maskhadov's cease-fire declaration and peace overtures, feb 2005

RMSMCBlog Media Coverage

Maskhadov's Cease-Fire Declaration and

Peace Overtures, Feb 2005

Ralph Davis

RMSMCBlog

Written: 14 August 2012

Maskhadov's Cease-Fire Declaration and Peace Overtures, Feb 2005

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CONTENTS

1. Chechen Rebel Leader Vows To Defeat

Russia If Peace Talks Rejected

2. CHECHEN PRESIDENT ORDERS A

CEASEFIRE AS AN INVITATION TO

RUSSIA TO START PEACE TALKS

3. Web Site: Chechen Rebels Seek Cease-Fire

4. Chechen rebel leader orders ceasefire -

Web site

5. Chechen Separatist Leader Orders Basayev

To Suspend Military Operations

6. Chechen Separatist Leader Reported To

Order Ceasefire

7. Chechen Official Says Guerilla Armistice

Offer a 'Bluff'

8. Talks with Chechen rebels impossible after

Beslan, says Russian general

9. Maskhadov almost ideally outplayed

Moscow

10. Shamil Basayev Can Have a Rest in February 11. Chechen Separatist Leader Maskhadov

Orders Ceasefire

12. Chechen ceasefire call dismissed

13. Chechnya: Maskhadov Reportedly Orders

Cease-Fire

14. REGIONAL OPERATIONAL HQ REFUTES

CHECHEN SEPARATIST LEADERS'

STATEMENTS

15. Chechen Rebel Commander Order To Halt

Military Actions Until 22 Feb

16. Chechen separatist leader said ready for

talks with Russia

17. Umar Hanbiyev: «This is a demonstration of

good will»

18. The Application of the General

Representative of the President of the CRI

U. Hanbiev

19. Chechen Rebel Spokesman Expected

Negative Reaction to Cease-Fire

20. Leader's Envoy Says Talks With Moscow

Not Ruled Out

21. Russian Official Thinks Maskhadov Will

Surrender if Basayev Dead

22. Chechens interested in ending war - rebel

president's envoy

23. Extremist websites post mutually excluding

orders of Maskhadov

24. Russian Expert Says Websites Confirm

Serious Discord Among Chechen Rebels

25. Maskhadov announces a cease-fire as Basaev

threatens more Beslans

26. Chechen site rejects Russian claims about

"information war"

27. Chechen Ceasefire 'Respite' Before New

Wave of Terror

28. Chechens Seen Planning Terrorism Despite

Maskhadov Cease-Fire Order

29. US TV Companies Eager To Cooperate

With Chechen Rebel Agencies

30. Russian officer: no fighting since Chechen rebel cease-fire call publicized

31. Chechen rebel leader appoints negotiator

for peace talks with Moscow

32. Chechen rebel leader praises truce

33. Radio Commentary Criticizes Kremlin's

Refusal To Talk to Chechen Rebels

34. Ramzan Kadyrov invites Maskhadov to lay

down arms

35. Surrender is only solution for rebel leader

Maskhadov - Chechen deputy PM

36. Chechen President Says Rebel Leader

Maskhadov Has No Real Power

37. Chechnya: Cease-Fire Holding, But Little

Chance Of Negotiations Seen

38. BASAYEV KILLED, MASKHADOV

PEACEFUL - TOO GOOD TO BE TRUE

39. Dagestani Mujahideen waiting for President

Maskhadov's order

40. Chechen Rebel Leader Calls On West To

Help End War

41. Chechen rebels in peace plea to Kremlin

42. Chechen President Suggests Subordinating Security Structures to Local Command

43. Chechen rebel leader calls for peace talks

44. Chechen President Calls on Maskhadov To

Acknowledge Guilt

45. Russian Politicians Against Talks With

Chechen Leader Maskhadov

46. State Duma Deputy Says Maskhadov

Depends on International Terrorism

47. Sides Differ on Sincerity of Chechen Rebel

Leader's Peace Offer

48. Russia Faces Chechen Cease-Fire Bid

49. Maskhadov Raises Stakes in Chechnya

50. Russian government paper dismisses

Chechen rebels' truce offer

51. Chechen rebel in call for peace talks as

ceasefire holds

52. Chechen rebels offer to hold talks with

Moscow

53. Chechen militants ignore Maskhadov order

54. Chechen separatist leader unable to control

rebels - Russian federal source

55. CHECHEN REBELS HAND THE ANTI-

WAR MOVEMENT AN OLIVE BRANCH

AS THE KREMLIN TIGHTENS THE

SCREWS

56. Dagestan poised to become major guerilla

battlefield this summer

57. Russian pundit says Chechen truce call

masks plans for further violence

58. The Application of the President of the

Chechen Republic Ichkeria Aslan Mashadov

to the Management of Russia and the World

Community

59. Russian human rights activists urge Putin to

talk to Chechen "moderates"

60. CAN WE BELIEVE MASKHADOV'S

INITIATIVES?

61. Calm before the Chechen storm?

62. Activists want Chechen peace talks while

Putin wants "objectivity"


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63. IS IT TOO LATE FOR PEACE TALKS IN

CHECHNYA?

64. FUROR OVER CHECHEN PEACE

OVERTURES DESIGNED TO FIZZLE

65. Plan to oust Putin by February 2006 over

Chechnya, says Russian analyst

66. Aslan Maskhadov Not Believed

67. Basayev and Maskhadov Occupy Television

Screens

68. MASKHADOV’S CEASE-FIRE AND THE

SITUATION IN CHECHNYA

69. Moscow Continues To Reject Chechen

Rebels' Overture

70. Cease-Fire in Chechnya and Talks with

Maskhadov are Necessary

71. Maskhadov Unilateral Cease-Fire Order Said

Initiated From Abroad

72. The Lubyanka's voluntary helpers

73. Appeal for Peace in Chechnya

74. Application of Ahmed Zakaev

75. Chechen Rebel Envoy Denies Reports of Planned Attack

76. Russian Official Says Pointless To Hold Talks

With Chechen Leader Maskhadov

77. AUSHEV CALLS ON MOSCOW TO SIT

DOWN FOR TALKS

78. REBELS AND FEDS BATTLE OVER

CEASEFIRE

79. «There is no alternative to the Chechen

peace initiative»

80. About Reputation

81. Chechen Separatist Leader Outlines Peace

Terms in RFE/RL Interview

82. Aslan Maskhadov: 'The Chechen mojahedin

will fight to the end in this war'

83. Kavkaz-Center: Maskhadov orders the

resistance to suspend attacks

84. Maskhadov almost ideally outplayed

Moscow

85. Moscow denounces Maskhadov's ceasefire

order

86. Ruslan Aushev: «The War Is Leaving Us

Behind»

87. Former Groznyy Commandant Says

Guerrillas' Truce Hoax

88. Chechen Rebels Threaten To Resume

Actions as Ceasefire Ends

89. WHO ARE THE FIGHTERS FOR

INDEPENDENCE OF CHECHNYA

90. Chechen Cease-Fire Expires on Anniversary

91. Maskhadov in control in Chechnya, rebel

tells Russian radio

92. Russia: North Caucasus Republics Enter

Circle Of Violence

93. Truce as Encore

94. Russian Duma Deputy Says Maskhadov's

Statements Calculated for West

95. Ceasefire Order Could Be Extended

96. Umar Khanbiyev: 'The Chechen side is

always open for a dialogue with the Kremlin'

97. Do the Russians want war

98. Analysis: Is It Too Late For Peace Talks In

Chechnya?

Appendix A. Maskhadov's Kommersant

Interview, Feb 2005

1. Aslan Maskhadov: An Appeal to the Russian

President

2. MASKHADOV FOLLOWS UP CEASEFIRE

WITH AN INTERVIEW

3. Hot-Shot

4. Authorities issue warning to newspaper

over Chechnya interview

5. Kommersant will be presented with official

warning - media supervision service

6. Warning to Kommersant Over Maskhadov

Interview Deemed Counterproductive

7. Russian Media Behavior Viewed With New Twist

8. Paper Hopes 'Warning' Over Interview

With Terrorist Will Be Dropped

9. Russian media warned against reporting on

Chechen rebels

10. Russian Paper Cautioned for Publishing

Interview With Chechen Separatist

11. Paper To Be Warned Over Rebel Interview

12. Warning Letter

13. Chief Editor Rejects Charges Cited in

Warning Over 7 Feb Maskhadov Interview


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Chechen Rebel Leader Vows To Defeat

Russia If Peace Talks Rejected

(Internet) Kavkaz-Tsentr News Agency WWW-

Text in Russian 0607 GMT 27 Jan 05

[Excerpt] 27 January: For the second time in the

history of the Chechen state, the nationwide

direct elections to the highest governing bodies

were held on the territory of the sovereign

Chechen Republic of Ichkeria on 27 January

1997. As a result, the country's president and

parliament were elected. Representatives of

influential international organizations and

independent experts from 30 countries, including

those from Russia, monitored the preparations

and the election campaign in the republic. They

witnessed that the elections passed off peacefully,

fairly and democratically. They also noticed the

intense activity of voters.

[Passage omitted: background of the Russian-Chechen war]

The chairman of the State Defence Committee of

the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, Army Gen

Aslan Maskhadov

The ongoing second Russian-Chechen war, which

will turn up six years soon, has exposed the real

fascist face of the Kremlin leadership of

"democratic" Russia led by the president and

KGB agent, [Vladimir] Putin. The latter has set

himself a savage task in the style of a notorious

executioner of mountain peoples, [19th century

general famous for subduing Chechnya] Gen

Yermolov, i.e. to finally solve "the Chechen issue"

through ...[ellipses as published] the genocide of

this ethnic group who are one of indigenous

inhabitants in the Caucasus.

But the new executioner of the Chechen people

and his bloody team must have known that the

ancient Chechen land faced not only "the tsar-

Yermolov option" of the Chechens' genocide in

19th century, but also the so-called "Soviet-Stalin

option" on 23 February 1944 when it was

decided on personal orders from the communist

tyrant leader to completely resettle all the

Chechens in Central Asia and Kazakhstan to die

of hunger and cold.

This time Putin and his colleagues from Lubyanka

in the person of [Federal Security Service

Director Nikolay] Patrushev, [Russian Security

Council secretary Igor] Ivanov, [Interior Minister

Rashid] Nurgaliyev and others will fail to repeat

dreadful experiments of bloodthirsty killers

Yermolov and Stalin since the Chechen Armed

Forces are combat-capable as never before.

Meanwhile, the senior military and political leadership of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria is

ready for the peace talks with the Russian

leadership in order to avoid the future pointless

victims of extending bloody conflict called "the

Russian-Chechen war". If Russia denies a peaceful

solution to bilateral relations, the Chechen state

intends to end in victory this aggressive and

invasive war unleashed against the Chechen

people by the Kremlin.

CHECHEN PRESIDENT ORDERS A

CEASEFIRE AS AN INVITATION TO

RUSSIA TO START PEACE TALKS

Chechen Republic of Ichkeria

Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Official Statement

02/02/2005

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Chechen

Republic of Ichkeria is proud to announce that

President Aslan Maskhadov, in demonstration of

the good will of the Chechen side, has ordered to all Chechen Armed Forces to introduce a

ceasefire from the 1st February 2005. President

Maskhadov’s order prohibits all offensive military

operations for one month. The use of force is

permitted only in defense against imminent

military attacks from the Russian side.

The decision to introduce the ceasefire is

intended to demonstrate to the Russian side and

the international community the will of the

Chechen leadership to resolve the Russian-

Chechen conflict by peaceful means. President

Maskhadov’s order is an invitation to Russia to

open genuine peace talks. It is also an invitation

to the international community to help Russia

and Chechnya to come to the negotiating table.

Press Office

Web Site: Chechen Rebels Seek Cease-

Fire

Chechen Rebel-Linked Web Site Says Top

Insurgent Leaders Call for Unilateral

Cease-Fire

By JIM HEINTZ

The Associated Press

Feb. 2, 2005 - A Web site linked to Chechnya's

separatist rebels has reported that top leaders of

the insurgency have called for a unilateral cease-

fire to be observed in February.

The Kavkaz Tstentr site said Wednesday that

Aslan Maskhadov, who was president of

Chechnya in its period of de-facto independence

in the late 1990s, signed on order on Jan. 14 for

all offensive actions to be halted in February in

Chechnya and bordering areas "as a sign of a

display of good will." It cited an unnamed aide to

Shamil Basayev, another Chechen warlord, as the source.


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The report also said that Basayev had issued an

order that all rebels under his command halt

offensive actions in Chechnya and all of Russia

until Feb. 22.

It was not immediately clear why the two rebel

leaders would issue similar-but-different

instructions, but Maskhadov is believed to

command a relatively small portion of Chechen

separatist fighters.

Basayev, who leads a group called the Riyadus

Salikhin Martyrs' Brigade, has claimed

responsibility for some of Russia's most shocking

terrorist acts, including last year's seizure of

more than 1,000 hostages at a school in the town

of Beslan, which ended with the deaths of more

than 330 people, and for well-coordinated

attacks on police facilities in June in the republic

of Ingushetia, which borders Chechnya.

The Web site published what it said was a text of

his order, which included a ban on "all forms of

diversionary actions," but it was not clear if that

included terrorist-type attacks. There was no

way to immediately confirm the authenticity of

the statements.

Telephone calls to the North Caucasus Military

District, which oversees Russian forces' activities

in Chechnya, were not answered early Thursday.

Chechnya has been shattered by two separatist

conflicts over the past decade. The first 20-

month war ended in 1996 with the withdrawal of

Russian troops after rebels fought them to a

standstill. That was followed by a period of de-

facto independence, during which Maskhadov was

elected Chechen president, in which law an

order and economic conditions deteriorated

precipitously.

In 1999, after Chechnya-based rebels made an

incursion into neighboring Dagestan, Russian

forces returned to Chechnya, taking firm control

of the northern part of the republic.

The Kremlin has firmly rejected international

calls for Russia to negotiate with the Chechen

rebels.

Chechen rebel leader orders ceasefire -

Web site

By Tom Miles

MOSCOW, Feb 2, 2005 (Reuters) - Chechen

rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov has ordered all

Chechen fighters to observe a ceasefire in their

separatist war against Russian troops in February,

a rebel Web site reported on Wednesday.

Site www.kavkazcenter.com published a

statement from Shamil Basayev, Russia's most

wanted man and the organiser of last year's

Beslan hostage-taking, which ordered all fighters

to refrain from any offensive operations until Feb.

22.

But Basayev was quoted by The Times

newspaper in London as saying he still

considered Russian citizens fair targets for future

fighting.

The newspaper also quoted him as saying in a

Channel 4 television interview to be broadcast

later on Thursday that there were plans for more

operations of the kind that killed more than 330

people at the hostage-taking at the school in

Belsan.

Basayev's statement on the Web site said

Maskhadov had ordered his followers not to carry out diversionary attacks in Chechnya or in

the rest of Russia, attacks on Russian bases,

Russian convoys or vehicles, or on "traitors or

unbelievers".

Kremlin officials were not immediately available

to comment on the report of the ceasefire.

The statement said fighters should "continue

mining approaches to their bases and to continue

operations to destroy people or machinery of

the enemy forces who are spying or attacking

mountainous forested areas".

The Web site said Maskhadov gave the order on

Jan. 14 as a gesture of goodwill but did not

elaborate. Several of his relatives have been

kidnapped in the last two months, but it was

unclear if their disappearances were linked to the

ceasefire.

NO REACTION

"We do not react to Kavkazcenter. This is not an

official organ," said a spokesman for Dmitry

Kozak, Russian President Vladimir Putin's

representative in the North Caucasus region.

Putin sent troops to Chechnya as prime minister

in a popular move which helped propel him to

the presidency in 2000.

Although the ceasefire was addressed to all units

of the "Armed Forces of the Chechen Republic

of Ichkeria", Maskhadov and Basayev are not

thought to control all militants in the region,

which includes restive provinces neighbouring

Chechnya.

"We are planning more Beslan-type operations in the future because we are forced to do so," The


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Times quoted Basayev as telling Channel 4.

Wearing a black T-shirt with "Anti-Terror"

written in white Cyrillic lettering, Basayev said

the Russian people were targets because of their

support for Putin.

"People who approve of Putin's policies, people

who pay their taxes for this war, people who

send their soldiers to this war, priests who

sprinkle holy water on them ... How can they be

innocent?"

The rebel leadership has fragmented many times

during a decade of war in Chechnya. Maskhadov

and Basayev have themselves clashed in the past,

including over the Beslan hostage crisis, for which

Maskhadov promised to put Basayev on trial.

Maskhadov has denied any link with the Beslan

attack in September, when more than 330 people died during an attempt to free hostages held at a

school by Chechen rebels. But Russia has put a

$10 million bounty on both him and Basayev and

say the two worked hand-in-glove to mastermind

the bloody operation.

Maskhadov was elected president of a de facto

independent Chechnya in 1997 and has, like

Basayev, been on the run since Russian forces

swept back into the region two years later.

Putin calls Maskhadov a terrorist, but the

Chechen leader is seen as a relative moderate

among separatists and many commentators see

him as Moscow's only possible negotiating

partner if it decided to return to negotiations.

(Additional reporting by Oliver Bullough)

Chechen Separatist Leader Orders

Basayev To Suspend Military Operations


Text in Russian 1745 GMT 02 Feb 05

[Text] 2 February: Kavkaz-Tsentr has learnt from

the assistant to Chechen [rebel] commander

Shamil Basayev that the president of the Chechen

Republic of Ichkeria and amir of the State

Defence Committee - Majlis-ul-Shura, Aslan

Maskhadov, has ordered that all units of the

Armed Forces of the Chechen Republic of

Ichkeria unilaterally suspend their offensive

operations on the entire territory of the

Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and outside it in

February. The order was signed on 14 January

2005. The order says that the move is being

taken as a manifestation of goodwill.

Shamil Basayev's assistant also said that in order

to implement the order, Abdullah Shamil Abu-Idris [Shamil Basayev] ordered the units

subordinated to him to stop offensive operations

on the entire territory of the Chechen Republic

of Ichkeria and on the entire territory of Russia

until 22 February.

Kavkaz-Tsentr will publish more detailed

information about this in the coming hours.

Chechen Separatist Leader Reported To

Order Ceasefire

By Eric Helque

MOSCOW, Feb 3, 2005 (AFP) -- Chechen rebel

leader Aslan Maskhadov has ordered all rebel

fighters to observe a ceasefire in their fight

against Russian forces, on the breakaway

republic's territory as well as beyond its borders,

a separatist web site reported early Thursday.

The ceasefire is valid for the month of February

and was ordered as a sign of good will, the kavakazcenter.com web site said, quoting an aide

to radical Chechen warlord Shamil Basayev.

Basayev, Russia's most wanted man who last year

claimed responsibility for the deadly Beslan

school hostage taking, has said he will obey

Maskhadov and has ordered units under his

command to stop all offensive operations, the

web site reported.

