whilst his grandfather was the city's first duumvirand his two second cousins were the

first 6epcitanes to reach the consulship! &s such, we can see that the emperor's roots lay firmly

at 6epcis, although his connections spread far $eyond the city of his $irth! +n Chapter "wo, we

shall $uild further upon the conclusions reached in this chapter $y focusing on Septimius' career

as an aspiring senator!

(1


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Chapter (5o!Septimius and the Cursus Honorum!

Chapter "wo aims to e#tend the discussion $y looing at Septimius' relationships with the wider

Roman no$ility! :ocus will therefore $e given to his progress through the senatorial career

structure! +n particular, careful attention will $e paid to the future emperor's patron-client

networs, and what part, if any, &frica played in their formation and further development! +n

order to place the de$ate within its proper conte#tual framewor, it will $e necessary to e#amine

the principal features of Romano-&frican society! :rom here, the focus will shift to an in-depth

loo at Septimius' senatorial career, from its $eginnings in the 15;s to the fall of Cleander in

19;! +t is important to $ear in mind at this point that this present wor does notaim to $e a

$iographical account any such study has $een rendered largely superfluous $y %irley's generally

well-researched effort! +n spite of this, detailed reference to relevant events has occasionally

$een deemed appropriate! +t is hoped that $y this method the reader can come to a fuller

understanding of Septimius' true place within the wider Roman world!

&s is evident at 6epcis, the cities of 8orth &frica were deeply affected $y Roman cultural power!

"his can $e seen in a num$er of ways! &rchaeological studies have amply demonstrated the

adoption of classical architectural fashions completely transformed the physical appearance of

the region's ur$an centres2;(!

+n addition the epigraphic record reveals that, $y the mid-second century at the latest, 7unic had

$een all $ut replaced $y 6atin in pu$lic conte#ts2;)! &frican enthusiasm for 6atin e#tended

2;("he ur$an archaeology of 8orth &frica has $een the su$


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$eyond the purely functional! & large num$er of inscriptions honour the students of 6atin

literature as 0amator studiorum' 0lover of learning' and 0doctissimus et facundissimus' 0most

learned and elouent2;5! &lso nowledge of ree was considered to $e the height of

sophistication! &puleius compliments his audience $y implying that they could understand

ree and he later insults his opponent $y pointing to his ignorance of $oth ree and 6atin2;*!

+n this climate, it is perhaps not surprising that amateur poets were a$undant! Septimius' own

grandfather wrote poetry2;4! Champlin cites some three hundred 0metrical efforts' in the region's

epigraphic corpus2;9! ther e#amples could also $e added! "wo long he#ameter-style poems

have $een discovered on two inscriptions from %u 8estern Empire $ehind Rome itself211! +n spite of this, the capital remained the true focus for

educated &fricans! uring the first century, &nnaeus Cornutus, 6ucan and 7ersius' teacher and

Se#tius Sulla, an associate of 7lutarch, were active at Rome212! %y the mid-second century, the

&fricans Cornelius :ronto and "uticius 7roculus were the 6atin tutors of the young Caesar

.arcus &urelius213!

iven the prestige of rhetoric, it is small wonder that many aspiring &fricans found a fruitful

outlet for their talents as


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$etter emigrate to aul or &frica Q lawyers are flourishing there' Satires *!1(5-1(4! &s was

made clear in Chapter ne, Septimius' own grandfather spent many years at Rome 0in the

strident courts' Statius Silvae (!)!(9! &t a$out the same time, the famous $iographer

Suetonius, who may well come from /ippo Regius, was also maing a name for himself at the

$ar21(! /is erudition $rought him into contact with the Hounger 7liny, whose patronage launched

Suetonius on a noteworthy euestrian career, culminating in three successive posts in the

imperial $ureaucracy21)!

.! Cornelius :ronto, the cele$rated 6atin orator and tutor of .arcus &urelius, is another

contemporary e#ample! %orn at Cirta, pro$a$ly during the last years of the first century CE,

:ronto seems to have migrated to Rome during his adolescence215! &fter completing his studies

at the capital, much lie Septimius himself as will $ecome clear, :ronto held a vigintiviral post in

the imperial $ureaucracy, $efore eventually esta$lishing himself as the leading orator and

advocate of his time21*! :ronto's rhetorical sill led to him $ecoming the tutor of the young

Caesar, .arcus &urelius! :ortunately, many of :ronto's letters are still e#tant! :ronto's world

revolved around the law courts and literary salons of Rome and his friends and associates are all

mem$ers of the Roman senatorial elite214! /is attitude towards &frica is curiously am$iguous!