"I order all Modzhahedins on the whole territory

of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (the

separatists' name for Chechnya) and Russia to

end all offensive military actions for the month of

February," Basayev wrote in a statement quoted

by kavkazcenter.com.

However, that order was only valid until

February 22, Basayev added.

While kavkazcenter.com reported Maskhadov's

order early Thursday, it said the separatist leader

had signed it on January 14.

Kavkaz center.com's report could not

immediately be confirmed and no comments

were immediately available.

The International Helsinki Federation for Human

Rights last month sent an open letter to Russian

President Vladimir Putin condemning the

reported kidnapping of several of Maskhadov's

relatives.

At least eight members of Mashkadov's family

were abducted by security agents of Chechnya's

pro-Russian administration in a bid to make him

give up the armed separatist struggle against

Moscow, the rights group said.

The list of Maskhadov's abducted relatives


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included the Chechen leader's sister and two

brothers, a niece and nephew and his son-in-law

as well two other relatives, one of whom is

handicapped, the Helsinki Federation said.

Maskhadov, elected Chechen president in 1997,

originally with the Kremlin's blessing, has since

then had a 10 million dollar (7.7 million euro)

bounty placed on his head by the Russian

authorities, along with Basayev.

Russian troops poured into breakaway Chechnya

in October 1999, more than five years ago, in

what was presented as a "lightning anti-terrorist

operation." But a festering guerrilla conflict has

continued to claim daily lives.

The Russian offensive reignited a conflict that had

ravaged Chechnya from late 1994 to 1996.

The official Russian death toll for the second conflict was reported late last year at around

4,500 troops.

However, a committee of soldiers' mothers

estimates the true toll may be three times higher

because the Moscow figure does not include

people who died of their wounds in hospitals

outside Chechnya.

The rebel and civilian tolls remain unreported.

The war has spilled well beyond Chechnya's

borders, threatening to destabilize the whole

North Caucasus region.

It has also reached as far as Moscow, where

radical Chechen separatists have carried out a

string of deadly attacks, including suicide

bombings and a massive hostage taking in one of

the Russian capital's theaters.

Chechen Official Says Guerilla Armistice

Offer a 'Bluff'

MOSCOW. Feb 3, 2005 (Interfax-AVN) - The

Chechen leadership has rejected reports alleging

that guerilla leaders have issued an order to

suspend attacks in February.

"This is nothing but a bluff, a provocation and a

desire to remind everybody about themselves. It

is also a desire to claim the guerillas have a single

command center controlled by Maskhadov and

Basayev," Chechen State Council Chairman Taus

Dzhabrailov told Interfax from Grozny on

Thursday.

A number of media outlets reported on

Thursday, citing a Chechen separatist website,

that guerilla leaders had issued an order to suspending combat activities in February. They

said that Aslan Maskhadov had given an order to

suspend hostilities throughout February, while an

similar order by Shamil Basayev said fighting

should be suspended until February 22.

"Did they explain what these orders are related

to? The upcoming Defenders of the Fatherland

Day on February 23, or the tragic anniversary of

the deportation of the Chechen people? Or is it

related to the disappearance of Maskhadov's

relatives, and so he decided to send information

that he is a peacemaker and wants to suspend

armed actions?" Dzhabrailov said.

He suggested that Basayev is in fact not

controlled by Maskhadov.

"Basayev or other guerillas remember about

Maskhadov when they need to and they use him

for their own ends. Maskhadov has never had any

influence on Basayev. No orders or instructions by Maskhadov have had any weight or significance

for Basayev," he said.

Intelligence information indicates that the core of

the illegal armed groups settled in the Chechen

mountains are foreign mercenaries, Dzhabrailov

said. "There are from 300 to 400 of them, and all

these riff-raff come from Arab and some

European countries. The mercenaries are

financed through foreign sponsors," he said.

"Therefore, Maskhadov can issue an order only

to himself and Basayev to his retinue and

bodyguards - the small group he leads,"

Dzhabrailov said.

"Maskhadov and his retinue are the first to blame

for the crisis in which the Chechen republic has

found itself," he said.

Most Chechens reject the guerillas and hope the

republic and its economy stabilizes soon,

Dzhabrailov said.

Talks with Chechen rebels impossible after

Beslan, says Russian general

BBC Monitoring Service - United Kingdom; Feb

03, 2005

Text of report in English by Russian news agency

Interfax-AVN web site

Moscow, 3 February: Any truce negotiations with

Chechen warlords Shamil Basayev and Aslan

Maskhadov are impossible following the Beslan

tragedy, Col-Gen Vladimir Bulgakov, Russian

Ground Forces deputy commander-in-chief, told

Interfax-Military News Agency on Thursday [3

February].

"The so-called truce in Chechnya announced by


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Maskhadov and Basayev is nothing but a bluff and

another attempt to present themselves to the

international public as advocates of a peace

settlement in Chechnya," he said.

"I have just come back from Chechnya and I can

assure you that our motorcades [convoys] and

checkpoints daily come under fire and terrorist

acts go on. True, the militants are not as active as

before, but that is an achievement of our

troopers and Chechen policemen," he said.

Bulgakov thinks the truce statement may be

related to the abduction of Maskhadov family

members in December 2004.

"I do not rule out that this statement of the

separatists is directly linked to the abduction of

family members of Maskhadov. Anyway, it has

nothing to do with an intention to stop the

bloodshed," the general said. "We cannot believe Maskhadov and Basayev at all," he said.

Truce negotiations with Maskhadov and Basayev

are possible only if they unconditionally

terminate terrorist activities and surrender to

the police, he said.

[The Russian version of this item, which came at

0858 gmt, added: "I know from the first Chechen

war that Maskhadov is a wolf in sheep's clothing.

When he is pinned to the wall, he makes

protestations about his love of peace and his

readiness to talk, whilst at the same time trying

to use the breathing space for a regrouping of his

forces," the general stressed.]

Source: Interfax-AVN military news agency web

site, Moscow, in English 0934 gmt 3 Feb 05

Maskhadov almost ideally outplayed

Moscow

Chechen Times - 3.02.2005

President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria

Aslan Maskhadov ordered to unilaterally stop all

forms of military activity of an offensive

character. In accordance with the order, the

armed forces of the Chechen Resistance halt all

forms of military activity – both on the territory

of Chechnya and Russia. The corresponding

document was signed on January 14, 2005, but

has not been published until recently.

However, there are no grounds to doubts its

existence, since Umar Khanbiyev, General Envoy

to the President of the Chechen Republic of

Ichkeria to Foreign Countries, almost

immediately commented on it. He described this

step from the Chechen side a demonstration of

good will and an invitation to the Russian side to end the war at the table of political negotiations.

Besides, according to Khanbiyev, such order

unambiguously shows that the armed units of the

Resistance aren’t “fragmented groups”, but well-

guided armed formations, subordinated to the

commander-in-chief and controlled by him.

The unilateral truce is valid until February 22,

2005, and gives Russian military a serious matter

for reflection. February 23 – is another

anniversary of the Stalin deportation of

Chechens. As a rule, Russian military analysts

have always linked this date to a possible increase

in military activity of the Resistance, but their

“prognoses” have never come up to

expectations. Now everything says that the date

when the truce offered by the Chechen side ends

was chosen not accidentally and in fact “the

demonstration of good will” contains an

unambiguous hint to the Russian side.

Moscow’s reaction can easily be foreseen: it is

likely to ignore the offer, because it is ready

neither to discuss peace speaking the language of

“good will” nor the language of “latent threats.”

Most probably, the Kremlin will increase the

intensity of military actions and reppressions in

Chechnya – with a maniacal stubbornness it still

considers any idea of negotiations only “a trick of

rebel fighters searching a possible respite.”

Today Moscow is not interested in a possible

deterioration of the situation in Chechnya, and

first of all because of the scheduled PACE’s

“round table” on “the Chechen problem” which

is to help Moscow stop any mentioning of related

military activities, genocide and instability. The

same goal is pursued by “The agreement on

delimitation of powers” between Russia and

Chechnya, which in fact admits that “the

Chechen Republic is in the conditions of a special

economic, social and ecological plight.”

And in this respect we can say that Maskhadov

almost ideally outplayed Moscow, demonstrating

his aspirations for peace. “Almost” – is because

he has repeatedly said that in the Chechen

Resistance there are groups which he cannot

control, which act on their own, the methods of

which he does not like and are even forbidden

for the Ichkerian armed forces and prosecuted.

Clearly, this situation will enable Moscow to

press standard charges against Maskhadov saying

either he “personally gives orders to terrorists,”

or “has no influence on rebel fighters.” The first

is possible only if the Chechen side observes the

truce. The second – if military actions will

continue. Nonetheless, repeatedly voicing its

aspirations for a dialog, the Chechen side looks

much more convincing and Maskhadov’s latest order – is a bright evidence of that.


~ 9 ~

“President” Alkhanov has also commented on

this order, saying — as usual – he is not going

“to conduct talks with Maskhadov,” traditionally

“forgetting” that the Chechen Resistance has

never considered him or his predecessor as a

negotiating side.

Besides, it seems Alkhanov has certain doubts

about his own legitimacy. We see it from the

following statement: “We do not deny that

Maskhadov was publicly elected, but he was the

President of Ichkeria, while Kadyrov – was the

President of the Chechen Republic. Maskhadov

can call himself the president neither morally, nor

legally.” And only this phrase absolutely clearly

shows that in Chechnya Russia is struggling not

against “international terrorism” but the

Chechens’ legitimate aspirations for

Independence.

Shamil Basayev Can Have a Rest in

February

KOMMERSANT Daily, FEBRUARY 03, 2005

Chechen rebels’ web-site Kavkaz-Center

announced yesterday Aslan Maskhadov ordered

militants to temporarily cease operations, in a

move of good will.

Maskhadov’s order was announced around 10:00

p.m., Wednesday. The document, issued on

January 14, 2005, directs to unilaterally suspend

offensive military operations in Chechnya and

outside its borders for the whole February.

Though Kavkaz-Center couldn’t provide the

exact wording, as no document was actually

available, it posted similar ruling of another top-

ranked militant Shamil Basayev, which commands

ceasefire till February 22. Umar Khambiev,

general representative of Ichkeria, told

Kommersant that unilateral suspension of

military operations has been long discussed with

the European policy makers. By this action,

Chechnya manifests its hope for peaceful

settlement of the conflict.

Aslan Maskhadov made similar order in April of

2000. At that time, the militants refrained from

large-scale operations, though the acts of terror

continued. Then Maskhadov attributed such acts

to the gangs out of his control. Now the gangs

also appear to go on with military operations. At

least 6 offices were killed and 17 people

wounded in Chechnya over the last two days.

“Who will believe Basayev is subordinate to

Maskhadov?” Taus Jabrailov, chairman of the

State Council of Chechnya, told Kommersant.

“The sole aim of the order is to trigger interest

to his person,” said Jabrailov.

If the order expires on February 22, large-scale

acts of terror are expected from February 23,

said Ruslan Kasaev, senior official of Chechnya’s

Ministry of Internal Affairs. “But most likely,

Maskhadov and Basayev are only bluffing,” Kasaev

said.

Chechen Separatist Leader Maskhadov

Orders Ceasefire

MosNews

Created: 03.02.2005

Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov has

ordered all Chechen fighters to observe a

ceasefire in their separatist war against Russian

troops in February, a rebel Web site reports.

www.kavkazcenter.com published a statement

from Shamil Basayev, Russia’s most wanted man

and the organiser of last year’s Beslan hostage-

taking, which ordered all fighters to refrain from any offensive operations until Feb. 22.

But Basayev was quoted by The Times in London

as saying he still considered Russian citizens fair

targets for future fighting.

The newspaper also quoted him as saying in a

Channel 4 television interview to be broadcast

later in the UK on Thursday that there were

plans for more operations of the kind that killed

more than 330 people at the hostage-taking at

the school in Belsan.

Basayev’s statement on the Web site said

Maskhadov had ordered his followers not to

carry out diversionary attacks in Chechnya or in

the rest of Russia, attacks on Russian bases,

Russian convoys or vehicles, or on “traitors or

unbelievers”.

Kremlin officials were not immediately available

to comment on the report of the ceasefire.

The statement said fighters should “continue

mining approaches to their bases and to continue

operations to destroy people or machinery of

the enemy forces who are spying or attacking

mountainous forested areas”.

The Web site said Maskhadov gave the order on

Jan. 14 as a gesture of goodwill but did not

elaborate. Several of his relatives have been

kidnapped in the last two months, but it was

unclear if their disappearances were linked to the

ceasefire.

“We do not react to Kavkazcenter. This is not an

official organ,” said a spokesman for Dmitry

Kozak, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s

representative in the North Caucasus region. Moscow has put millions of dollars on the heads


~ 10 ~

of both Maskhadov and Basayev.

Although the ceasefire was addressed to all units

of the “Armed Forces of the Chechen Republic

of Ichkeria”, Maskhadov and Basayev are not

thought to control all militants in the region,

which includes restive provinces neighbouring

Chechnya.

“We are planning more Beslan-type operations in

the future because we are forced to do so,” The

Times quoted Basayev as telling Channel 4.

Wearing a black T-shirt with “Anti-Terror”

written in white Cyrillic lettering, Basayev said

the Russian people were targets because of their

support for Putin.

“People who approve of Putin’s policies, people

who pay their taxes for this war, people who

send their soldiers to this war, priests who sprinkle holy water on them ... How can they be

innocent?”

The rebel leadership has fragmented many times

during a decade of war in Chechnya. Maskhadov

and Basayev have themselves clashed in the past,

including over the Beslan hostage crisis, for which

Maskhadov promised to put Basayev on trial,

Reuters reports.

Maskhadov has denied any link with the Beslan

attack in September, when more than 330 people

died during an attempt to free hostages held at a

school by Chechen rebels. But Russia has put a

$10 million bounty on both him and Basayev and

say the two worked hand-in-glove to mastermind

the bloody operation.

Maskhadov was elected president of a de facto

independent Chechnya in 1997 and has, like

Basayev, been on the run since Russian forces

swept back into the region two years later.

Putin calls Maskhadov a terrorist, but the

Chechen leader is seen as a relative moderate

among separatists and many commentators see

him as Moscow’s only possible negotiating

partner if it decided to return to negotiations.

Chechen ceasefire call dismissed

By Oliver Bullough

Thu Feb 3, 2005

MOSCOW (Reuters) - Chechnya's Russian-

backed government has dismissed a rebel

ceasefire declaration, saying it was a publicity

stunt that could not be trusted.

But analysts said the offer from rebel leaders

Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev suggested they were responding to an increasingly strong

desire in faraway Moscow to end a war that has

started to infect much of the North Caucasus.

"The Chechen government is open to any

attempt to bring peace to our people," a

spokesman quoted pro-Moscow Chechen

President Alu Alkhanov as saying on Thursday.

"But as regards Maskhadov and Basayev, they

have never fulfilled the responsibilities they have

adopted. This is just another attempt to draw

attention to themselves."

Kremlin officials did not comment. Russian

President Vladimir Putin has consistently rejected

suggestions of holding peace talks with people he

calls terrorists.

But analysts said he might be more open to

peace overtures after fierce battles in three

regions outside Chechnya in the last month.

These have graphically shown how brittle Russian

control has become in the 10 years since the

start of a war that has killed 20,000 Russian

troops and tens of thousands of civilians.

"There are people around Putin who are

suggesting it is time to end the Chechen war,"

said Alexei Malashenko, a security analyst from

the Carnegie Centre.

"Maskhadov and Basayev could see this is a

favourable time for such an approach."

He also said he expected Chechen's pro-Moscow

officials to try to undermine any talks that

threatened their power.

PUBLIC ENEMY NUMBER ONE

Maskhadov, who led Chechnya during a three-

year truce period until 1999, has frequently

appealed for talks, but Moscow has insisted he

has little control over rebel forces.

The latest offer appeared more significant as it

also carried the name of Basayev, Russia's most-

wanted man.

Basayev ordered most of the bloodiest rebel

attacks, including the hostage-taking in Beslan in

which more than 330 civilians, half of them

children, died.

"This is a demonstration of good will and an

invitation to the Russian side to end this war at

the negotiating table," said a statement on

Maskhadov's Web site, www.chechenpress.info.

"By this step the president has shown the world that the Chechen Republic's armed forces are


~ 11 ~

not dispersed groups, as Moscow wants to depict

us, but following the orders of a Supreme

Commander ... Only a strong force could take

such a step."

But Ilya Shabalkin, spokesman for the Russian

forces in the North Caucasus, said he had

noticed no change in the level of rebel attacks

since the ceasefire was ordered.

"They are continuing their crimes every day, this

is just an attempt to fool people in the West," he

said.

Some analysts suggested Maskhadov's declaration

could be a response to the disappearance of eight

members of his close family, who rights groups

say have been kidnapped by pro-Moscow

Chechen groups to put pressure on him.

A separate statement from Basayev said the ceasefire would last until February 22, the eve of

the anniversary of the Soviet-era deportation of

the Chechen people to Central Asia in 1944,

traditionally a day of mourning and anger in

Chechnya.

Chechnya: Maskhadov Reportedly Orders

Cease-Fire

By Valentinas Mite

Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov has

allegedly ordered Chechen fighters to

temporarily halt all offensive operations in the

republic. A statement by Maskhadov published on

a Chechen website says the cease-fire, due to last

through 22 February, is a gesture of goodwill.

Chechnya's Russian-backed government has

dismissed the report, calling it a publicity stunt

that cannot be trusted.

Prague, 3 February 2005 (RFE/RL) -- A pro-

separatist website has posted a statement saying

Aslan Maskhadov signed the cease-fire order on

14 January.

The statement also cited the separatist leader as

calling on the Kremlin to open negotiations for a

peaceful settlement to the war in Chechnya.

The site -- kavkazcenter.com -- published the

statement on the night of 2 February. It is

accompanied by an order from warlord Shamil

Basayev for pro-Chechen fighters to "end all

offensive military actions" until 22 February.

Sahman Akbulatov represents Russia's Memorial

human rights center in Ingushetia, the

autonomous republic bordering Chechnya.

Akbulatov said he travels often to Chechnya and

that people there are desperate for the war to end and will welcome the cease-fire call.

"Everybody is tired of this war -- Maskhadov and

his people, and Chechens on the whole,"

Akbulatov said today. "Probably Russians don't

need this war either -- at least, the ordinary

people."

He said frustration with the nearly 6-year-old

war may be one reason behind Maskhadov's

alleged cease-fire. But he admits the recent

kidnapping of a number of the separatist leader's

family members might have something to do with

it, as well.

"I don't know. Maybe it is, in a way, related to

the abduction of Maskhadov's relatives,"

Akbulatov said. "In the beginning of December,

eight of Maskhadov's relatives were kidnapped,

and maybe it somehow influenced the cease-fire.

We don't know. We can only guess."

The Chechen prosecutor-general this week

announced that an investigation has been opened

into the abductions. Memorial has speculated a

Chechen police force led by Ramzan Kadyrov --

the son of the former pro-Moscow President

Akhmad Kadyrov, who was slain last May -- may

have been behind the kidnappings.

Russia's NTV television station on Monday (Jan

31) cited Chechen Prosecutor Vladimir

Kravchenko as saying members of the federal

forces are also responsible for 10 percent of all

abductions in Chechnya.

It is unclear what kind of impact the cease-fire

order will have, or whether the recent

kidnappings forced Maskhadov to make a

conciliatory gesture toward the Russians.

But Akbulatov said the cease-fire offer does n-o-t

reflect badly on Maskhadov, and that the

apparent collusion between the moderate

separatist and the far more radical Basayev may

show the Chechen resistance is more unified

than previously believed.

Basayev has claimed responsibility for many

terrorist attacks carried out in Russia in recent

years, including last September's Beslan hostage

siege, in which more than 320 people were killed

after rebels stormed a school and took children,

teachers and parents hostage.

Maskhadov condemned the Beslan siege and has

said Basayev should face trial for his role in the

hostage taking. But the kavkazcenter.com

website has published a series of recent

photographs showing the two men sitting

together and appearing to discuss military

strategy against federal troops.


~ 12 ~

The British daily "The Times" on 2 February

quoted Basaev as saying he still considers attacks

on Russian civilian targets, such as the Beslan

hostage crisis, as a justifiable response to Russia's

military actions in Chechnya, and that he plans to

stage further such attacks.

The Kremlin, which has firmly rejected calls to

open negotiations with Chechen rebels, has

dismissed the kavkazcenter.com statement,

saying it is not an "official" source of information.

A spokesman for Chechnya's Russian-backed

government today quoted President Alu Alkanov

as saying the statement is little more than a

publicity stunt.

Kirill Koktysh of the Moscow Institute of

International Relations said the Kremlin will

probably continue to be silent. Opening

negotiations would be seen as a sign of weakness on Russia's part and would contradict Russian

President Vladimir Putin's unyielding stance on

the breakaway republic.

"For the military component of the decision-

making system, this would be a loss of face -- it is

too late, so to speak, to turn back," Koktysh said.

"And Putin has too often said that Maskhadov

doesn't represent anyone. And, to be honest, for

the last two years, or even three, that has been

absolutely true. Maskhadov really only represents

himself and a small group of close supporters and

not Chechens as a whole."

Koktysh said there is no reason to expect Putin

will respond to the cease-fire. The deadlock in

Chechnya, he said, is likely to continue.

REGIONAL OPERATIONAL HQ

REFUTES CHECHEN SEPARATIST

LEADERS' STATEMENTS

GROZNY, February 3, 2005 (RIA Novosti) - The

Regional Operational HQ for the Anti-Terror

Operation in the North Caucasus have refuted

allegations by Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil

Basayev posted on the internet sites of Chechen

separatists.

"All references to the leaders of Chechen

terrorist groups are false, the statements were

written by Movladi Udugov, chief ideologist of

Chechen separatists and their accessories," the

HQ's message reads.

The Kavkaz-Center and Chechenpress internet

sites carried allegations earlier that Maskhadov

and Basayev had ordered cease-fire in Chechnya

and the rest of Russia's territory until February

22 as an act of good will.

Officials at the Regional Operational HQ are sure

that "such internet resources are used to wage

informational war against Russia".

"Any kind of information about Basayev and

Maskhadov is placed on these sites to popularize

them and induce other mass media to circulate

false ideas about extremist leaders' activity," the

HQ's statement points out.

In this connection the Regional Operational HQ

refuses to comment on materials periodically

placed on the separatists' sites.

In its statement the HQ refers to the law On

Combat against Terrorism and calls on mass

media "not to believe ideologists of international

terrorist organizations, who seek to spread the

propaganda of terrorism and extremism".

Chechen Rebel Commander Order To Halt Military Actions Until 22 Feb



[Excerpt] Chechen rebel commander Shamil

Basayev has ordered units under his command to

suspend military operations in Chechnya and

elsewhere in Russia until 22 February, the rebel

web site Kavkaz-Tsentr reported on 3 February.

The order came after a Kavkaz-Tsentr report on

2 February saying that Chechen rebel President

Aslan Maskhadov had signed an order on 14

January calling for the suspension of all military

operations in Chechnya and Russia in February.

Kavkaz-Tsentr said that it had not yet received a

copy of Maskhadov's order. The following is an

excerpt from a report by Kavkaz-Tsentr news

agency web site; subheadings have been inserted

editorially:

3 February: Kavkaz-Tsentr has learnt from the

assistant to Chechen [rebel] commander Shamil

Basayev that the president of the Chechen

Republic of Ichkeria and amir of the State

Defense Committee - Majlis-ul-Shura, Aslan

Maskhadov, has ordered all units of the armed

forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria [CRI]

to unilaterally suspend offensive operations

across the territory of the Chechen Republic of

Ichkeria and beyond in February. The order was

signed on 14 January 2005. The order says that

the move is being made as a gesture of good will.

Basayev's assistant reported that under orders

from President Maskhadov, amir of the Islamic

Brigade of Shakhids [martyrs] Riyad us-Saliheen

[Gardens of the Righteous], Abdallah Shamil Abu-

Idris [Shamil Basayev] has ordered units

subordinate to him to stop offensive operations

on the entire territory of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and on the entire territory of Russia


~ 13 ~

until 22 February.

Kavkaz-Tsentr still does not have the text of the

order of the commander-in-chief of the armed

forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and

the president of the Chechen Republic of

Ichkeria, Aslan Maskhadov.

But Kavkaz-Tsentr has managed to obtain the

text of Basayev's order to units under his

command both on the territory of the Chechen

Republic of Ichkeria and on the territory of

Russia. The text of the document follows:

Peace be upon Allah, the God of Worlds who

created us Muslims and did a great favor of jihad

on His straight way!

Peace and blessings to the Prophet Muhammad,

his family, followers and all those who follow the

straight path to the Day of Judgment!

And thereafter.

[Passage omitted: passages from the Koran and

hadith]

Order

Executing the order of the president of the

Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, Aslan Maskhadov,

on 14 January 2005 on the unilateral suspension

by the mojahedin, as a sign of good will, of all

types of offensive military operations in February,

I order all the units subordinate to me:

All the mojahedin on the territory of the CRI and

Rusnya [Russia] to suspend all types of offensive

military operations in February, including:

All types of sabotage acts on the territory of CRI

and Rusnya;

Attacks and firing on the sites of the deployment

of the Russian occupation troops and their

puppet structures;

Blowing up and attacking enemy convoys and

individual vehicles moving along main roads

between the sites of their deployment;

Blowing up and attacking infidels and munafiqs

[hypocrites] in their places of residence and

during their movement in villages and on main

roads;

Shooting at enemy aircraft outside mountains and

forests and while in the mountains - those flying

over main roads;

All mojahedin to continue mining entries to their own bases and to continue military operations to

destroy the personnel and equipment of the

enemy troops conducting reconnaissance or

other military operations in mountains and

forests.

The order is valid until 22 February 2005.

[Passage omitted: Koranic verses]

The amir of the Islamic brigade of martyrs Riyad

us-Saliheen [Gardens of the Righteous],

Abdallakh Shamil Abu-Idris.

Maskhadov's envoy plea

This is how the general representative of the CRI

president in foreign countries, Umar Khanbiyev,

has commented on the suspension of the military

operations by the Chechen armed forces.

"The Chechen side has temporarily and unilaterally stopped the war. The Chechen side

has long been discussing the idea of a unilateral

suspension of the offensive military operations.

The order by the CRI president, C-in-C of the

CRI armed forces and head of the CRI State

Defense Committee, Aslan Maskhadov, on 14

January 2005 on the unilateral suspension, as a

sign of good will, of all types of offensive military

operations is a sign of good will and an invitation

to Russia to end the war at the negotiating table.

"By taking this step, the CRI president announced

to the world that the CRI armed forces are not

uncoordinated groupings, as Moscow would like

to portray us, but are the CRI armed forces

subordinate to the commander-in-chief and

controlled by him.

"The Chechen side is capable of demonstrating

goodwill and therefore temporarily and

unilaterally suspends all active offensive military

operations. Undoubtedly, only a strong side is

capable of taking such a step.

"We hope for a similar measure on the part of

Russia and hope that Russia will show political

will to put an end to this protracted and bloody

war."

The operational information department of

Kavkaz-Tsentr

Chechen separatist leader said ready for

talks with Russia


03, 2005

Excerpt from report by Russian Ekho Moskvy

radio on 3 February

[Chechen separatist leader] Aslan Maskhadov's


~ 14 ~

envoy in the Nordic countries, Usman Ferzauli,

has confirmed to our radio station that Chechen

separatist leaders have given an order to suspend

subversive and military operations in and outside

Chechnya as a whole.

[Usman Ferzauli] In fact, there was an order from

the commander-in-chief, following which [Shamil]

Basayev also ordered that subunits of his

battalion should suspend combat operations, as

he says, not only in Chechnya, but also in Russia.

The legitimate president of the Chechen republic

of Ichkeria is ready for negotiations with a side in

the military conflict, the Russian Federation. He

is more than confident that peaceful initiatives, if

they are started with the legitimate authorities of

the Chechen republic of Ichkeria, will have the

desired consequences for both sides, which are a

compromise, peace and so on.

[Presenter] At the same time Ferzauli has denied that the order for a cease-fire is somehow

related to the abduction of Aslan Maskhadov's

relatives in December. [Passage omitted]

Source: Ekho Moskvy radio, Moscow, in Russian

1000 gmt 3 Feb 05

Umar Hanbiyev: «This is a demonstration

of good will»

Kavkaz Center

2005-02-03 17:14:48

General Envoy of the President of the ChRI to

Foreign Countries Umar Hanbiyev commented

the news about the stop of offensive military

operations by the Chechen Armed Forces as

follows:

"The Chechen side has halted the war unilaterally

for a period. The idea of a unilateral stop of

offensive military operations was discussed by

the Chechen side a long time ago. The order of

14 January by the President of the ChRI,

Supreme Commander-in-chief of the ChRI

Armed Forces, chairman of the ChRI State

Defense Committee A. Maskhadov about a stop

(of operations) by the Armed Forces of the

ChRI, is to show a manifestation of good will; the

unilateral order to halt all forms of military

activity of an offensive character is a

demonstration of good will and an invitation to

the Russian side to end the war at the table of

political negotiations.

By this step, the President of the ChRI declared

to the world that the Armed Forces of the ChRI

aren't fragmented groups, like they want to

describe us in Moscow, but the Armed Forces of

the ChRI, subordinated to the Commander-in-

chief and controlled by him.

The Chechen side is capable of a step of good

will and therefore it unilaterally halts active

offensive military operations for a period.

Without a doubt, only a strong side is capable of

such a step. We hope for the presence of

political will and for an adequate step by the

Russian side in order to put an end to this long

and bloody war."

****

“The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Chechen

Republic of Ichkeria is proud to announce that

President Aslan Maskhadov, in demonstration of

the good will of the Chechen side, has ordered

to all Chechen Armed Forces to introduce a

ceasefire from the 1st February 2005. President

Maskhadov’s order prohibits all offensive military

operations for one month. The use of force is

permitted only in defense against imminent

military attacks from the Russian side.

The decision to introduce the ceasefire is




Chechen conflict by peaceful means. President

Maskhadov’s order is an invitation to Russia to

open genuine peace talks. It is also an invitation

to the international community to help Russia

and Chechnya to come to the negotiating table”.

The Application of the General

Representative of the President of the CRI

U. Hanbiev

The department of the governmental information

Chechenpress, 04.02.05

The Chechen party unilaterally has stopped the

war for a while. The idea about the unilateral

suspension of military operations has been

discussed by the Chechen party for a long time.

The order of the President of the CRI, the

Commander-in-chief of the Military Forces of the

CRI, the head of the State Defense Committee

A. Mashadov of January, 14, 2005 about stopping

unilaterally by the Armed forces of the CRI all

kinds of operations of military character, is a

demonstration of good will and the invitation to

the Russian party to finish the war at the table of

political negotiation.

The President of the CRI has declared to the

world with this step, that the Armed Forces of

the CRI are not isolated groupings, as they want

to present us in Moscow, but the Armed Forces

of the CRI under the Commander-in-chief and

controlled by him.

The Chechen party is capable of a step of good

will and consequently stops for a while active

offensive operations unilaterally. The strength, unconditionally, is capable of such step only.


~ 15 ~

We hope for presence of political will and for the

adequate step of the Russian party to put an end

to this long and bloody war.

Umar Hanbiev, the General Representative of

the President of the CRI in foreign countries

Chechen Rebel Spokesman Expected

Negative Reaction to Cease-Fire

Moscow Kommersant in Russian 04 Feb 05 p 3

[Report by Musa Muradov: "Aslan Maskhadov

Accused of Kindling Peace"]

[Text] Throughout yesterday representatives of

the federal and Chechen authorities rejected the

statements by the gunmen's leaders regarding the

unilateral suspension of combat operations

posted the previous day by the Kavkaz-Tsentr

website. And the Russian General Prosecutor's Office, as though responding to the "peace

initiatives" from Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil

Basayev, announced that they are facing new

charges -- organizing a series of terrorist acts,

including the one in Beslan. Ichkeria's

representatives assessed this reaction as

"reluctance to restore peace in Chechnya."

Let me remind you that on 2 February Kavkaz-

Tsentr, the Chechen separatists' website,

reported that Aslan Maskhadov has ordered the

gunmen to suspend combat operations until the

end of the month "as a sign of goodwill" (the

edict was signed 14 January). The site also posted

orders from Shamil Basayev to his subordinates

to halt all sabotage actions in Chechnya and

Russia. Admittedly, terrorist Basayev's order,

unlike Maskhadov's, operates only until 22

February.

As expected, the reaction of representatives of

the Russian and Chechen authorities was

extremely negative. "Maskhadov simply wants to

attract the attention of the world community to

himself, Basayev, and company," Chechen

Government Chairman Sergey Abramov told

Kommersant's correspondent yesterday.

According to the Chechen premier, the Ichkeria

leader's statement is no more than a political

trick designed for foreign politicians, who in

assessing events in Chechnya "are guided by the

concept of double standards." Chechen President

Alu Alkhanov believes that the so-called

president of Ichkeria is basically incapable of

ensuring that this order is obeyed. "Maskhadov

did not keep a single promise even when he was

leader of Ichkeria," Mr Alkhanov noted. In the

Chechen leader's opinion, the statement by the

gunmen's ringleaders is a reaction to the active

operations by the republic's security structures "to ensure public order and counter terrorism."

The Regional Operations Headquarters for

command and control of the counterterrorist

operation in the North Caucasus simply does not

believe that the statements published by Kavkaz-

Tsentr are genuine. "Law enforcement agencies

know that the information posted by the bandit

formations' ideologists on extremist websites has

nothing to do with statements allegedly made by

Maskhadov and Basayev," Regional Operations

Headquarters spokesman Ilya Shabalkin told

Kommersant yesterday. "All references to the

leaders of the bandit underground are fabricated,

and the texts of the statements themselves are

the product of the imagination of Movladi

Udugov and his accomplices."

Mr Shabalkin stressed that in the time the so-

called Maskhadov moratorium has been in force

(since 14 January) there have been around 10

terrorist acts in Chechnya, with 18 officers of law enforcement agencies and civilians killed and

wounded. The Russian General Prosecutor's

Office also responded to the "peace initiatives"

from Maskhadov and Basayev. Yesterday it

officially announced that they face further charges

in absentia of organizing a series of terrorist acts,

including the hostage-taking in Beslan and the

armed attack on Nazran and Groznyy last

summer.

"To be honest, we did not expect any other

reaction," Umar Khambiyev, general spokesman

for the president of Ichkeria, stated, reconfirming

to Kommersant yesterday that Aslan

Maskhadov's order is genuine. Asked what in that

case is the point of these initiatives, Mr

Khambiyev replied as follows: "Irrespective of the

Russian authorities' reaction, we will achieve our

aim -- showing the world community our

readiness for peaceful dialogue." The Ichkeria

president's spokesman stressed that the

announcement of the unilateral moratorium is

totally unconnected with the abduction of Aslan

Maskhadov's relatives in Chechnya: "Maskhadov

has already spoken out about this: He draws no

distinction between his own relatives and the

other residents of the republic who are subjected

to violence by the security agencies."

Also yesterday news agencies circulated reports

that Shamil Basayev may have been killed in

Chechnya. They cited sources in Abkhazia's

security structures who had received information

from Basayev's wife and son, who live in the

republic. Sokhumi's official authorities denied the

rumors concerning the death of the number one

terrorist. The Federal Security Service refused to

comment.

"If this had happened, we would not conceal it.


~ 16 ~

Somebody is simply indulging in wishful thinking,"

Mr Khambiyev said.

Leader's Envoy Says Talks With Moscow

Not Ruled Out

(Internet) Daymohk WWW-Text in Russian

1520 GMT 04 Feb 05

[Text] 4 February: The general representative of


Ichkeria [CRI], Umar Khanbiyev, has given a brief

interview to Daymohk news agency.

[Daymohk correspondent] Hello, Umar! Our

agency is receiving letters from our readers who

ask questions concerning the latest order of the

CRI president [Aslan Maskhadov to suspend

hostilities till the end of February]. Among them,

our editorial office picked the three most

frequently asked questions. Could you answer

them briefly?

[Umar Khanbiyev] Hello! Yes, I will.

[Correspondent] Is the CRI president's order

linked to the capture of his relatives by Russian

occupiers and their accomplices?

[Khanbiyev] No, it is not. It has nothing to do

with that. Commenting on the capture of his

relatives, the president said that they were part

of the Chechen people, which has been

eliminated and kidnapped by Russian occupiers

for six years in a row.

[Correspondent] Is the Chechen side in secret

talks with Russia?

[Khanbiyev] It is possible that the Chechen side

has some contacts with the Kremlin and there is

hope for talks. But only the CRI president can

say at what level and with whom.

[Correspondent] Why is [Chechen commander]

Shamil Basayev speaking about suspending

combat operations till 22 February while Aslan

Maskhadov says in his order that the war should

be suspended until the end of February?

[Khanbiyev] I do not see any disagreement here.

On the contrary, progress in consolidating the

Chechen Resistance forces is obvious, especially

as Shamil Basayev's units are not officially part of

the CRI army.

[Correspondent] Thank you.

Russian Official Thinks Maskhadov Will

Surrender if Basayev Dead

MOSCOW. Feb 4, 2005 (Interfax-AVN) - Rumors about the death of separatist leader

Shamil Basayev are being circulated in Chechnya,

but this information will be confirmed only after

law enforcement agencies produce evidence

proving his death, the republic's State Council

Chairman Taus Dzhabrailov told Interfax by

phone on Friday.

"Rumors about Basayev's death are being spread

in Chechnya. But only law enforcement agencies

can confirm his death by showing this man's body

or some video tapes to the public," Dzhabrailov

said.

Basayev's death would deliver a blow to all

remaining guerrilla groups in Chechnya, he said.