:ronto maintains close and friendly relations with his native Cirta! /e is especially concerned to

promote the interests of his home city and to enhance the careers of young Cirtans219! espite

this, his connections with the rest of provincial &frica are so few as to $e almost non-e#istent

21(Suetonius' origins are disputed! &n inscription from /ippo Regius, which proudly records his career, has $eenthought to indicate an &frican origin! See >allace-/adrill 1943, 3-(, ) n!4 cf! Syme 19)4, *4;f 1941, 133*-

1339 DarrettAlbum, no!1)*!21)>allace-/adrill, op! cit!, 3*-(1!215Champlin, op! cit!, ), 2; L &pp! %!21*Champlin, op! cit!, 2;-21!214Champlin, op! cit!, 2;-29!219Ad Am.1!3!1ff Champlin, op! cit!, 1)-15!

((


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there are few non-Cirtan &fricans referred to in his surviving correspondence 22;! .oreover, his

references to &frica, though few are revealing! +n one letter he deprecatingly calls himself 0a

6i$yan of the 6i$yan nomads' .! Caes 1!1;!), in another he prays to his ancestral god Dupiter

&mmon221! Elsewhere, he defensively compares himself to &nacharsis, the learned Scythian,

$elieving his own $acground was similarly wild, despite his erudition222!

"he e#tant wors of &puleius, from .adauros in 8umidia, allow us further insight into the

culture of second century &frica223! & $rief e#amination reveals the developing pattern of

upward mo$ility in &frica! 6ie :ronto, &puleius was $orn into a wealthy provincial family,

pro$a$ly during the 12;sCE, leaving in the late 13;sCE to pursue his studies at Carthage, Rome

and unusually, &thens22(! Su$seuently, he made a successful career as a pu$lic speaer, $eing

granted a statue at Carthage and serving as &frica's priest of the imperial cult 22)! &lthough

&puleius was not nown to have $een a lawyer, his wors $etray a clear understanding of

Roman law one of his earliest pu$lished wors, the Apologia, is a stylised account of his

defence against a charge of sorcery225! /is attitude towards his home province is, lie :ronto,

am$iguous! +n pleading his case $efore the proconsul, he irrita$ly refers to himself as 0part-

8umidian and part-aetulian' &pol! 2(!2! Replying to attacs on his o$scure $acground, he,

lie :ronto, cites &nacharsis= 0>ise &nacharsis was $orn among the idiot Scythians, the shrewd

&thenians produced the $loc-head .eletides' &pol! 2(!5!

22;nly two names are nown, Dulius Sene# and Dulius &uilinus, see Champlin, op! cit!, 1(4 n!*(!221&er. Imp.2!1!5 Champlin, op! cit!, 4!222:ronto*p. &ar.4!1!223:or a summary of &puleius' $irth, career and surviving wors, see /arrison, op! cit!, 1-34, 51-52!22(/arrison, op! cit!, 1, 5!22)/arrison, op! cit!, 4!225/arrison, op! cit!, 5-4, 4;-41 n!1;9!

()


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espite the defensiveness evident in the writings of $oth :ronto and &puleius, &fricans were

clearly proud of their achievements! 7! 7ostumus Romulus records his entry to the senate with

o$vious pleasure he was the 0first of the "hu$ursicitani to $e awarded the latus clavus'22*! "his

was the conte#t $ehind Statius' strenuous defence of Septimius' grandfather= 08either your

speech nor your dress is 7unic, yours is no stranger's mind= +talian, you are, +talianT' Statius

Silvae (!)!()-(5!

&lthough it is virtually certain that Septimius was $orn on 11 th&pril 1(), little else is nown of

his early years224! 8evertheless, it is possi$le to e#pand upon the meagre information found

scattered throughout the sources! +t is thus more than liely that Septimius spent his formative

years in the care of tutors! iven the deep cultural and political allegiance of his family and

home-city to Rome this is perhaps to $e e#pected! +f his education followed the traditional

Roman curriculum, then $etween the ages of seven and twelve Septimius would have attended

the classes of the magister ludi229! /ere he would have learned $asic reading, writing and

arithmetic, alongside the memorisation of short moral ma#ims23;! n completing these

elementary studies, children generally progressed to a more intensive study of grammar, under

the direction of thegrammaticus231! &lthough io has raised some dou$t a$out the e#tent of

Septimius' education, he must have studied grammar at least232! +ndeed, as the grandson of an

+talianophile poet, Septimius' schooling was liely to have $een fairly e#tensive! "hus it seems

pro$a$le that he proceeded to the ne#t stage in Roman education! "he talented, or more usually

the wealthy, could then attach themselves to an individual rhetor! :rom the ages of fifteen to

22*A*19;5!5 "hu$uriscum 8umidarum! See alsoI"S1;;1!224See page 1, note 1!229.uir 1995, pp!);9-)1; .arrou 19)5, 25)!23;.arrou, op! cit!, 259-2*1!231.arrou, op! cit!, 2*(-243!232

io *5 **! 15!1-2!