"He is such a major figure that in the event of his

death, any vigorous terrorist activities on the

territory of the republic or outside it will be out

of the question. If Basayev's death is confirmed,

Aslan Maskhadov (a separatist leader - Interfax) will take rapid steps to search for various

opportunities to surrender to law enforcement

agencies," the official said.

"A report has received been recently that

Maskhadov is hiding in the republic of Chechnya.

Unfortunately, information about Maskhadov's

whereabouts arrives one or two days later.

Otherwise, he would have been detained long

ago," he said.

Dzhabrailov dismissed reports posted on a

Chechen separatist website that Maskhadov had

ordered his militants to halt all combat

operations in February. "This is nothing more

than an attempt to remind people about himself,"

he said.

"Information about Maskhadov's statement

ordering a halt to hostilities most likely has

indirect links to reports about the disappearance

of his relatives. None of Maskhadov's relatives,

except for his wife, have ever had any influence

on his decisions," he said.

Chechens interested in ending war - rebel

president's envoy


04, 2005

Text of report by The Caucasus Times web site

on 4 February

Prague, 3 February, Caucasus Times

correspondent Islam Tekushev: "All the forces of

the Chechen Resistance are interested in ending

the war," Akhmed Zakayev, representative of

[Chechen rebel president] Aslan Maskhadov, said

while commenting on the order of the Chechen

separatist leader, Aslan Maskhadov, to unilaterally suspend offensive operations on the


~ 17 ~

entire territory of the Chechen Republic of

Ichkeria and outside it in February.

"All the forces of the Chechen Resistance are

interested in ending the war. This has been

demonstrated by all the Resistance forces,

including their extremist wing - Basayev",

Akhmed Zakayev pointed out.

Akhmed Zakayev said that the order of the

president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria

[CRI] has shown the whole world that the

Chechen Resistance forces are not

uncoordinated groups, as Russia is trying to

present them, but are subordinate to the

commander-in-chief of the CRI armed forces.

Akhmed Zakayev recalled once again that

political dialogue is the only way to end the war.

Commenting on the statement of the [Russian] Prosecutor's Office that new charges of

organizing a series of terrorist acts, including the

hostage-taking in Beslan, have been brought

against the leaders of the Chechen separatists,

Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev, Zakayev

said that Maskhadov had earlier stated that he

had nothing to do with the horrific tragedy in

Beslan.

"I state once again on behalf of Aslan Maskhadov

that neither Aslan Maskhadov, nor the forces

under his command have anything to do with the

terrorist act in Beslan. The tragedy that occurred

there and the following investigation are aimed at

discrediting Aslan Maskhadov."

Source: Caucasus Times, Prague, in Russian 4 Feb

05

Extremist websites post mutually

excluding orders of Maskhadov

GROZNY, February 4, 2005 (Itar-Tass) --

Internet websites of Chechen extremists,

Kavkaz-Center and Daymohk, have posted two

mutually excluding ordinances by Aslan

Maskhadov. “The confusion results from a major

reshuffle in the command of illegal armed units

and the mounting fight for power and funding,”

Russian law enforcement agencies think.

The Kavkaz Center notorious website controlled

by radical militants of Shamil Basayev and Movladi

Udugov announced on Thursday that Maskhadov

had ordered unilateral ceasefire inside and

outside Chechnya.

Grozny experts told Itar-Tass that the website

did not post an ordinance by the former leader

of Ichkeria but referred to a certain aide to Shamil Basayev, who had allegedly learned about

that ordinance. Kavkaz Center introduced the

ordinance as a goodwill gesture and an appeal for

ending the war at negotiations.

"Declaring on behalf of the president of the

Chechen Republic of Ichkeria unilateral truce till

the end of February 2005.” “Any truce is out of

the question after what has happened to the

fearless fighters for freedom Shamil Basayev and

Doku Umarov, and any reports of the kind are

organized and distributed by forces hostile to the

Chechen people,” the ordinance runs.

The day after Kavkaz Center claimed an attack of

hackers on Daymohk and alleged posting of a

fake ordinance on that website. However,

“Kavkaz Center did not post a genuine ordinance

by the former leader of Ichkeria,” experts said.

A representative of a Russian law enforcement

agency explains “the information confusion with either serious differences between Maskhadov

and Basayev or a radial reshuffle in the extremist

command and the escalating fight for power and

funding.”

“This is an indirect evidence that information

about deaths of Shamil Basayev and Doku

Umarov may have serious grounds,” the source

told Itar-Tass.

Russian Expert Says Websites Confirm

Serious Discord Among Chechen Rebels

Moscow ITAR-TASS in Russian 1434 GMT 04

Feb 05

[Text] Groznyy, 4 February: The websites of

Chechen extremists titled Kavkaz-Tsentr and

Daymohk have published two mutually exclusive

orders of [Chechen separatist leader Aslan]

Maskhadov. "Such confusion is due to radical

changes at the top level of the bandit

detachments and increasing struggle over power

and financial flows," people in the Russian law-

enforcement and security structures believe.

The odious site Kavkaz-Tsentr, which is

controlled by a radical part of the rebels led by

Shamil Basayev and Movladi Udugov, yesterday

announced an order by Maskhadov about a

unilateral cease-fire "on the territory of

Chechnya and outside it".

However, as experts in the Chechen capital

pointed out to ITAR-TASS, the website does not

actually publish the decree of the former leader

of Ichkeria [Chechnya] itself, and simply refers to

"one aide of Shamil Basayev who has become

aware of the decree". Kavkaz-Tsentr interprets

this information as "a sign of goodwill" and "a call

to end the war at the negotiating table".


~ 18 ~

On 3 February the Daymohk website, which is

considered to be a pro-Maskhadov website,

publishes Decree Ch834 of February 2, 2005, by


Ichkeria and amir of the State Defence

Committee, Aslan Maskhadov, which is signed by

Maskhadov. The decree is entitled "On measures

to stop the circulation of fake statements of

representatives of the leadership of the Chechen

Republic of Ichkeria" and it orders "the continued

resistance and armed struggle against occupants".

The decree in particular speaks of reports in the

media "of certain countries about a fake decree

on behalf of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria

president about him allegedly announcing a

unilateral cease-fire until the end of February

2005". "There can be no cease-fire following

what has happened to the brave freedom fighters

Shamil Basayev and Doku Umarov, and all

reports of the kind are initiated and circulated by forces hostile to the Chechen people," says

Maskhadov's decree.

One day later, Kavkaz-Tsentr spoke of an attack

by hackers against the Daymohk site and the

publication of a fake decree on it. But, as

independent experts in Groznyy stressed,

"Kavkaz-Tsentr never publishes a real decree by

the former leader of the Ichkeria regime".

"Such information confusion is evidence of either

serious disagreements between Maskhadov and

Basayev, or of radical changes in the leadership of

the extremists and increasing struggle over

power and financial flows," a representative of

the Russian power-wielding agencies said.

"All this is indirect evidence that there may be

some serious grounds to the information about

the killing of Shamil Basayev and Doku Umarov,"

the source told ITAR-TASS.

Maskhadov announces a cease-fire as Basaev

threatens more Beslans

Jamestown Foundation

Eurasia Daily Monitor

Friday, February 4, 2005 -- Volume 2, Issue 25

CHECHEN REBELS START A

TEMPORARY CEASEFIRE

On February 3, the Kavkazcenter website

reported that Chechen separatist leader Aslan

Maskhadov had ordered rebel fighters to lay

down their weapons for one month. It also

published a statement from warlord Shamil

Basaev ordering fighters to obey Maskhadov's

decree and halt all offensive military actions until

February 22. Later that day, however, Britain's

Channel 4 television aired an earlier-recorded interview with Basaev, in which he warned that

he and his forces "are planning Beslan-type

operations in the future."

Kavkazcenter quoted an aide to Basaev as saying

that Maskhadov had called the unilateral ceasefire

order, which he signed on January 14, an

"expression of goodwill." The website said it did

not have the text of Maskhadov's decree, but it

published the text of Basaev's order to rebel

units to obey Maskhadov's ceasefire. Along with

various Koranic citations, Basaev ordered all

"mujahideen" on Chechen and Russian territory

to halt all forms of military actions, including

"assaults on and shelling of posts of occupation

forces and their puppet structures," "blowing up

and attacking enemy columns" and vehicles, and

attacks on "kafirs and hypocrites" in population

centers or on roads. The order stated that rebel

fighter were permitted to mine approaches to

their bases and to attack enemy forces or

hardware involved in reconnaissance or military operations in the wooded mountainous areas of

Chechnya.

Kavkazcenter also quoted Umar Khanbiev, the

main overseas representative for the separatist

Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (ChRI), as saying

that Maskhadov's January 14 ceasefire order was

"a demonstration of goodwill and an invitation to

the Russian side to end the war at the political

negotiating table." Khanbiev added: "With this

step, the ChRI president told the world that the

ChRI's armed forces are not uncoordinated

groups, as they want to portray us in Moscow,

but are subordinated to the Commander-in-Chief

and controlled by him . . . Only the strong side is

able to take such a step. We are hoping that the

Russian side will have the political will to take an

appropriate step, in order to put an end to this

long and bloody war" (Kavkazcenter.com,

February 3).

Akhmed Zakaev, Maskhadov's London-based

representative, also commented on the cease-fire

order. "All the forces of the Chechen resistance

are interested in an end to the war," he said.

"This has been demonstrated by all the resistance

forces, including its radical wing -- Basaev." Like

Khanbiev, Zakaev said Maskhadov's order

showed that the resistance forces are not

uncoordinated groups, but are subordinated to

Maskhadov. Zakaev also called for "dialogue" to

end the war (Kavkazcenter.com, February 3).

Not surprisingly, pro-Moscow Chechen and

Russian officials have dismissed Maskhadov's

initiative out of hand. Chechen President Alu

Alkhanov called it a "propaganda trick" (Itar-Tass,

February 3). Likewise, Chechen State Council

Chairman Taus Dzhabrailov said it was nothing

more than a bluff, a provocation, and a desire to attract attention. Dzhabrailov added that it was


~ 19 ~

possible the rebels were trying to give the

impression that they have a unified command,

when, in his view, "Maskhadov can only give

orders to himself personally; Basaev -- to his

entourage, guards, and the small group he heads"

(Interfax, February 3). Dmitry Kozak, President

Putin's envoy to the Southern Federal District,

seemed to be following the same talking points,

calling Maskhadov's unilateral ceasefire order

"nothing other than an attempt by the separatists

to attract publicity." The separatists "have taken

these steps many times before," he said, adding:

"Aslan Maskhadov has never been really in

control of the situation, even when he was in

Grozny" (Itar-Tass, February 3).

Meanwhile, Britain's Channel 4 ran an interview

with Shamil Basaev on the evening of February 3.

According to the channel's website, four months

ago it sent Basaev a list of questions through an

intermediary in an unnamed European capital. Within the past week, three video CDs

containing Basaev's answers to the questions

were delivered to an unnamed Middle Eastern

city (chanel4.com).

In the interview, the Chechen rebel warlord

reiterated what he said in an e-mail interview

with Mark MacKinnon, Moscow bureau chief for

the Globe and Mail newspaper, last November --

that he was in a state of "shock" over the

outcome of the September 2004 Beslan school

massacre, but that the Russians were responsible

for the siege's bloody denouement. Basaev told

Channel 4 that he originally planned to seize one

or possibly two schools simultaneously in either

Moscow or St. Petersburg, but that limited funds

forced him to target North Ossetia, a "Russian

garrison in the North Caucasus" that contributed

to Chechnya's misery with the "silent consent of

[the North Ossetian] population." Basaev said his

aim had been to offer the Russian leadership no

chance of achieving a "bloodless resolution" to

the hostage-taking and thus force it to stop the

"genocide of the Chechen people," but that he

had been "cruelly mistaken" in thinking Moscow

would never be willing to preside over the death

of children.

Basaev said Maskhadov had accused him of going

too far with the Beslan raid, and that he had told

Maskhadov he was "ready to stand before a

sharia court and answer to it in all its severity if it

judges [that] I should be punished." Basaev added,

however, that such a trial is only possible after

the war ends. Basaev also said he is willing to call

a ceasefire and open negotiations with the

Russians, but only after the complete withdrawal

of Russian forces from Chechnya.

At the same time, Basaev declared: "We are planning Beslan-type operations in the future

because we are forced to do so. Today our

citizens are disappearing. Our girls disappear

without a trace. They can take anyone. In order

to stop this chaos we have to respond in the

same way. Cynical though it may seem, we are

planning these operations, and we will conduct

them, if only to show the world again and again

the true face of the Russian regime, the true face

of Putin with his Satanic horns, so that the world

sees his true face. In order to stop the genocide

we will stop at nothing." Justifying attacks on

civilians, Basaev argued that people who "who

approve of Putin's policies," who "pay their taxes

for this war," who "send their soldiers to this

war, priests who sprinkle holy water on them,"

cannot be seen as innocent.

Basaev ended the interview with comments

reminiscent of those made by some of the more

extreme Islamic fundamentalist preachers. "This

is a war between the descendants of monkeys, about whom your Darwin wrote, and the

descendants of Adam, glory be to Allah," he said.

"This is the war of the descendants of Adam and

Eve to put the animals in their place. I commit

this to the great God and those who have taken

the path to jihad, the direct path to God. Allah-

hu akbar."

Before the interview with Basaev was broadcast,

Russia's Foreign Ministry expressed outrage and

condemned Channel 4's decision, calling Basaev a

"notorious terrorist and murderer" and noting

that Russia's embassy in London had demanded

the British authorities not air it. The channel, for

its part, said it recognized that Basaev's views

"will be regarded worldwide as repugnant" but

"utterly rejected" any notion it was acting

irresponsibly. "It is simply not the case that the

running of such material can be equated with

condoning it," Channel 4 said in a statement.

"This has also been the case for many other

instances where the views of those who advocate

terrorism, including Osama bin Laden, have been

carried by broadcast media. The piece on

Channel 4 News tonight will make very clear

what kind of man is Shamil Basaev and will set in

very clear context his attempted rationale for the

killing of children" (Channel4.com, The Times

[UK], February 3).

--Charles Gurin

Chechen site rejects Russian claims about

"information war"


07, 2005

A Chechen rebel site has reacted sharply to a

statement by the Russian headquarters

controlling the counterterrorist operation in the North Caucasus which questions the authenticity


~ 20 ~

of statements by Chechen rebel leaders calling

for an end to the war. It says there is no question

of a Chechen "information war" and Russia in

truth has no intention of ending the conflict. The

following is the text of the report entitled "The

ROH rejects the authenticity of statements by

Maskhadov and Basayev", carried by the

Kavkazskiy Vestnik web site on 4 February;

subheading has been given as published:

The regional operational headquarters for the

conduct of the counterterrorist operation in the

North Caucasus [ROHCOP] refutes the

authenticity of statements by [rebel-backed

Chechen President] Aslan Maskhadov and [rebel

commander] Shamil Basayev published on

Chechen separatist web sites. This is stated in a

report from the headquarters which reached the

RIA news agency. "The law-enforcement bodies

know for certain that the information distributed

by ideologists of illegal armed formations on extremist sites has nothing to do with the

statements allegedly made by Maskhadov and

Basayev. All the illusions to the leaders of the

bandit underground are imaginary and the texts

of the statements the product of the fantasies of

[Chechen separatist spokesman] Movladi Udugov

and his accomplices," the document says.

Earlier on the Kavkaz-Tsentr and Chechenpress

sites, reports appeared about alleged instructions

having been given by Maskhadov and Basayev

about the ending of combat operations in

Chechnya and other Russian territory before 22

February "as a sign of good will". The ROH is

certain that "the activity of these Internet

sources pursues but one objective - to wage an

information war against Russia". "Any information

about Maskhadov and Basayev carried on these

sites has been invented merely to give them

publicity and to provoke other media into

circulating false impressions about the activities

of extremist leaders," the HQ's statement points

out.

In this connection the ROH refuses to comment

on reports which from time to time are

published on separatist sites. The statement

contains a reminder to representatives of the

media about the demands of the Law of the

Russian Federation "On the fight against

terrorism" and its appeal "not to be led by the

ideologists of international terrorist organizations

who are trying by deceit to provoke the

distribution of information which serves the

propaganda of terrorism and extremism".

Groznyy, 3 February 2005 - RIA Novosti.

Commentary

Let us ask ourselves why [spokesman of the counterterrorist operation in the North

Caucasus Maj-Gen Ilya] Shabalkin and his ROH

reacted in this way to CRI President Maskhadov's

decree on the unilateral cessation of combat

operations by detachments of the Chechen

Resistance, which was distributed by Chechen

web sites. There is a simple explanation for this

oversensitive reaction - the Russian military and

political leadership does not want to stop the

war and begin talks with the opposing side. This

shows up the false nature of the Kremlin's

measures, such as a "round table meeting" and

the recent "treaty on the delimitation of powers

between Moscow and Groznyy". That was the

first blunder. The second blunder is this: if

Shabalkin relates Maskhadov's decree on the

ending of combat operations to elements of the

information war, then what should one

understand by elements of the information war?

Clearly, only he - Shabalkin, a Russian

information general - knows about this. Quite

clearly, RIA is in a hurry to publish everything that is circulated by Shabalkin's spin-doctors,

without bothering to think about what it

contains. That's when you get clangers, or should

one say cock-ups from ROHCOP.

Source: Kavkazskiy Vestnik web site, in Russian 4

Feb 05

Chechen Ceasefire 'Respite' Before New

Wave of Terror

Moscow Moskovskiy Komsomolets in Russian 04

Feb 05 p 4

[Report by Oleg Fochkin under "Terrorism"

rubric: "Maskhadov Wants Peace. Or Is Basayev

Preparing for a New War?" -- taken from HTML

version of source provided by ISP]

[Text] A Chechen separatist website has posted

statements by Maskhadov and Basayev in which

they declare "a unilateral cessation" of offensive

combat actions on the territory of Chechnya and

beyond. Maskhadov has announced a moratorium

for the whole of February, whereas Basayev's

extends only through 22 February (23 February

1944 was the date when Chechen deportations

began, and it is regarded as the day of ethnic

genocide).

Basayev is ordering his comrades in arms to

cease all sabotage, attacks, and firing on Russian

troops, any blowing up of or attacks on convoys

and solitary vehicles of the "federals," and also

any shooting at "enemy aircraft" outside the

mountain-forest zone. The corresponding order

was signed 14 January 2005. But the ceasefire is,

for some reason, not in evidence. In these

opening days of February our soldiers have been

dying just as they have on other days.

The website also carries a commentary by "the


~ 21 ~

general representative of the Republic of Ichkeria

in foreign countries," Umar Khanbiyev, who

refers to the suspension of combat actions as "a

demonstration of goodwill and an invitation to

the Russian side to end the war around the

political negotiating table."

Chechen President Alu Alkhanov has already

made his statement in response to Maskhadov's

order: "Maskhadov has never honored the

commitments he has made, even during his

period as President of Ichkeria. If Maskhadov and

Basayev are prepared to end the terror

campaign, they should not set conditions, but

must contact the law enforcement agencies and

surrender to the authorities."

Dmitriy Kozak, presidential plenipotentiary for

the Southern Federal District, was no less

adamant: "The Russian authorities do not react

to messages posted on the extremists' website. This is because that facility is not an official

information medium."

That is, Russia's official representatives have in

fact said "No" to Maskhadov. Alkhanov claims

that Maskhadov's statements are directly linked

to the intensification of the Chechen law

enforcement agencies' counterterrorism

activities. This year alone the gunmen have

suffered significant losses, including within their

leading echelon (for example, the command of

the Yarmuk jamaat [community] in Nalchik has

been crushed). The federals' mobile detachments

are catching up with gunmen wherever they are

able. This is even more like revenge for the

deaths of comrades from the Alfa and Vympel

[special units] in Beslan and Makhachkala. And

the separatists understand perfectly well that

personal blood-revenge is far more terrible than

an order issued from HQ.

There are also other explanations for that most

unexpected statement from Maskhadov and

Basayev. First, reports have recently been

appearing of the severe wounding of both

Basayev and Doku Umarov -- the third man in

the gunmen's hierarchy. And they need to show

that they are still a united force, capable not

simply of resistance, but of presenting a united

front. Second, the separatists' relationship with

the Arabs has become strained. Most of all with

Abu-Hafs, who distributes financial aid from

abroad. He is in no hurry to share it with the

Chechens, and that arouses their open

indignation. According to intelligence

information, there have recently even been open

armed skirmishes between Arabs and Chechens.

Third, it should not be forgotten that it is still not

known what has happened to Maskhadov's

abducted relatives. It is not impossible that the "truce" is most directly connected with these

abductions.

And, finally, this is not the first announcement of

a truce from the gunmen. We may say, from the

experience of past years, that this "petition"

means only one thing: That the gunmen are

preparing new acts of bloody terrorism, and they

simply need a respite in order to prepare

everything meticulously and weaken the siloviki's

vigilance.

Chechens Seen Planning Terrorism

Despite Maskhadov Cease-Fire Order

Moscow Nezavisimaya Gazeta in Russian 04 Feb

05 p 4

[Report by Andrey Riskin: "Maskhadov 'Declares'

Peace. Not for Long. Chechen Gunmen's Leaders

Are Planning New Large-Scale Terrorist Acts"]

[Text] Ichkeria President Aslan Maskhadov has issued orders to suspend combat operations "on

the republic's territory and beyond its borders

for the month of February." One of the

separatists' websites reports that this has been

done "as a sign of goodwill." And Shamil Basayev

is reportedly prepared to obey this order, but

only until 22 February. In response, his statement

emphasizes, the separatists hope for "the

existence of political will and appropriate action

by the Russian side to end this long and bloody

war."

All the indications are that the Chechen

leadership does not believe in the "goodwill" of

Maskhadov and Basayev. Republic President Alu

Alkhanov declared that Maskhadov's latest

actions are "directly linked to the intensification

of the activities of Chechen law enforcement

agencies and federal security structures to

combat terrorism and banditry." Chechen State

Council head Taus Dzhabrailov did not rule out

the possibility that Maskhadov's latest order is

connected with the disappearance of his relatives:

"Maybe he has decided somehow to plant

information to the effect that he is a peacemaker

and is prepared to suspend combat operations?"

"The relatives are nothing to do with it, of

course," Abdul-Khakim Sultygov, the Russian

Federation president's former special

representative for human rights in Chechnya,

told Nezavisimaya Gazeta. "I believe we have

entered a new period of terrorist threats, and

the gunmen's leaders are simply stating that they

are in full control of their armed formations and

at the same time are demonstrating the unity of

their ranks. Essentially they are indicating the

timing of new terrorist acts. As I see it, they will

begin 23 February -- the day the Chechen and

Ingush peoples were deported. Dates are always important, they are PR. So the actions of


~ 22 ~

Maskhadov and Basayev are part of the media

war that generally precedes real, large-scale

terrorist sabotage actions."

Indeed, Chechen President Akhmad Kadyrov was

blown up in Groznyy stadium 9 May. The

terrorist act in Kaspiysk two years earlier was

carried out on Victory Day. The gunmen's bloody

raid on Nazran, in which the death toll was

around 100, was staged 22 June, the Day of

Remembrance of Victims of War. In March

Chechnya is planning to widely celebrate the

second anniversary of the adoption of the

republic's constitution. In May the country will

celebrate the 60th anniversary of the Great

Victory....

"It looks as though the statement by Basayev and

Maskhadov is a reaction to the not entirely

articulated processes regarding Chechnya that

are under way in the Kremlin. There is the sense that Moscow is beginning to rethink its Caucasus

policy," Aleksey Malashenko, member of the

academic council of the Moscow Carnegie

Center, told Nezavisimaya Gazeta. "First, the

situation in the North Caucasus in general is very

serious. The unsolved Chechnya problem is a

disaster against the backdrop of a possible

explosion in the North Caucasus. Second, since

the end of last year there has begun to be talk of

the possibility of the presence of an external

humanitarian force in Chechnya. This was

mentioned, in particular, in Putin's conversation

with the FRG chancellor. In other words, Russia

seems to be admitting that it cannot cope itself

and needs a 'third force.' That is the most

important point. Finally, we must note the

Chechen authorities' fierce reaction to this

'truce.' A statement by Taus Dzhabrailov that this

whole thing is a provocation and so forth was

immediately issued. This is a very interesting

aspect against the backdrop of the way he

recently described an amazing treaty between

Moscow and Groznyy, but it subsequently

emerged that there is not going to be any treaty."

Let us note that yesterday Basayev unexpectedly

was given a platform in the British mass media.

An interview with him was shown on one TV

channel, and London's The Times published a

number of statements by the "number one

terrorist" in which he announced that the

Chechen gunmen are planning new terrorist acts

on the scale of Beslan.

Moreover, the separatist leaders are already

stating that they "intend to seek independence

for all the North Caucasus republics, not only for

Ichkeria," since Moscow can no longer cope with

the "role of so-called controller" in the region.

Meanwhile yesterday Interfax's sources within

Abkhazia's security structures told the agency

that Shamil Basayev was fatally wounded in the

latter half of January in a "spat" with foreign

mercenaries and was buried in Chechnya's

Gudermesskiy Rayon. Also yesterday the General

Prosecutor's Office Administration in the North

Caucasus charged Maskhadov and Basayev with

organizing several terrorist acts, including the

hostage-taking in Beslan.

US TV Companies Eager To Cooperate

With Chechen Rebel Agencies



[Text] 4 February: The US press has widely

covered the order of the president of the

Chechen Republic of Ichkeria [CRI], Aslan

Maskhadov, on the unilateral truce, a

representative of the assembly to defend the

independence of the CRI in the USA has said.

The interest in the struggle of the Chechen

people has sharply increased in the USA over the

past couple of days, the representative said.

Specifically, different American TV companies are

ready to cooperate with CRI news agencies.

The representative of the assembly said that

"contacts are being established and they will be

of great significance in creating an impartial view

of the Russo-Chechen war and in destroying the

stereotypes foisted on the West by the Kremlin's

propaganda".

Russian officer: no fighting since Chechen

rebel cease-fire call publicized

SERGEI VENYAVSKY

AP Worldstream - Feb 06, 2005

There has been no fighting between Chechen

rebels and Russian forces since a pro-rebel Web

site reported last week that top separatist

leaders had called for a unilateral cease-fire, an

officer at the Russian military headquarters in the

region that includes Chechnya said Sunday.

The officer at the North Caucasus Military

District, who spoke on condition of anonymity,

said no clashes with militants have been reported

in Chechnya since the purported cease-fire calls

by former Chechen President Aslan Maskhadov

and warlord Shamil Basayev were publicized.

A spokeswoman for Chechnya's Interior

Ministry, Diana Delmikhanova, also said there

had been no rebel attacks or land-mine blasts for

the past three days, although she said she did not

believe that was the result of the cease-fire

announcement.

A Web site linked to the rebels,


~ 23 ~

www.kavkazcenter.com, reported Wednesday

that Maskhadov, president of Chechnya during its

de-facto independence in the late 1990s, had

signed an order last month for all offensive

actions to be halted in February in Chechnya and

bordering areas as "a display of good will."

The site said Basayev ordered all rebels under his

command to halt attacks until Feb. 22 _ the day

before the anniversary of Stalin-era mass

deportation of Chechens to Central Asia. Feb. 23

is also the day Russians honor the nation's armed

forces.

Russian officials and authorities in Chechnya's

Moscow-backed government dismissed the calls

as a bluff or a publicity stunt. On Thursday, the

Interfax news agency quoted the deputy

commander in chief of the Russian Land Forces

as saying that he had just returned from

Chechnya and that rebel attacks were continuing.

But daily reports issued by Russia's headquarters

for the campaign against militants in Chechnya

and nearby regions, which it calls the

counterterrorist operation in the North

Caucasus, also appeared to indicate that no rebel

attacks have taken place in recent days.

The last three reports, issued to media Friday,

Saturday and Sunday, mention no attacks on

Russian servicemen in Chechnya. "Over the past

day, the situation on the territory of the

Chechen republic remained calm on the whole,"

Sunday's news release said.

The headquarters has claimed the statements

attributed to Maskhadov and Basayev were fake.

The Kremlin sent troops into Chechnya in 1994

in a bid to crush its separatist leadership, but

they withdrew after a devastating 20-month war

that left the southern Russian region with de

facto independence. Russian troops returned in

1999, and fighting has persisted almost daily

despite the establishment of the Moscow-backed

government.

Officials in Chechnya's government and Russian

President Vladimir Putin's Kremlin have said

there can be no negotiations with rebel leaders

over anything but their unconditional surrender,

rejecting overtures from Maskhadov and calls

from critics in Russia and abroad who have urged

peace talks.

Russian officials accuse Maskhadov of

involvement in organizing or inspiring most of the

terrorist attacks that have plagued the country in

the past few years, but they also say he has little

power over most of the militants in Chechnya.

Basayev has claimed responsibility for numerous

terrorist attacks.

Chechen rebel leader appoints negotiator

for peace talks with Moscow

AFP - 07 February 2005

MOSCOW: Chechen rebel leader Aslan

Maskhadov said he has named a top aide to

conduct peace negotiations with Moscow, but

the Kremlin dismissed the move, saying it refused

to deal with "terrorists."

Maskhadov, believed to be hiding out in

Chechnya's rugged southern mountains,

confirmed that he had ordered a temporary

truce in the war-torn breakaway republic until

February 22 as a "goodwill gesture" aimed at

Russian President Vladimir Putin.

"I hope for an adequate response. Because following my order for a temporary halt to all

offensive operations I ordered the formation of a

delegation to hold contacts with the Russian

side," Maskhadov told Russian daily Kommersant.

The guerrilla leader said he had chosen Umar

Khambiyev, a former health minister in

Maskhadov's separatist administration who is

now living in exile, to lead the peace effort in a

bid to end the more than five-year conflict.

"If reason triumphs among our Kremlin

opponents, we can end this war at the

negotiating table. If not, then most likely blood

will be spilled for a long time to come but we will

not be morally responsible for the continuation

of this madness," said Maskhadov.

However, a senior presidential official said that

the Kremlin had not changed its policy of refusing

to negotiate with Maskhadov.

"These are not people with whom we can hold

talks. Maskhadov does not control the situation

and more importantly, he's a terrorist. No

country in the world is willing to deal with

terrorists," Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov

told AFP.

Maskhadov was elected as president of Chechnya

in 1997 in elections recognized by Moscow after

it sued for peace to end a disastrous 1994-96

war, although Russia has since branded him a

terrorist.

Once seen as a moderate figure, the former

Soviet artillery officer's influence has waned as

radicals led by warlord Shamil Basayev and linked

to al-Qaeda have staged a series of deadly attacks

on Russians civilians.


~ 24 ~

More than five years after pouring in troops in

October 1999 to restore control in Chechnya,

Russia remains bogged down in a bloody guerrilla

war despite setting up a pro-Moscow local

administration.

After a spate of major clashes in three

neighboring republics in the past month, analysts

suggested the Chechen rebels appeared to be

responding to a secret peace initiative from the

Kremlin, anxious about the conflict enflaming the

Caucasus.

Pro-Moscow Chechen leaders, who control

lucrative reconstruction funds allocated for the

war-shattered republic, also dismissed the talks

offer.

"Our stand is unwavering, there will be no

political contacts with Maskhadov and his circle,"

the Chechen state council chief, Taus Dzhabrailov, told the Interfax news agency.

The official Russian death toll from the war

stands at over 4,700 soldiers though independent

observers claim the true toll may be three times

higher.

The rebels are believed to have suffered large

losses as well and now operate in small gangs

through tough terrain they know well while

reverting primarily to mine warfare and hit-and-

run strikes.

Their single biggest recent attack came in the

southern Russian town of Beslan where more

than 340 people -- half of them children -- died in

a September school hostage raid masterminded

by Basayev.

In a chilling British television interview broadcast

last week sparking angry Russian protests,

Basayev warned of future attacks on Russian

targets like Beslan.

Chechen rebel leader praises truce

By SERGEI VENYAVSKY

2/7/2005

ROSTOV-ON-DON, Russia (AP) — A Chechen

rebel leader told a Russian newspaper that a

unilateral cease-fire he announced should help

lead to peace talks with the Kremlin, and an

official said Monday the truce had been holding

since the start of February.

Last week, a rebel Web site carried statements

by former Chechen President Aslan Maskhadov

and warlord Shamil Basayev ordering a halt to all

offensive actions in February in Chechnya and

bordering areas as "a display of good will."

Maskhadov, who was president of Chechnya

during its de-facto independence in the late

1990s, said in an interview published Monday that

he hoped for an "adequate reaction" from the

Russian authorities. He added that he had named

a spokesman abroad, Umar Khambiyev, to head a

delegation for talks with Moscow.

"If our Kremlin opponents display sober reason,

the war will end at the negotiating table,"

Maskhadov told the business daily Kommersant.

"If not, bloodshed will likely continue for a long

time, but we will surrender moral responsibility

for continuing this madness."

Liliya Tengiyeva, a spokeswoman for Chechnya's

Interior Ministry, said rebels appeared to be

observing the cease-fire.

"During the last week, there have been no

serious attacks, raids or terror attacks on the territory of the republic," Tengiyeva said in a

telephone interview. "I wouldn't categorically say

that these are the consequences of the

moratorium, because such a lull is typical for the

winter. Maybe it's just a coincidence but maybe

not."

Federal officials have dismissed the calls as a bluff

or publicity stunt, but daily reports issued by

Russia's headquarters for the campaign against

militants in Chechnya and nearby regions also

appeared to indicate no rebel attacks had taken

place in recent days.

In the newspaper interview, Maskhadov again

sought to distance himself from Basayev, who has

claimed responsibility for numerous attacks,

including the September school hostage-taking in

which more than 330 people were killed. He said

he would try to prevent Basayev from carrying

out new attacks against civilians, and he repeated

his position that Basayev should face an

international tribunal.

"If Basayev obeyed my cease-fire order, I should

think that I have succeeded in averting many

terror attacks," he told Kommersant.

The rebel Web site had said Basayev ordered all

rebels under his command to halt attacks until

Feb. 22 — the day before the anniversary of

Stalin-era mass deportation of Chechens to

Central Asia. Feb. 23 is also the day Russians

honor the nation's armed forces.

Some Russian media speculated that Maskhadov's

cease-fire call was tied to the alleged abduction

of his relatives by the Chechen presidential

security service. Representatives of the Memorial

human rights center said Monday that one relative who was abducted, Movladi Aguyev, was


~ 25 ~

found in the custody of federal forces in

Chechnya.

Memorial also said some 1,000 civilians had

disappeared in Chechnya in the past five years —

during the second war — after being detained. It

registered 396 abductions in Chechnya in 2004,

including those of 24 people who were later

found dead with signs of torture and a violent

death, and 495 abductions — including 52 whose

bodies were found — the previous year.

Abductions are a major problem in Chechnya,

with civilians and rights groups blaming rebels

and pro-Russian Chechen law enforcement as

well as Russian forces who detain men in daily

security sweeps.

President Vladimir Putin has rejected calls from

abroad for peace talks, saying the rebels are

international terrorists who must be eliminated. Alu Alkhanov, Chechnya's Moscow-backed

president also ruled out any talks with

Maskhadov.




that left the southern Russian region de facto

independent. Russian forces returned in 1999

following a rebel incursion into a neighboring

province and apartment building explosions

blamed on rebels.

Radio Commentary Criticizes Kremlin's

Refusal To Talk to Chechen Rebels

Moscow Informatsionnoye Agentstvo Ekho

Moskvy in Russian 1511 GMT 07 Feb 05

[Commentary by radio observer Sergey

Buntman]

[Text] [No dateline, as received] What is the

Russian leadership afraid of? Why is it ignoring


explicit statement on a unilateral ceasefire and

the creation of a contact group [for talks with

the federal center]?

It is clear why United Russia is hiding its head in

the sand and keeps repeating that it will not

discuss anything with "a child murderer"...

[Ellipsis as received] This party - if you could call

it that - will not say a word without having been

instructed to do so. It is also clear why

[presidential envoy to the Southern Federal

District Dmitriy] Kozak refuses to comment

even on the fact of Maskhadov's appeal. A

segment of the vertical structure of power

cannot have opinions of its own.

It is also clear why the [pro-Moscow] Chechen

leadership, [President Alu] Alkhanov and [Deputy

Prime Minister Ramzan] Kadyrov, have offered

their reaction, albeit a standard one: Maskhadov,

surrender! They, although being part of the

vertical structure of power too, are authorized

to do that within the framework of the process

of "Chechenization" of the smouldering war.

All that is clear. What is not clear is what those

who are supposed to hold all the strings to the

North Caucasus settlement in their hands, and to

look strong and independent, are afraid of.

However, leaving out the "child murderer"

formula - Maskhadov's involvement with

horrendous terrorist attacks has been declared

by Moscow but has not been verified and he

himself, unlike Basayev, categorically denies his

involvement - so, leaving out any formulas, the

Kremlin and the president [Vladimir Putin] do

have something to be afraid of. Moscow has

painted itself into a corner by choosing a single model for a peace settlement for Chechnya -

through its appointed man and the Kadyrov clan.

Moscow has robbed itself of an opportunity to

reach the open ground of alternative solutions.

Were they to try and take Maskhadov at his

word, try to check whether his proposals and

offer of a ceasefire are empty words or not, the

Kremlin's shaky North Caucasus construction

would collapse. The president, and he must be

perfectly aware of this, has neither the strength

nor the opportunity to escape from under the

debris of the juggernaut he has created with his

own hands.

We have seen in Ukraine what driving oneself

into a corner can lead to. As it turned out, it is

not Moscow that decides things there. It also

turned out that one can back off, smile and

accept the new situation. The price of this

obstinacy is a loss of face and scratches on one's

prestige. Moscow's obstinacy as regards

Chechnya has a far higher price - yes, the price is

our children's lives.