(5


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eighteen such pupils were given in-depth instruction in pu$lic oratory, usually $y means of an

e#haustive study of literary e)empla233!

+n Septimius' case, theHistoria Augustastates that he gave an inaugural pu$lic address at 6epcis

during his eighteenth year, most pro$a$ly in the newly refur$ished "heatre 23(! "his coming-of-

age lecture, delivered in front of an audience of the city's deeply status-conscious no$ility, was

presuma$ly intended to mar the end of Septimius' preliminary studies! Correct 6atin grammar

and pronunciation would therefore have $een essential! +t is worth noting the care with which

&puleius, maing a speech in near$y ea, taes to compliment his own audience they are

flatteringly assumed to now ree, understand philosophy and to have had more than a passing

acuaintance with magical lore23)!

&ccording to the Historia Augusta, the young Septimius left for Rome shortly after this

ceremony, in order to pursue his studies, arriving in the capital sometime during 153-15( 235!

&cademic and literary pursuits were then at the height of their prestige! Sophists gained massive

popularity in the city through their ver$al and linguistic sills, whilst philosophers of almost

every persuasion continued to $eat a path to Rome! "he emperor himself, .arcus &urelius,

followed the stoic school and was also the author of the Meditations, a deeply personal reflection

on the nature of duty! /is former tutors, though old, were still immensely popular! "he

&thenian /erodes &tticus was still giving lectures on ree sophistry, whilst his 6atin

counterpart, :ronto, had $ecome one of the period's most learned men!

233.arrou, op! cit!, 243-291!23(HA Sev.1!)"ibya, 9)-95!23)Apol.( 42 94!4!235

HA Sev.1!)! +f Septimius was $orn in 1()CE, his eighteenth year would fall in 153 to 15( cf! %irley Septimius,

(;, who puts this in the previous year, i!e! 152-153CE!

(*


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&rriving in the capital, Septimius must have $een struc $y the prestige and authority of such

men! +ndeed, as we saw in the previous chapter, it is possi$le that he may have $een a distant

relative of :ronto's! "he nomenclature of .! 7etronius Sura Septimianus, a son of the orator's

powerful insman cos! 1);, seems to recall a marriage lin with the Septimii23*! +t is also worth

$earing in mind that .! &ufidius :ronto and C! &ufidius Jictorinus, :ronto's two grandsons,

later served under Septimius as ordinary consuls234! "hat they served in consecutive years 199

and 2;; respectively is particularly suggestive of a family connection of some sort239!

+n any case, given Septimius' energetic and am$itious nature, it is liely that he set a$out his

studies with vigour! &lthough not stated uneuivocally, it is virtually certain that he studied law!

/onore descri$es Septimius' reign as emperor as a ey period in the development of Roman law

and as a 0golden age for lawyers' in particular2(;! &s such, a num$er of ancient and modern

historians have argued that as a young man Septimius held the


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>e can also gauge the e#tent of Septimius' legal training $y other means! +n 1**, .arcus

&urelius appointed Septimius praetor! uring the principate, praetors were primarily responsi$le

for presiding over the courts at Rome! .arcus, who is said to have $een scrupulous in the

administration of


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the only remara$le thing a$out this entire incident is


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patrician or old senatorial families were not so concerned with it, whilst for those from less

august $acgrounds the military tri$unate was not an essential prereuisite for entry into the

senate2)1! .oreover, during the 15;s Rome fought a num$er of serious wars on its eastern and

northern frontiers! "his may well also have had an impact on the recruitment of young officers

whilst there may have $een more vacancies than usual, given the occurrence of casualties, it is

liely that those tri$unes with demonstra$le military talent would have $een retained for longer

periods2)2! +nterestingly enough, Septimius' $rother eta held a tri$unate with the legio II

Augusta in %ritain2)3! +t is also distinctly possi$le that during this time eta made the

acuaintance of the future emperor 7! /elvius 7ertina#! & num$er of inscriptions attest the

presence of detachments from ++ &ugusta at Cor$ridge on "yne, whilst during the 15;s, 7ertina#

held two military posts in %ritain2)(! "he first was as an euestrian tri$une of legio &I &ictri),

$ased at Hor, though a num$er of inscriptions show that ve#illations from J+ Jictri# were

active on /adrian's >all2))! "he second, and more significant, seems to have $een the command

of coh. I (ungrorum, most pro$a$ly $ased at /ousesteads2)5!