Ramzan Kadyrov invites Maskhadov to lay

down arms

MOSCOW, February 7, 2005 (Itar-Tass) --

Chechnya’s first deputy prime minister, Ramzan

Kadyrov has formally invited separatist leader

Aslan Maskhadov to lay down arms and give

himself up to the authorities.

“In the current situation this is the sole possible

gesture of goodwill Maskhadov has talked about

so much,” Kadyrov told Tass in the wake of

media reports the former leader of the Ichkerian

regime has declared unilateral truce till the end

of February.


~ 26 ~

“What goodwill can one talk about after so many

civilians, including children and women, have died

as a result of terrorist attacks and acts of

sabotage in Grozny, Beslan and Moscow? On the

other hand, if what Maskhadov is saying is true

and he does not control those who commit

terrorist attacks, what negotiations can be

conducted with a person who does not decide

anything?” Kadyrov said. “The question arises

who will obey his orders. Maskhadov himself

recognizes that the most notorious field

commanders, including Basayev, are not

subordinate to him.”

Kadyrov believes that Maskhadov’s sudden

confessions he does not control Basayev and

other bandits testify to his intention to shirk

responsibility for committed crimes, including

those in Beslan and Ingushetia.

“The sole act of goodwill Maskhadov should take now is to lay down arms and to set an example

for others. Only by doing so he will be able to

prove that peace for the long-suffering land of

Chechnya is not empty talk for him. In the

meantime his current truce rhetoric benefits the

separatist leaders who seek to draw the world’s

attention again, and to use the pause to plan

more terrorist attacks and murders,” Kadyrov

said. In his opinion Chechnya’s law enforcement

agencies have been doing a good job and their

grip on Maskhadov and Basayev is ever tighter.

Surrender is only solution for rebel leader

Maskhadov - Chechen deputy PM


07, 2005

Text of report by Russian news agency ITAR-

TASS

Moscow, 7 February: First Deputy Chechen

Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov today officially

called for the former leader of Ichkeria, Aslan

Maskhadov, to lay down his weapons and hand

himself in. "Recently Maskhadov has so often

talked about acts of good faith and in his situation

this is the only possible act of this kind," Kadyrov

said when asked by ITAR-TASS to comment on

the statement of the former leader of Ichkeria

published in the press announcing "a unilateral

cease-fire until the end of February".

"How can one speak of good faith when children,

women and civilians have died in terrorist attacks

and acts of sabotage in Groznyy, Beslan and

Moscow? On the other hand, if Maskhadov says

that he does not control the people who carry

out terrorist attacks, then there can be no

question of holding talks with a man who has no

real influence," Kadyrov said. "The question arises of who will carry out this [cease-fire]

order, if Maskhadov himself admits that the most

odious field commanders, including [Shamil]

Basayev, are not under his command and are not

part of the so-called armed forces of Ichkeria."

"The fact that Maskhadov has suddenly started to

admit that he does not control Basayev and the

other bandits shows his desire to avoid personal

responsibility for the crimes that have been

committed, including those in Beslan and

Ingushetia," Kadyrov continued. "The only act of

good faith that Maskhadov must perform now is

to lay down his arms himself and act as an

example for others. This is the only way he can

prove that the words peace for the long-suffering

territory of Chechnya have any meaning for him."

"All the current talk about cease-fires is actually

only for the benefit of the leaders of the fighters,

who, first, are trying to get the world's attention

and second, using this as a breathing-space to prepare for new terrorist attacks and murders,"

Kadyrov noted.

According to him "the effective work of

Chechnya's law-enforcement structures is

yielding results and the net is tightening around

Maskhadov and Basayev".

Source: ITAR-TASS news agency, Moscow, in

Russian 0956 gmt 7 Feb 05

Chechen President Says Rebel Leader

Maskhadov Has No Real Power

Moscow NTV Mir in Russian 1300 GMT 07 Feb

05

[From "Segodnya"]

[Excerpt] [Aleksey Sukhanov, announcer] In

response to [Chechen rebel leader Aslan]

Maskhadov's interview to the Kommersant

newspaper, in which Maskhadov spoke about a

unilateral suspension of hostilities until the end of

February and the intention to hand Basayev over

to an international tribunal, the Chechen

leadership called on Aslan Maskhadov to turn

himself in.

[Passage omitted: Chechen president Alkhanov

doesn't believe Maskhadov]

[Ramzan Kadyrov, first deputy chairman of the

Chechen government] They all have been pushed

into a corner, therefore he has no scope for this.

That's why all the actions have stopped. But

there is not a single commander who would

carry out his [Maskhadov's] orders. Why did he

not say something in Beslan? If he is president

and commander-in-chief, why did he allow Beslan

to happen? Why are there explosions, why are children being killed everywhere?


~ 27 ~

[Announcer] Moscow's reaction is similar. The

Kremlin, though, has not commented on

Maskhadov's statement but the Federation

Council touched upon this topic. At a meeting

with foreign military attaches, head of defense

committee Viktor Ozerov said that Maskhadov's

words about a cease-fire is but a part of

information war.

Chechnya: Cease-Fire Holding, But Little

Chance Of Negotiations Seen

By Valentinas Mite

A unilateral cease-fire called by Chechen

separatist leaders appears to be holding -- giving

some the impression there may be an opening in

the Chechen crisis. The cease-fire was called by

Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov and

warlord Shamil Basaev as a goodwill gesture to

encourage the Russians to engage in talks over the feature of the republic. Chechnya's Russian-

backed government has dismissed the move as a

publicity stunt, and observers say that with

memories of September's tragic Beslan school

siege still fresh, the Russians are not likely to

rush to the negotiating table.

Prague, 7 February 2005 (RFE/RL) -- Chechen

rebels seem to be observing a cease-fire in the

republic that was announced on 2 February to

last until 22 February.

The pro-Russian Chechen administration and

Russian military say there has been no major

fighting between Chechen rebels and Russian

forces since last week.

The Kremlin has issued no public response, but

pro-Russian Chechen President Alu Alkhanov

said on 5 February that if Maskhadov and Basaev

really want to stop terror they should turn

themselves in to police and surrender.

In an interview published by the Russian

newspaper "Kommersant-Daily" today,

Maskhadov said he is hoping for a response from

the Russian government. The separatist leader

has named a spokesman, Umar Khambiev, to

head the delegation for talks with the Kremlin.

Khambiev told RFE/RL he believes it's in the

Kremlin's best interest to start negotiations.

"We have showed and we continue to show that

we are ready for negotiations. We are different

from the people they portray us to be. We are

ready for negotiations even today and solving all

contentious questions. Otherwise this war will

not end in the way Russia wants and it is

dangerous for Russia itself," Khambiev said.

Khambiev said if the bid to start talks fails,

Chechen militants are ready to continue fighting.

He said his group is not fixated on establishing an

"independent" Chechnya, but that the main aim

of the resistance is to get guarantees for the

existence of the Chechen nation.

"It is up to negotiators to find these guarantees. If

the [negotiators] don't want to call it

'independence,' we fill find a different formula for

that. All these questions might be resolved

through negotiations. Our president says and not

without reason that 30 minutes would be enough

to talk with the president of the Russian

Federation and end this war," Khambiev said.

Khambiev said persistent rumors about Basaev's

death are not true and are part of what he called

a "Russian disinformation campaign."

"In his interview [with 'Kommersant-Daily'], President Aslan Maskhadov said that it is the

sixth time when Basaev was reportedly killed. It

means Maskhadov denied the rumors and chose

not to answer the question," Khambiev said.

Basaev has claimed responsibility for many

terrorist attacks carried out in Russia in recent

years, including last September's Beslan hostage

siege in which more than 320 people were killed.

Maskhadov condemned the Beslan siege, and has

said Basaev should face trial for his role in the

hostage taking.

Khambiev downplayed any disagreement

between Maskhadov and Basaev. "There are no

special disagreements except pointed out by the

president [Maskhadov] himself [in his interview].

He said he could not accept the means used by

Basaev, and first of all he is concerned about

actions against the peaceful Russian civilians,"

Khambiev said.

Khambiev said for this reason Maskhadov is the

best partner for the Kremlin. He said the cease-

fire indicates Maskhadov is in complete control

of the Chechen resistance.

Kirill Koktysh of the Moscow Institute of

International Relations, however, said that in his

opinion it is impossible to imagine that

Maskhadov controls all of the militant groups in

Chechnya. "He might control some militants, but

the problem is that he is one of many

[commanders]," Koktysh said. "On the whole,

Chechnya is now in [an impossible situation]

where everyone is fighting everyone else. Very

big numbers of groups, clans, and [families] are

fighting one another."

Koktysh claimed the amount of military activity in Chechnya depends more on money coming in


~ 28 ~

from abroad to support the militants than on

what Maskhadov says.

(RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service contributed to

this report)

BASAYEV KILLED, MASKHADOV

PEACEFUL - TOO GOOD TO BE TRUE

MOSCOW, February 7, 2005 (RIA Novosti's

writer Pyotr Romanov). On Monday,

Kommersant, a Moscow business daily, published

an interview with former Chechen leader Aslan

Maskhadov. In this interview, Maskhadov is

quoted as saying that on February 1 he had

ordered his men to suspend fighting.

This is really good news, because, even if

Maskhadov controls a dozen men, there is a

chance these few will stop killing for some time.

Another piece of good news had come from

Chechnya several days before, suggesting that

Shamil Basayev, the terrorist, was killed. What

killed him - his old wounds or new ones,

Russians in an ambush or his own cronies by

accident - is of little importance. Off with him,

anyway.

The only thing worries me is that all this is too

good to be true. No matter how hard we try to

believe it, the whole thing seems yet another

publicity project Movladi Udugov, the insurgent

spin-doctor, is so good at. Unfortunately, Mr.

Maskhadov had declared a ceasefire as many

times before as there had been rumors about

Basayev's death or about a split-up between the

two warlords. Some time later a videotape would

turn up in a cache, showing the two cheerfully

planning another attack on a Russian site.

According to Kommersant, Maskhadov pledged

to have all men accused of crimes against

humanity, including Mr. Basayev suspected of the

Moscow theater siege in 2002 and Beslan attack

in 2004, before the International Tribunal after

the war. This is also good news, though it is yet

unclear whether the same applies to Mr.

Maskhadov's own case recently filed by the

Russian General Prosecutor's Office. Of course

Maskhadov is no match to Basayev in terms of

criminal records, but he also has skeletons in the

cupboard.

The list of accusations starts from Ichkerian

(Ichkeria is the self-made name for independent

Chechnya - Ed.) prosecutors, not even Russian

ones. The federal forces once seized the

Maskhadov file, and this author was one of those

who scrutinized it page by page. These pages tell

interesting stories about former president's uncontrollable personal accounts where state

money ended up en masse, including the money

Moscow had sent to Chechnya to pay pensions;

about trains going through Grozny, looted during

what they called the "independence" of

Chechnya; of reckless and persistent thievery of

the president's personal guard, and many, many

other things, not least mysterious disappearances

of people in the basements of the so-called

"security service" that reported directly to the

president.

"It is up to the Almighty to decide, and the

Almighty is mighty kind," Mr. Maskhadov used to

say. He might be confident enough about a future

interview with the Almighty, but the prosecutor

should come first - and for long. If Maskhadov is

aware of that, there is hardly any chance that he

will ever surrender or arrange a ceasefire. With a

little help from the Almighty, perhaps...

Dagestani Mujahideen waiting for President Maskhadov's order

Kavkaz Center

2005-02-08 00:58:49

Kavkaz Center's editors received a statement

issued by the Shariah Unit of Dagestani

Resistance Forces (Mujahideen). The statement

says:

In the name of God, Most Compassionate, Most

Gracious. Peace and blessing be to Commander

of All Mujahideen Prophet Muhammad, to his

family, to his disciples and to all of those who

followed them in the Jihad until the Day of

Judgment.

Due to the information that was being spread

through Dagestani (pro-Russian) mass media,

claiming that Dagestani Mujahideen (Resistance

Fighters) did not suspend their war operations

on the territory of the Republic of Dagestan,

which allegedly is a violation of the order of

Commander-In-Chief, President Maskhadov, on

unilateral suspension of offensive war operations

on the territories of Chechnya and Russia, The

Shariah, the Congress of Islamic War Council

(Jamaat) of Dagestan hereby clarifies:

The order mentions the unilateral suspension of

offensive war operations only on the territories

of Chechnya and Russia. No order was received

about suspension of any war operations on the

territory of Dagestan.

Therefore, The Shariah War Council will

continue carrying out its combat operations in

accordance with the ratified plan until the next

appropriate order comes from Commander-In-

Chief, President Maskhadov.

Meanwhile the sources of Russian invaders


~ 29 ~

reported that combat clashes were going on

throughout the whole day last Saturday on the

outskirts of the city of Makhachkala (capital of

Dagestan) in the vicinity of Mount Tarki-Tau. No

details of the battle were reported, except for

one commando of Russian special forces being

killed and several wounded. No information has

been available about casualties among Dagestani

Armed Forces, against whom the military

operation was allegedly being conducted.

The combats stopped in the vicinity of Tarki-Tau

by Saturday evening. Sources of the Russian

invaders reported that the operation against

Dagestani Armed Forces was accomplished, but

the armed unit of Dagestanis somehow managed

to escape. (Allegedly, Mr. Muslim Makasharipov

was spotted in that unit).

Chechen Rebel Leader Calls On West To

Help End War

MOSCOW, Feb 8, 2005 (AFP) -- Chechen rebel

leader Aslan Maskhadov called Tuesday [8

February] on the West to mediate an end to his

Muslim republic's war against Russia even as the

separatists' top warlord vowed unstinting

resistance, in a clear split in the rebel command.

The Kavkazcenter Internet site released a

statement by the ousted Chechen president

urging peace. But it also broadcast a video it said

was of Russia's enemy number one Shamil

Basayev proclaiming an endless campaign.

Pro-Moscow Chechen leaders said the odd

exchange was a farce and once again offered

Maskhadov a chance to give up while dismissing

negotiations.

The conflicting rebel statements reflected

infighting within the Chechen resistance and a

struggle over strategy in a conflict that has

spanned more than a decade of on and off

warfare claiming tens of thousands of lives.

Maskhadov said in his statement that he

"confirms a commitment to civilized methods of

resolving difficult political questions."

The Chechen rebel leadership was "willing to

demonstrate its desire for peace and calls on the

United Nations, the European Union, the Council

of Europe and the democratic governments of

Europe and the United States to change their

stance" and help end the war, he said.

Rebels offered a ceasefire last Wednesday and

only one pro-Russian Chechen policeman has

been confirmed killed since then in a rare quiet

spell in the war.

But Moscow-linked leaders of Chechnya and

Kremlin officials have dismissed Maskhadov's calls

for talks while President Vladimir Putin -- the

latest war's architect -- has refused to comment

on the peace offers after proclaiming the war

over and won on repeated occasions.

"We cannot talk about negotiations with those

who are involved in bloody deeds," pro-Moscow

Chechen leader Alu Alkhanov was quoted as

saying by Interfax.

Analysts said the call appeared futile because the

West feared straining ties with Moscow over

Chechnya and guerrillas allegedly tied to the Al-

Qa'ida terror network.

The Chechens "have nothing to gain in the West,

which would prefer not to freeze ties with

Putin," said political analyst Andrei Piontkovsky.

Only one official round of peace negotiations was

held during the second war launched in October

1999. It ended with Moscow demanding

unconditional surrender. The Kremlin has since

insisted it will hold no further talks with

"terrorists."

Russia received a stark reminder of the relentless

unrest in its Caucasus region with Basayev's

reappearance on the Internet.

The warlord slammed a knife into his artificial

right leg several times in Kavkazcenter footage,

dated Sunday, as he vowed that his followers

would keep on fighting the Russians even after

his death.

"I do not understand how the stronger side, and

the Chechen side is the stronger side, can simply

end a war," said the thickly-bearded Basayev,

dressed in a camouflaged army outfit.

Russian media has been filled with a new round

of reports about the possible death of Basayev,

the man who masterminded the Beslan school

hostage siege that left more than 340 people --

half of them children -- dead in September.

But Basayev reappeared to announce that rebels

would pursue their resistance even if he were

dead.

"I would also like to address the Chechen people:

should they kill me, if Doku (Umarov) is killed,

Maskhadov is killed, we are killed all together, or

we die on our own, for we must all die at one

point, the jihad will not stop there."

Meanwhile Russia's self-exiled tycoon Boris

Berezovskiy, once a pointman on Chechnya, added another startling note in the debate over


~ 30 ~

the ongoing war, saying he believed the

Chechens had access to nuclear weapons.

Berezovskiy told Moscow Echo radio that rebels

had offered to sell him a "portable" nuclear bomb

two and a half years ago and that he alerted the

US embassy in London, but the case was

dropped.

The Russian foreign ministry issued an angry

statement after his comments, accusing the

billionaire of trying to spawn panic.

Chechen rebels in peace plea to Kremlin

By Neil Buckley in Moscow

Financial Times

Published: February 8 2005 02:00 | Last updated:

February 8 2005 02:00

Aslan Maskhadov, the Chechen rebel leader,

yesterday urged the Kremlin to start peace talks, days after he announced a ceasefire by rebel

forces.

His comments were published as rumours

continued to circulate about the death of Shamil

Basayev, the radical separatist who masterminded

last year's siege at a school in Beslan in which

more than 330 people died.

Late on Sunday, Russia's state-owned Channel 1

featured the rumours prominently in its main

evening news programme. Sources in the

Caucasus said last week that Mr Basayev had died

from a kidney problem or complications linked

to the amputation of his foot after he stepped on

a mine in 2000, or possibly in a dispute over

money with his own men.

Russia has always refused to negotiate with Mr

Maskhadov, who dissociates himself from Mr

Basayev, accusing him of being involved in attacks

on civilians and expressing doubt over the extent

of his control over rebel forces.

However, if the ceasefire holds until February 22,

the deadline set by Mr Maskhadov, that could put

pressure on Russia, which some analysts think is

also seeking a way to end the 10-year-old

conflict, to respond.

Chechen interior ministry officials said yesterday

there had been no serious rebel attacks or raids

since February 1.

Mr Maskhadov told Kommersant newspaper he

had offered the ceasefire not as a signal of his

strength but as a "goodwill gesture" aimed at

Vladimir Putin, the Russian president.

"If sober reason prevails among our opponents in the Kremlin, then we can finish this war at the

negotiating table," Mr Maskhadov said. "If not,

most likely blood will flow for a long time, but

we will not carry the moral responsibility for the

continuation of this madness."

Mr Maskhadov played down the rumours of Mr

Basayev's death, saying this was already the fifth

or sixth time in six years he had been reported

dead.

The Kremlin immediately dismissed Mr

Maskhadov as a terrorist and said it had not

changed its policy of refusing to negotiate with

him. The pro-Moscow Chechen administration

also said there would be no talks.

Chechen President Suggests Subordinating

Security Structures to Local Command

Moscow Gazeta in Russian 08 Feb 05 pp 4-5

[Report by Vladimir Barinov: "Basayev in Exchange for Negotiations"]

[Excerpt] There will be no talks with Aslan

Maskhadov. That is the Chechen leaders'

response to the rebel leaders' proposal to sit

down at the conference table made in an

interview published yesterday in the Kommersant

newspaper. In the interview the "president of

Ichkeria" called the unilateral truce he has

allegedly declared a "goodwill gesture" and for

the first time voiced a readiness to hand Shamil

Basayev and other bandit ringleaders involved in

crimes against humanity over to an international

tribunal. Nonetheless, the Russian siloviki do not

believe Maskhadov, seeing his statements as an

attempt to make his presence felt in the

international arena and to gain a respite in

fighting the federal forces. Meanwhile Chechen

President Alu Alkhanov has come out with the

initiative to transfer the operational leadership of

the security structures in the republic to the

control of the local siloviki. [passage omitted]

Against this background Alu Alkhanov's

statement regarding a possible change to the

system for controlling security structures in

Chechnya looks rather curious. In the opinion of

the republic's president, at present "there is no

need for the multi-level system of leadership of

forces and facilities." Alkhanov believes that the

leaders of the local MVD [Internal Affairs

Ministry], FSB [Federal Security Service], military

commandant's office, and prosecutor's office

should be answerable for everything taking place

in the republic. Thus, he speaks almost outright

of the expediency of transferring leadership of

the fight against the militants away from federal

structures (the Regional Operations

Headquarters for the Control of the

Counterterrorist Operation in the North Caucasus) to local structures. Alu Alkhanov's


~ 31 ~

assistant Muslim Khuchiyev explained to Gazeta

that so far this proposal is the personal opinion

of the Chechen president. It is based on a desire

to remove "a certain vagueness" in the struggle

against the terrorists and to enhance

responsibility for what is happening with regard

to certain officials in the leadership of the

republic's law enforcement agencies. The

Chechen administration believes that substantial

successes have been achieved recently in the fight

against the bandit underground, and the militants

can no longer carry out wide-scale sorties and

the Chechen police (there are about 15,000 of

them -- Gazeta) can perfectly well deal with them

themselves. All the federal forces deployed

permanently in Chechnya should be operationally

subordinate to the republican authorities, the

republic's leadership believes.

Gazeta's sources in the federal forces' security

structures note that Alu Alkhanov's proposal is not new. Not long before his death in May last

year Akhmat Kadyrov came out with a similar

initiative. The special services officers note that

the scenario of handing control to the local

authorities is possible if only as an experiment.

However, so far all these proposals are only

being debated and no specific decisions have

been made. Perhaps this is connected to the fact

that the professionals are insisting on improving

the Chechen police's professional standard and

on training new, qualified personnel. As of now

the changes have affected only the commandants'

offices in Chechnya -- they have been transferred

from Defense Ministry subdivisions to the

control of MVD Internal Troops units.

Chechen rebel leader calls for peace talks

ISN SECURITY WATCH (08/02/05) - Chechen

rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov has followed up

last week's unilateral ceasefire declaration by

calling on Moscow to engage in peace talks and

asking the international community to play a role

in settling the conflict in Chechnya. Russian

officials and Chechnya commentators have called

the move a propaganda stunt to garner Western

sympathies, which plunged after a rebel hostage-

taking raid on a crowded school in the southern

Russian republic of North Ossetia in September.

Observers also suggested that the call for peace

talks with Moscow was an attempt to win the

rebels some time to recuperate in the difficult

winter period.

Moscow-backed Chechen president Alu

Alkhanov responded to the rebel appeal on

Tuesday by calling for Maskhadov to surrender.

Other senior Chechen officials argued that the

rebels could no longer sustain intensive guerilla

warfare and were acting from a position of weakness rather than good will. The Russian

media quoted Chechnya analysts on Tuesday as

saying that nothing in the conflict had changed

over the past months to bring the two sides

closer to the idea of a political settlement.

Also on Tuesday, the rebel website posted a

video statement by Chechen warlord Shamil

Basaev, in which he denied rumors about his

death that had been circulating in the Russian

press over the past week. He also pledged

respect for Maskhadov's truce.

In an interview published by the respected

Kommersant daily on Monday, Maskhadov vowed

to hand Basaev over to an international tribunal

to be tried for terrorist attacks claimed by the

warlord, but only after the conflict ended.

Maskhadov, elected president of independent

Chechnya in the late 1990s, has regularly

denounced Basaev’s violent methods. Basaev has

consistently threatened Russia with new major terrorist attacks. Maskhadov said in the interview

that if the Kremlin rejected his offer for peace

talks, the bloodshed would continue, but the

rebels could no longer be held morally

responsible for that.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has rejected any

possibility of holding talks with the rebels since

their hostage-taking raid on a Moscow theater in

October 2002, arguing that the rebels were

international terrorists who must be eliminated,

and that Maskhadov - the most likely negotiating

partner for the rebels - had no control over the

warlords.

In related news, exiled Russian tycoon and one-

time powerful political player Boris Berezovsky

told the Russian daily Komsolskaya Pravda that

the Chechen rebels had obtained a portable

nuclear device. The Russian Foreign Ministry

dismissed the claim in an official statement on

Tuesday. (By Nabi Abdullaev in Moscow)

Chechen President Calls on Maskhadov To

Acknowledge Guilt

Report by Yevgeny Sobetsky

GROZNY, February 8, 2005 (Itar-Tass) -

Chechen President Alu Alkhanov has commented

on "an initiative" put forward by Chechen

warlord Aslan Maskhadov who suggested a

unilateral ceasefire in Chechnya.

Maskhadov should rather acknowledge his guilt

to the Chechen people for innocent victims, grief

and sorrow that he brought to Chechnya in the

past years and the harm Maskhadov is doing to

Chechnya at present, rather than suggest peace

initiatives, the Chechen president said.

The Russian Prosecutor's Office always keeps its


~ 32 ~

doors open to Maskhadov and his accomplices if

they have a wish to repent their deeds, Alkhanov

said. "Let him come and say if he has anything to

tell about that, " Alkhanov said.

"Maskhadov had a real possibility to prevent a

second Chechen war if he had condemned

Basayev for invasion into Dagestan. However,

Maskhadov never did that, and at present, all his

initiatives are taken merely as his wish to make

the world remember him," Alkhanov noted.

Alkhanov does not rule out that bandit

formations might stage subversive and terrorist

acts before and after February 22. Nonetheless,

the Chechen president dismissed possible

terrorist acts as an attempt "to bite", rather than

change the real situation.

"The bandits have neither strength nor means to

plunge Chechnya into a turmoil of a new war, while we have enough power so as to bring the

positive transformations in Chechnya to a logical

end," Alkhanov said.

Preventive security checks have been held in

Chechnya at present with the aim to frustrate

warlords' plans to stage new serious terrorist

acts in Chechnya, Alkhanov said.

Russian Politicians Against Talks With

Chechen Leader Maskhadov

Moscow ITAR-TASS in Russian 1058 GMT 08

Feb 05

[Excerpt] Moscow, 8 February: Rather than

putting forward peaceful initiatives, [Chechen

rebel leader] Aslan Maskhadov should ask the

Chechen people to forgive him for innocent

victims, and misery and suffering which he has

brought into the republic in the past years. This

is how, in today's interview with ITAR-TASS,

Chechen President Alu Alkhanov commented on

Maskhadov's initiative to announce a unilateral

cease-fire in the republic. [passage omitted:

repeat of previous reports]

He said Maskhadov had had a real opportunity

"to prevent the second Chechen war if he had

condemned [Chechen rebel commander Shamil]

Basayev for his raid on Dagestan. "The region's

leader [Maskhadov] did not want to do so, and

today all his initiatives can only be regarded as a

publicity stunt," Alkhanov said.

The Chechen president did not rule out the

possibility that both before and after 22 February

bandit groups will make attempts to stage

terrorist acts and acts of sabotage. "These will be

attempts to sting us but they cannot really

change the situation," he believes. The bandits have neither forces nor resources to "throw us

off the course the republic is now following and

plunge it into the abyss of a new war". "We,

conversely, have enough resources to carry out

positive reforms until the logical end," Alkhanov

said. He said that in the Chechen Interior

Ministry and other law-enforcement bodies

people are working in the knowledge that "they

are following the right path".

Alkhanov also said pre-emptive scheduled special

operations were now under way in the republic

to thwart attempts by leaders of bandit

formations to stage serious terrorist acts.

[At 1221 GMT ITAR-TASS quoted Duma MP

from Chechnya Akhmar Zavgayev as saying that

the former president of the so-called Ichkeria,

Aslan Maskhadov, "does not belong to himself"

and is totally dependent on international

terrorism and its operative in Chechnya, Shamil

Basayev.

At 1035 GMT RIA-Novosti reported that

Federation Council speaker Sergey Mironov is

categorically against talks with Chechen rebels. "I

was reminded of an old truth: beware Greeks

bearing gifts, as this is an attempt to lull

vigilance," he was quoted by RIA-Novosti as

saying. On the other hand, Mironov is not sure at

all that Maskhadov "really controls anything in

the Chechen Republic".]

State Duma Deputy Says Maskhadov

Depends on International Terrorism

By Sergei Ovsiyenko

MOSCOW, February 8, 2005 (Itar-Tass) -- Ex-

president of so-called Ichkeria Aslan Maskhadov

is not his own man, has not been such for a long

time. He fully depends on international terrorism

and its placeman in Chechnya, Shamil Basayev,

holds deputy of the State Duma from the

Chechen Republic, Akhmar Zavgayev.

"Maskhadov's statement about unilaterally ending

hostilities is nothing more than a propaganda

ploy in the information war launched by

provocateur Udugov", Zavgayev told Tass on

Tuesday.

Maskhadov had an opportunity to end the war

and bring the republic back to peaceful

construction, Zavgayev said. Nevertheless, it was

not without Maskhadov's part that Arab

mercenaries and Basayev started to train

terrorists and saboteurs in Chechnya in mid-90s.

The Ichkeria regime channelled children's

benefits and pensions of the aged for the training

of terrorists in camps.

"Maskhadov was late with peace proposals when Basayev launched war on Dagestan. In that way,


~ 33 ~

'Ichkeria' president showed once again that he

was not his own man", the deputy said.

He believes Maskhadov will hardly dare give

himself up to law enforcement bodies - so great

his guilt to the Chechen people is. "On the other

hand, Basayev and his accomplices will not allow

this, as they need a sort of fetish in their criminal

activities", the deputy said.

"The do-gooders in the West would like Russia

to get down to a negotiating table with

Maskhadov. But I have a lot of questions to ask

them in this connection, the main question being

if Maskhadov, dependent on international

terrorism, can control the situation in the

republic", Zavgayev said.

Chechen President Alu Alkhanov, in his turn, said

that Aslan Maskhadov should acknowledge his

guilt to the Chechen people, instead of advancing "peace initiatives". Alkhanov said, "The door to

the prosecutor's office and to any power

structure is always open to Maskhadov and his

accomplices if he wants to repent, to ask

forgiveness of the Chechen people". "If he has

anything to say in this respect, let him come and

say this", the Chechen president said.

Sides Differ on Sincerity of Chechen Rebel

Leader's Peace Offer



Still Seeking Reconciliation. But He Is Asked to

Surrender"]

[Text] Yesterday Russian and Chechen politicians

were commenting on the Aslan Maskhadov

interview published the day before in

Kommersant. All their comments came down to

the view that Aslan Maskhadov has to give

himself up and that he has nothing to negotiate

about, since there is nothing he can decide. Mr

Maskhadov himself, though, made another appeal

to Russia's leadership yesterday, declaring himself

ready for dialogue "without prior conditions."

The pretext for the Aslan Maskhadov interview

was his order to "the armed forces of Ichkeria"

to unilaterally halt combat actions on and outside

Chechen territory until the end of February. At

the same time the Ichkerian president once again

invited the Russian leadership to negotiate. The

Russian side's response was entirely predictable:

His opponents not only rejected the very

possibility of negotiations but also cast doubt on

the genuineness of Maskhadov's "peace" order.

Maskhadov spokespeople countered by claiming

that the order was real and that their president's

peace initiatives were absolutely sincere. They were still not believed.

As a result Mr Maskhadov reaffirmed in his

Kommersant interview that he really had signed

the order and was now hoping for an

"appropriate reaction" from the Russian side. In

addition, the "commander of the Ichekerian

armed forces" distanced himself clearly from

Shamil Basayev, condemning his actions and

promising to hand him over to the International

Tribunal on Crimes Against Humanity.

Official Russian leadership spokespeople

preferred not to notice yesterday's interview at

all. At least, there were no comments

forthcoming from them yesterday. There was

enthusiastic comment from Chechnya, by

contrast. "I think that he (Maskhadov --

Kommersant) has realized the hopelessness of

his position, so he is looking frantically for a way

out of the corner into which he has driven

himself," Kommersant's correspondent was told yesterday by Chechen State Council Chair Taus

Dzhabrailov. Mr Dzhabrailov suggested,

moreover, that by making such statements the

"president of Ichkeria" is preparing the ground

for a voluntary surrender. "At any rate, that

would be the most sensible way out for him," the

State Council chair believes. Chechen President

Alu Alkhanov expressed himself in the same vein:

"There is nothing to negotiate with the Chechen

separatists' leader about, and his promise to hand

Shamil Basayev over to a tribunal is one he

cannot keep, for the simple reason that he can

decide nothing and has no one under his

command."

Aslan Maskhadov's supporters, however, are

entirely optimistic. "We have not received any

proposals from the Russian side, but we are

hoping that it will happen," the Ichkerian

president's general representative Umar

Khambiyev stated to Kommersant yesterday. He

claims that the Maskhadov initiatives have already

sparked the interest of "influential European

politicians" who are thoroughly determined to

promote a resolution of the Chechen conflict.

"For the moment I cannot be any more specific

about this, but you will soon hear all about it,"

Mr Khambiyev promised. As far as Aslan

Maskhadov himself is concerned, he is still hoping

to find a common language with the federal

authorities. According to Mr Khambiyev, he has

already made another appeal to the Russian

leadership and the world community in which he

expresses readiness for political dialogue

"without prior conditions."

Russia Faces Chechen Cease-Fire Bid

Amid international pressure on the Kremlin to

end the fighting, two fugitive rebel leaders offer

to halt attacks and begin peace talks By Kim Murphy


~ 34 ~

Times Staff Writer

Los Angeles Times

February 8, 2005

MOSCOW — After years of war in the

separatist republic of Chechnya, Russia faces an

offer that politically is almost as difficult: an end

to the fighting.

Rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov confirmed

Monday that he had ordered a unilateral cease-

fire and appointed an emissary to attend peace

talks on the conflict, which has killed tens of

thousands of people since 1994.

Another rebel leader, Shamil Basayev, who has

claimed responsibility for the September assault

on a school in the southern Russia town of

Beslan that left 331 hostages dead, said last week

that he would observe the cease-fire.

The two announcements significantly upped the

ante for Russia, which faces growing international

pressure for a political solution to the war.

President Vladimir V. Putin has long refused to

negotiate with separatist leaders, and officials

Monday left no doubt that they would not take

Maskhadov up on his cease-fire offer.

"Maskhadov doesn't represent anyone but

himself, so there is nothing to discuss," said Yury

Sharandin, head of the constitutional legislation

committee in the Federation Council, the upper

house of parliament.

"The sole act of goodwill Maskhadov should take

now is to lay down arms and set an example to

others. Only by doing so will he be able to prove

that peace for the long-suffering land of

Chechnya is not empty talk for him," Chechnya's

deputy prime minister, Ramzan Kadyrov, told the

Itar-Tass news agency.

Moscow last week criticized British Channel 4's

broadcast of Basayev declaring he also was

"planning Beslan-type operations in the future."

Russia has offered a $10-million reward for the

two leaders' captures. Though Maskhadov has

condemned terror attacks in recent months and

threatened to put Basayev on trial, Russia has

held both responsible for suicide bombings and

other attacks against Russian civilians.

Russian television showed footage Monday of

Maskhadov that it said was aired by Al Jazeera

television two weeks after the Beslan siege in

which he spoke glowingly of a dead Saudi

believed to be Al Qaeda's envoy in Chechnya.

Maskhadov said there were "very many …

brothers from Arab countries" in Chechnya — an assertion that Russia considered proof of

Maskhadov's Al Qaeda connections.

Maskhadov, a former president of Chechnya, told

the newspaper Kommersant on Monday that he

had ordered his field commanders to observe a

cease-fire until Feb. 22. "It is a gesture of

goodwill. It's one more invitation to the other

side to sit down at the negotiating table," he said.

After Feb. 22, he added, "it's all in the hands of

God, and his mercy is boundless. If our Kremlin

opponents are reasonable, the war will end at

the negotiating table. If not, blood will continue

to be spilled for a long time yet, but we will

reject any moral responsibility for this continued

madness."

The date has significance for Russians and

Chechens. Russians observe Feb. 23 as the day

the Red Army was founded in 1918, and Armed

Services Day, formerly Red Army Day, is still a major holiday. In 1944, Chechens' deportation to

Kazakhstan began that day on the orders of Josef

Stalin, who accused them of collaborating with

the invading Nazis.

Across Russia, there has been growing

discomfort with the conflict and mounting

pressure to end it through negotiations.

The Soldiers' Mothers Committee, a rights group

formed by Russian mothers whose sons have

served in Chechnya, offered in October to meet

with Maskhadov's envoy in Europe, but the talks

never took place.

"Since Putin believes that his political career is

closely connected with the Chechen war, he

doesn't want to hear anything about the

termination of hostilities," said committee leader

Valentina Melnikova. "We finally figured out that

peaceful appeals fell on deaf ears on Putin's side,

so we had to address the other side, the field

commanders."

Also last fall, the Parliamentary Assn. of the

Council of Europe's political affairs committee

drafted a resolution saying Russia had failed to

distinguish between Chechen rebels advocating

political dialogue and those instigating attacks.

That approach is "one of the big errors of

Russian policy," the statement said.

"Without the moderate nationalists and

autonomists to be heard and listened to, only the

most violent and criminal elements with links to

international terrorism got a 'voice,' " the

resolution concluded. "In order to make peace,

one needs the 'other side.' "

Chechen President Alu Alkhanov, elected in August in a Kremlin-supervised vote, said the


~ 35 ~

European parliamentary body would participate

in talks March 3 with the Chechen government

and ex-ministers from Maskhadov's

administration.

Usman Ferzauli, Maskhadov's envoy in

Copenhagen, said the former ministers could not

negotiate.

"The so-called representatives of the Maskhadov

government in these discussions are in fact some

former Chechen legislators who … have been

recruited by the Kremlin to give this process an

air of some serious consultations," he said by

telephone. "Nothing can come of such

discussions."