"wo late sources state that Septimius served as an advocate for the imperial treasury an

advocatus $iscus, however this is e#tremely unliely2)*! %oth references are pro$lematic! +n its

life of eta, the Historia Augusta remars that Septimius named his second son &ntoninus

$ecause the emperor &ntoninus 7ius had made him an advocate2)4! :irstly, as there is no

2)1

"al$ert, i$id!2)2"he usual length of service in this post seems to have $een a$out one year! "al$ert, i$id %irley Septimius, 39

%irley 1993, &pp! 3!2)3IR()(1!2)(RIB112* 1135 11))-11)4!2))RIB112; 1122 112) 113;-1132 113* 11)9-1153 11*) 119; all show troops from J+ Jictri# at Cor$ridge on

"yne!2)5

A*1953!)2! :or commentary, see Ool$e 1952, pp!(;*-(2; %irley Septimius, 234, n!)!2)*JictorDe Caes.2;!3;HA #eta2!(!2)4HA #eta2!(!

)1


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mention of this in the epigraphic and numismatic record, this is highly suspicious 2)9! Secondly,

as Septimius can only have $een fifteen years of age when 7ius died in 151, he would have $een

far too young for such a position25;! +n his Breviarium, Eutropius maes a similar remar!

/owever, he is far too vague with details to $e given much credence on this occasion251!

%y 155, at the very latest, Septimius' employment as a vigintivir had come to an end! +n the

same year, the emperor 6ucius Jerus returned to Rome after a spectacular victory in the east

over 7arthia252! "he am$itious twenty-year-old, who had already acuired something of a

reputation as a rae and whose sights must have $een set firmly upon attaining the uaestorship

at twenty-four, may even have witnessed Jerus' triumphant entry into the city 253! Infortunately,

the victorious soldiers $rought $ac a deadly plague with them, which spread uicly throughout

the capital25(! Septimius, who may first have retired to his family estates near Jeii, seems to

have returned to &frica at this point, where he continued his wild $ehaviour! "he ever-

interesting vita Severi remars enigmatically that Septimius was charged with adultery,

whereupon he 0Apleaded his own case and was acuitted $y the proconsul Dulianus, the man

who was his immediate predecessor in the proconsulship, his colleague in the consulship, and

liewise his predecessor on the throne' /& Sev! 2!2-3! "he proconsul of &frica during 15*-

154 was none other than Salvius Dulianus, the famous


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"hus, although theHistoria Augustahas erred in its identification, it has recorded a significant

point Septimius and idius Dulianus new each other prior to 193 255! +t also seems that, during

this time, the emperor 6ucius Jerus died from a stroe, whilst preparing for a maith this he officially entered the Roman senate, which at

that time had a mem$ership of a$out si# hundred259! /e could therefore spea and vote at

senatorial meetings, though as a new senator his more senior colleagues too precedence 2*;!

uring the principate, twenty uaestors were elected annually! "wo would $e seconded to the

emperor himself as -uaestores Caesaris, two would serve in the imperial treasury as -uaestores

urbani, four would assist the consuls and the rest were either $ased in +taly or were attached to

the staff of provincial governors as financial assistants2*1! &lthough very little is nown of

Septimius' year as uaestor, it seems liely, given his am$ition, that he applied himself to his

duties with enthusiasm! "heHistoria Augustastates that he 0$ecame uaestor and performed his

duties with diligence' /& Sev! 2!3! +nterestingly, io states that at this time Septimius'

am$itions were encouraged $y a prophetic dream, in which he saw himself 0sucled $y a she-

wolf


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& military crisis the following year gave Septimius a further opportunity to prove himself! +n

1*;, a punitive e#pedition was launched against the .arcomanni, Kuadi and Costo$oci, in

retaliation for their attacs on the northern frontier! irected from Carnuntum $y the emperor

.arcus &urelius himself, Roman troops crossed the anu$e in an attempt to dislodge these

dangerous tri$es from their strongholds in %ohemia, .oravia and Romania! +n the early spring,

however, imperial forces met with a num$er of grave reverses, which left serious gaps in the

anu$e defences! Sweeping down from the north, the .arcomanni and Kuadi drove across the

Carnic &lps and laid siege to &uileia in northern +taly, $efore destroying near$y pitergium!

"he Costo$oci, meanwhile, surged across the .oesian $order and swept through into reece,

sacing the Shrine of the .ysteries at Eleusis2*2! Roman losses were heavy! ne author puts the

num$er of dead at almost twenty thousand, whilst the governor of acia, Claudius :ronto, was

illed 0Afighting for the repu$lic to the last'2*3!

"he emperor responded to the emergency $y advancing the careers of men with military talent!

Claudius 7ompeianus, the son of an euestrian from &ntioch, had proven himself in a num$er of

important posts, including the command of 7annonia +nferior in 15*2*(! /is loyal service was

rewarded $y a marriage lin to the imperial family itself! & few months after the death of 6ucius

Jerus, and $efore the end of the official period of mourning, 7ompeianus $ecame .arcus' son-

in-law $y marrying Jerus' widow 6ucilla! %oth 6ucilla and her mother, the empress :austina,

were opposed to the marriage 7ompeianus' $acground was relatively hum$le and he was

considera$ly older than his new wife2*)!

2*2&mm! .arc! 29!5!1 %irley 1993, 1)9-143, &pp! 3!

2*36ucianAle)(4! :or Claudius :ronto see 7+R 2 C4*(!2*(7+R 2 C9*32*)7ompeianus was pro$a$ly in his fifties at the time! 6ucilla was in her twenties! See io *2 *3! (!)=HA Marc.

2;!5-*HA &erus9!11HA Cara.3!4Her.1!4!3 %irley 1993, 151!

)(


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7ompeianus also $ecame the emperor's chief military adviser, with special responsi$ility for

driving the invaders out of +taly2*5! 7ompeianus' choice of lieutenant was also particularly

noteworthy! 7! /elvius 7ertina#, dismissed from the post of procurator in acia two years

previously through the 0machinations of certain persons', was restored to favour and given

command of an au#iliary cohort /& 7ert! 2!(! +t is also possi$le that 7! Septimius eta,

Septimius' elder $rother, served as curator at the port of &ncona in northern +taly at a$out this

time2**! +f this is the case, it is a distinct possi$ility that 7ertina# was $ehind the appointment!

.eanwhile, Jehilius ratus Dulianus was sent to destroy the Cosot$oci in reece and Jalerius

.a#imianus was sent along the anu$e with a special force of marines, in order to re-open the

shattered supply lines to the north2*4!

"he appointment of uaestors for 1*1 was also affected $y the military emergency! ue to the

difficulties caused $y the hostilities, there seems to have $een a shortage of candidates! "o

com$at this shortfall, some of the previous year's uaestors had their commissions e#tended for

a second term! Septimius was thus made prouaestor for the province of %aetica in southern

Spain2*9! +nterestingly enough, it seems that the governor of %aetica in 1*1-1*2 was one 7!

Cornelius &nullinus, who was to $ecome one of Septimius' ey supporters in 19324;! iven that

the governor had some influence over the appointment of su$ordinate officials, it is possi$le that

&nullinus selected Septimius personally241!

2*5%irley, op! cit!, 154!2**IR()(1!2*4%irley, op! cit!, 15)!2*9

HA Sev.3!(! %irley 1941, 242 n!1, discusses these dou$le-uaestorships! See also %irley Septimius, );

%arnes, op! cit!, p!92 n!(3!24;See 7+R 2 C1322 &lfoldy Senat, p!1(;, for a summary of his career!241%irley Septimius, (9 &lfoldy Senat, p!12(!

))


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+n any case, in early 1*1, shortly $efore he was due to leave Rome, news reached Septimius of

his father's death at 6epcis, whereupon he was given permission to return home and settle his

father's estate242! >hilst he was at 6epcis, however, .oorish tri$es from .auretania invaded

southern Spain243! +n order to cope with the invasion, %aetica, which had no legionary garrison

of its own, was placed under direct imperial control! "egio &II #eminawas sent from its $ase at

6eon in northern Spain, under C! &ufidius Jictorinus, and a special e#peditionary force, made

up of troops who had fought successfully against the Costo$oci in reece, was despatched under

the procurator Jehilius ratus Dulianus24(! .eanwhile Septimius received orders transferring

him to the island province of Sardinia, which had $een specially assigned to the senate's control

during the crisis24)! >hilst this was pro$a$ly done at the instigation of the imperial government,

it is liely that Septimius' consular relatives had a hand in the matter!

"he posting to Sardinia was over $y late 1*2, whereupon Septimius returned to the capital! +n

the following year 1*3-1*( his relative, C! Septimius Severus cos! 15;, was made proconsul

of &frica245! uring the second century the proconsul's administrative staff included two legates,

Caius, not unnaturally, gave one of these posts to Septimius24*! &s we saw a$ove, the

enhancement of familial prestige in this manner was not unusual! Septimius' duties would have

included deputising for the governor, as well as a


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Septimius dedicating a triumphal arch at 6epcis, whilst another from 8umidia shows Caius as

the patron of "hu$uriscu 8umidarum249!

"wo intriguing incidents recorded $y the Historia Augustashould $e assigned to this period!

:irstly, whilst on official $usiness at 6epcis, Septimius was met and em$raced $y an old

acuaintance! Reacting $adly to his friend's manhandling, Septimius instructed his lictors to

give the man a $eating, declaring through his heralds that henceforth common citi@ens should not

em$race an imperial legate without due cause29;! Secondly, Septimius consulted an astrologer

mathematicus, 0in a certain city of &frica' /& Sev! 2!*-4! Ipon casting Septimius' chart, the

astrologer is said to have ased him to produce his real $irth date and not 0that of another man'

/& Sev! 2!4! &fter Septimius swore that he had told the truth, the astrologer is alleged to have

accurately prophesied his later career! %oth incidents provide us with valua$le insights into

Septimius' character he had a een sense of his own importance, was clearly am$itious and was

prepared to wor hard to achieve his aims!

Septimius' energy was rewarded at the end of the following year 1*(CE when he was made a

ple$eian tri$une 0$y order of the Emperor .arcus' /& Sev! 3!1! &lthough the office of tri$une

carried little real authority during the principate, along with the aedileship, it remained an

important step in the careers of those from less prestigious $acgrounds291! "he tri$une still held

his power of veto, though little used, and could still, at times, initiate senatorial de$ate! espite

this, the tri$une's duties remained largely ceremonial292! 8evertheless, an imperial

recommendation was a prestigious honour! &lthough it did not guarantee promotion to high

249i Jita-Evrard 1953, 349ff "homasson2A, 749 "hu$uriscu inscription=I" Alg. 1!1243!

29;HA Sev! 2!5!

291Senators of patrician ran could not hold the office of ple$eian tri$une! See "al$ert, op! cit!, 14-19!292"al$ert, op! cit!, 14)ff, 23)!

)*


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office, it was usually a good indicator of future success! +t also meant that the candidatus

Caesarisdid not have to stand for election293! Such commendations could $e granted in a

num$er of ways= through the emperor's personal whim, through an official report or through the

action of an influential patron! +n Septimius' case, it was pro$a$ly due to a com$ination of his

relative Caius' standing and his report to the emperor of his progress! "he Historia Augusta

remars that Septimius performed his duties with 0great strictness and energy' /& Sev! 3!1,

which an active relative would not fail to $ring to the emperor's attention!

Septimius' time as tri$une, from ecem$er 1*( to ecem$er 1*), was a particularly sensitive

period in Roman politics29(! &midst rumours of .arcus &urelius' death, &vidius Cassius, the

governor of Syria, re$elled against the government and declared himself emperor, with the

support of most of the east! &lthough .arcus had always $een frail, it seems that he had $een

particularly ill at the time! "he literary sources name the empress :austina as the principal

instigator of the revolt29)! "hough we may fairly ignore their accusations of adultery, it is

possi$le, as %irley has plausi$ly suggested, that the entire affair sprang from :austina's and

6ucilla's attempt to safeguard their own position should .arcus die, $y destroying the influence

of 7ompeianus295! +n any case, the revolt was soon uashed! & staff officer murdered Cassius

and the situation gradually returned to normal! .eanwhile, Septimius may well have $een called

upon to use his tri$unician power to help maintain calm in the capital!

"his was also an important year for Septimius personally! &ccording to the Historia Augusta,

during 1*) Septimius, then in his thirtieth year, married a woman from 6epcis 29*! &lthough little

293"ri$unes served from each ecem$er for a period of one year, see "al$ert, op! cit!, 1(, 14, )(, 3(2!29(%irley Septimius, )2-)3 cf! %arnes, op! cit!, p!92!29)io *1 *2! 1*!1HA Marc.2(!)HA Avid. Cass.passim %irley 1993, 14

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