Maskhadov Raises Stakes in Chechnya

By Nabi Abdullaev

Staff Writer

Moscow Times Tuesday, February 8, 2005. Issue 3101. Page 1

Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov on

Monday followed up his declaration of a cease-

fire with a call for the Kremlin to start peace

talks and for the international community to play

a part in settling the conflict. Nothing seems

likely to come from Maskhadov's appeals, but his

forces still stand to benefit from halting their

attacks.

The cease-fire allows his forces to rest and

regroup during the winter, when conditions are

most difficult. It also would allow the rebels to

restore a chain of command if radical warlord

Shamil Basayev is indeed dead, as security officials

in Abkhazia have claimed.

The pro-Moscow government in Chechnya has

rebuffed Maskhadov's call for peace talks, and the

Kremlin has so far remained silent. This, too,

plays into Maskhadov's hands, by allowing him to

take the lead in the international propaganda war.

Maskhadov was quoted in the Monday issue of

Kommersant as saying that the one-month truce,

which he announced early last Thursday and

which so far has appeared to be holding, should

ultimately lead to peace talks with the Kremlin.

"If not, the bloodshed will likely continue for a

long time, but we will surrender moral

responsibility for the continuation of this

madness," he said.

Maskhadov also vowed to hand over Basayev --

who has organized a series of terrorist attacks --

to an international tribunal if he and the Kremlin

negotiate an end to the conflict in Chechnya.

The Kavkaz Center web site posted a new statement by Maskhadov on Monday evening in

which he calls on Russia to stop the bloodshed,

saying the rebels are open for "real political

dialogue with the Kremlin without any

preliminary conditions."

He also called on the United States, United

Nations, Council of Europe and European Union

to "abandon the roles of extras and to get

actively involved in the plan that we are

proposing for settling the military and political

conflict between Russia and Ichkeria."

Maskhadov told the newspaper that he has

already appointed a team, headed by his ally

Umar Khambiyev, whom he described as his

"chief representative abroad," to negotiate with

the Kremlin.

The Kremlin has so far made no statement on

the unilateral cease-fire or appeal for peace talks.

The Russian leadership has repeatedly rejected Maskhadov's calls for peace talks in the past,

casting doubt on how much real control he

wields over Basayev and other rebel

commanders.

A spokeswoman for the presidential

administration, who refused to give her name,

said late Monday that although Putin has not

made any public mention of Maskhadov's

proposal, this does not mean that it is not being

discussed in the Kremlin.

The only response from federal authorities so far

has been an announcement last Thursday by the

Prosecutor General's Office that Maskhadov was

being charged with complicity in organizing the

hostage-taking raid on the Beslan school on Sept.

1. More than 330 people, about half of them

children, died in the raid, for which Basayev

assumed responsibility.

Unlike the Kremlin, Chechnya's pro-Moscow

administration responded to Maskhadov's

initiative by saying it was ready to talk to anyone

but Maskhadov and Basayev, and urged their

fighters to come out of the forests and lay down

their arms.

"We are ready to talk to anyone who will

approach us from the criminal circles and gangs,

and we are ready to do whatever depends on us

to make these people return to a normal

peaceful life," Chechen President Alu Alkhanov

told journalists Saturday.

Hundreds of former rebels have responded to

past amnesties in Chechnya, with many of them

later joining local police units notorious for their

brutality and corruption.

Ramzan Kadyrov, Chechnya's deputy prime


~ 36 ~

minister, said the rebel leaders were negotiating

from a position of weakness. "Neither

Maskhadov nor Basayev has the strength to

conduct any actions in the Chechen republic,"

Kadyrov said in an interview on NTV television

Monday.

Taus Dzhabrailov, head of Chechnya's State

Council, said Maskhadov is stalling for time.

"Law enforcement agents and the security

structures are virtually on the heels of

Maskhadov and his people, thus they need to

achieve a break by any means possible to gather

strength for new terrorist attacks," Dzhabrailov

told Interfax on Monday. "Maskhadov is seeking

any means to stall search operations in the

mountainous parts of Chechnya."

Maskhadov realizes that his latest call for peace

talks will most likely go unanswered. Yet he is pushing the idea as a way to help repair the

damage done to the rebels' cause by the Beslan

raid, said Leonid Syukiyainen, an analyst with the

Institute of State and Law of the Russian

Academy of Sciences.

"Maskhadov's proposal is nothing more than an

effort to demonstrate to many inside Chechnya

and outside Russia that it is Moscow that is

resisting peace talks," Syukiyainen said.

He said unless the Kremlin breaks its silence and

at least repeats its earlier demands that

Maskhadov order his forces to surrender and

hand over terrorists, including Basayev,

Maskhadov will win the war for the attention, if

not the sympathy, of the international

community.

Basayev's death has been reported by security

officials in Abkhazia, who cite his relatives living

in the separatist Georgian republic. When asked

by Kommersant to confirm Basayev's death,

Maskhadov would only note that reports of

Basayev's death had surfaced five or six times

over the past six years.

Britain's Channel Four television aired an

interview with Basayev late Thursday. The

interview, in which he promised more hostage-

taking raids, was filmed in early January. Basayev,

according to the Chechen rebel web site, has

supported Maskhadov's cease-fire order.

The Foreign Ministry lodged an official protest

with the British Foreign Office over the channel's

Basayev interview.

Syukiyainen, however, said the Kremlin should do

more to make its position on Chechnya clear.

"In many places abroad, Chechen rebels are

extremely active in portraying the conflict in

Chechnya to their benefit," he said. "Moscow

needs to take the initiative away from them and

offer its own detailed vision of the situation."

One reason Russian officials have avoided the

issue of Chechnya is that they are following

Putin's lead, said Vladimir Pribylovsky, head of the

Panorama think tank.

"If Putin does not think of the current situation

as an opportunity, everyone in his retinue thinks,

why should he run ahead of the president?"

Pribylovsky said.

Maskhadov's cease-fire declaration won instant

praise from the American Committee for Peace

in Chechnya, which called on Moscow to begin

talks with Maskhadov.

"The American Committee welcomes this

initiative as yet another offer by President

Maskhadov to end violence and renew dialogue

toward a political resolution of the decade-long

conflict," the committee said in a statement

circulated Friday. "Likewise, ACPC calls on

Russian authorities to consider Maskhadov's call

for peace and begin talks on a negotiated

settlement."

Russian government paper dismisses

Chechen rebels' truce offer


11, 2005

Text of report by Natalya Kozlova, entitled

"Confessional interview. Aslan Maskhadov's

publicity stunt intended for the West", in Russian

newspaper Rossiyskaya Gazeta on 8 February

The Chechen separatist leader's interview has

appeared at a very timely moment. Another two

or three months, and many people might even

have forgotten about Aslan Maskhadov.

Life in Chechnya is hard and uneven, but it is

getting back to normal, but the Ichkerian

separatist leader's confessions are certainly not

designed for "internal consumption" but for

"external use".

It is pointless talking to anyone living in or near

Chechnya about the bandits' so-called peace

moves. Even in the few days of Maskhadov's

"truce" 12 terrorist attacks have been averted.

But, with an eye on those far removed from the

daily realities of the Caucasus and Russia

generally, this kind of PR shot is very much to

the point. First, as a reminder of himself as a

leader who means something; and second, as usual, as a request for money.


~ 37 ~

We learn from Maskhadov's interview that he

wants to "avert a real threat... [ellipsis as

published] to all the peoples of Russia and the

Caucasus" - no more and no less. To look good

for the West, Maskhadov disowns the bloodiest

actions and even promises to present the

International [Criminal] Tribunal with the heads

of Shamil Basayev and any others involved in

"crimes against humanity". Then he concludes by

promising, as usual, the standard range of

horrors: The war will go on and the bloodshed

will continue long into the future, but it will be

the Kremlin, naturally, and not he, Maskhadov,

who will be responsible. So who has been

responsible up to now?

If we discount the offer to hand Basayev over to

international justice, the interview is absolutely

indistinguishable from statements that the

gunmen's boss has been making throughout recent years.

Aslan Maskhadov also mentioned the

Prosecutor-General's Office, saying that the

investigators' charges do not trouble him. The

Prosecutor-General's Office itself has simply paid

no attention to Maskhadov's interview and sees

no need to comment on it. As they themselves

confirmed to Rossiyskaya Gazeta, for the

prosecutors Maskhadov remains someone

charged in his absence under several

"heavyweight" articles of the Criminal Code. And

he still continues to be charged with crimes for

which he is on the international wanted list.

All the commentaries that have appeared since

the "order to halt combat actions" and the

Maskhadov interview itself effectively say the

same thing. The president's plenipotentiary

representative in the Southern Federal District,

Dmitriy Kozak, thinks that Maskhadov is simply

no more in control of the situation in Chechnya

now than he was even when he was ensconced in

Groznyy, and that in fact the interview is only the

latest attempt to remind people that he exists.

In response to the "truce" the leadership of

Chechnya has again officially offered the former

leader of the Ichkeria regime the opportunity to

surrender. And Chechen Republic President Alu

Alkhanov responded to Maskhadov's promise to

bring Basayev to justice by saying that he does

not trust his words. Alkhanov is convinced that

Maskhadov has no intention of handing Basayev

over "dead or alive". Chechen First Deputy

Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov said practically

the same thing, suggesting that Maskhadov simply

lay down his arms and surrender to the

authorities. "What kind of goodwill can we talk

about when children, women and peaceable citizens have died as a result of terrorism and

sabotage in Groznyy, Beslan and Moscow? On

the other hand, if Maskhadov says that he has no

control over those committing the terrorist

attacks, what is the point of holding talks at all

with someone who has no real power?" Kadyrov

declared. "You cannot help wondering who is

going to carry out the directive if Maskhadov

himself admits that the most odious field

commanders, including Basayev, are not under

his command and are not part of the so-called

armed forces of Ichkeria."

The fact that Maskhadov has suddenly begun to

admit that he does not control Basayev or the

other bandits is evidence of his desire to escape

personal responsibility for the crimes that have

been committed, including those in Beslan and

Ingushetia, Kadyrov thinks. The only goodwill act

that Maskhadov needs to accomplish right now is

to lay down his arms himself and set an example

to the others. All the current talk about a truce is actually only beneficial to the gunmen's leaders,

who are trying, first, to draw attention to

themselves around the world and, second, to

take advantage of the respite to prepare for

renewed terrorist attacks and murders, Ramzan

Kadyrov observed.

Indeed, in the mountain regions of Chechnya

where the gunmen are based, the situation is

really dire right now. The snow blocking the

passes and the constant avalanches practically

rule out any movement through the mountains.

In weather like this combat actions have always

come to a halt in past years too. As the end of

winter approaches the bandits have one aim - to

survive until spring so as to renew the terrorist

onslaught when the "greenery" reappears. So the

interview and the "truce" are simply for

Maskhadov's benefit from every aspect.

Source: Rossiyskaya Gazeta, Moscow, in Russian

8 Feb 05 p 2

Chechen rebel in call for peace talks as

ceasefire holds

From Jeremy Page in Moscow

Times-UK

February 08, 2005

ASLAN MASKHADOV, the Chechen rebel

leader, urged the Kremlin yesterday to begin

talks to end a decade of conflict as local officials

revealed that a ceasefire he ordered last week

had been effective.

The Kremlin and pro-Moscow Chechen officials

insisted, however, that they would not negotiate

with a man they consider to be a terrorist,

despite growing fears that the conflict is

spreading to other regions in the North Caucasus.


~ 38 ~

In an interview with Kommersant, the Russian

newspaper, Mr Maskhadov confirmed that he had

ordered a ceasefire until February 22 as a

“goodwill gesture” and said that he had

appointed a top aide to conduct peace talks with

Moscow. “If reason triumphs among our Kremlin


negotiating table,” he said. “If not, then most

likely blood will be spilt for a long time to come

— but we will not be morally responsible for the

continuation of this madness.”

Mr Maskhadov, who is believed to be hiding in

mountains in southern Chechnya, was elected

President of the breakaway republic after

Moscow sued for peace to end the first Chechen

War in 1996, but he was deposed when Vladimir

Putin sent troops back to Chechnya when he was

Prime Minister in 1999.

The Chechen rebel leader said that he had

chosen Umar Khambiyev, a former Health

Minister in his breakaway administration, who is

living in exile, to lead the peace effort.

A spokesman for President Putin said that the

Kremlin had not changed its policy of refusing to

negotiate with Chechen rebel leaders. Moscow

has dismissed reports of a ceasefire as a publicity

stunt.

Last week Shamil Basayev, the radical Chechen

rebel leader responsible for the Beslan school

siege last year, threatened to stage more such

attacks. The threat was given during an interview

broadcast on Channel 4, which has been

criticised by the Russian Government.

Ramzan Kadyrov, a former rebel who now

dominates Chechnya’s pro-Moscow

Government, dismissed Mr Maskhadov’s

initiative. “How can there be goodwill when

children, women and civilians have died in terror

attacks in Grozny, Beslan and Moscow?” he said.

“And if Maskhadov says he doesn’t control the

people behind the terrorism, what’s the point of

talks with someone with no real influence?”

In his interview, Mr Maskhadov admitted that Mr

Basayev was not under his formal command and

repeated that he did not condone his terrorist

tactics. Yet he said that Mr Basayev’s decision to

obey the ceasefire showed that he still had

strong influence over rebels.

Chechen rebels offer to hold talks with

Moscow

Chris Stephen, in Moscow

Irish Times; Feb 09, 2005

RUSSIA: Chechen rebels yesterday offered to

hold direct talks with Moscow, one week into

their self-declared ceasefire in the province.

The war-torn south Russian province is enjoying

a rare period of calm since rebel leader Aslan

Maskhadov declared the ceasefire last week.

Speaking through his rebel website, Maskhadov

said Russia now has a historic chance to end the

fighting: "If reason triumphs among our Kremlin


negotiating table."

He repeated calls for a ceasefire, backed by

international monitors, and is reportedly offering

to hand over his senior commander, Shamil

Basayev, the man blamed for last year's Beslan

school atrocity, to an international court.

Moscow made no response, and has yet to

comment on Maskhadov's ceasefire offer, having said in the past it does not negotiate with a man

it considers a terrorist.

But the pro-Moscow president of Chechnya, Mr

Alu Alkhanov, has called for Maskhadov, a former

provincial president, to surrender unconditionally

to Russian authorities.

The ceasefire has effectively stopped the five-

year-old war, since without attacks on Russian

targets there is little for Moscow's forces to do

but wait.

If the ceasefire holds, it is likely to put more

pressure on Moscow to enter into talks with the

rebels, a move long urged by the Council of

Europe and European Union.

But despite the current cessation of fighting,

peace remains a distant goal with both sides at

loggerheads over the future of the province.

Rebel leaders have long said they must have

independence, and Moscow has refused to

consider this option.

Russian newspapers are carrying reports from

unnamed officials indicating that Basayev has been

killed, either in a gun battle between rival factions

or, according to another version, from kidney

failure.

In answer to this, Chechen websites have

released a video statement from Basayev saying

he is alive and well and living in hiding.

Adding to the confusion, so-called Mujahadin

forces in the neighbouring province of Dagestan

have continued attacks, releasing their own

statement declaring that the ceasefire does not apply outside Chechen territory.


~ 39 ~

Maskhakov's reasoning for the ceasefire remains

unclear. Rebel forces remain in the field, and

there is no apparent weakness in their

capabilities.

Chechen militants ignore Maskhadov order

MOSCOW, February 9, 2005 (Itar-Tass) -

According to the information of the military

commandant’s office in Chechnya, the order of

Aslan Maskhadov, ex-leader of the “Ichkeria

regime,” on the termination of combat

operations is being ignored by the militants. The

number of shootings and acts of subversion is

not being reduced all over Chechnya.

“The intensity of shooting at the positions of the

federal troops was not reduced over the past

three days. Some 15 to 20 cases of shooting are

registered every day,” a representative of the military commandant’s office told Itar-Tass.

Lieutenant General Grigory Fomenko, military

commandant of the Chechen Republic, officially

confirmed that men of the illegal armed groups

continued to fire at areas of deployment and

positions of the federal troops and to stage acts

of terrorism against the civilian population of the

republic.

“The statement of Maskhadov, the leader of

Chechen extremists, on the termination of

combat operations in Chechnya, is of no

importance whatsoever for members of illegal

armed groups. Only one conclusion could be

drawn from it: Maskhadov does not control the

situation, and most gangs do not take orders

from him,” General Fomenko told Itar-Tass.

“It is high time Maskhadov realised that his time

in Chechnya is over, and that he is no longer his

own master. He fully depends on international

terrorism,” he added. In his opinion, the

statements of the leaders of Chechen extremists

about some “centralised control over the actions

of militants” do not hold water.

General Fomenko stressed that men of the

federal troops continued to stage special

operations in Chechnya, aimed at detecting and

destroying the militants, as well as at finding

home-made explosive devices laid by them.

Chechen separatist leader unable to

control rebels - Russian federal source


09, 2005

Chechen rebels are ignoring their leader Aslan

Maskhadov's decree on a cease-fire, ITAR-TASS reported on 9 February, quoting the Chechen

military commandant's office.

"The amount of gunfire and sabotage against the

military is not decreasing in Chechnya," an office

representative said. "During the last three days

the intensity of fire aimed at federal forces has

not been reduced, rebels are opening fire about

15-20 times a day," the representative added.

Members of illegal armed formations are

continuing to fire at the positions of federal

forces and committing terrorist attacks against

civilians, military commandant Lt-Gen Grigoriy

Fomenko said, officially confirming the

information.

"The statement made by Ichkerian extremist

leader Maskhadov is an empty phrase for the

rebels," Fomenko told ITAR-TASS. "There is only

one conclusion to be drawn from this.

Maskhadov does not control the situation in the republic, most of the armed groups do not obey

him."

"Maskhadov should have understood long ago

that his time in Chechnya is past and that he is

not his own man. He is fully dependant on

international terrorism," Fomenko said.

Statements made by extremists' leaders to the

effect that they exercise centralized control of

the rebels cannot be taken seriously, Fomenko

added.

Federal forces continue carrying out special

targeted activities aimed at looking for and

eliminating rebels, as well as finding home-made

explosive devices, Fomenko said.

In a separate report, in Russian, at 0747 gmt on 9

Feb 05, RIA news agency reported, quoting the

Regional operational HQ in charge of Russia's


Caucasus, that federal forces had prevented a

series of major terrorist attacks.

"Earlier law-enforcers received a tip-off that

rebels were preparing a series of terrorist

attacks on highways in Urus-Martanovskiy

District, aimed at civilians," a representative of

the HQ said.

As a result of operations aimed at checking the

tip-off, a hidden rebel cache was found at a

distance of 100 m from the road between Urus-

Martan and Alkhan-Yurt. The cache contained six

home-made explosive devices, made from large-

calibre shells, as well as 200-gram TNT blocks.

"The explosives amount to 11 kg of TNT," the

representative said.

Investigators are taking measures to find those


~ 40 ~

involved in preparations for the attacks.

Source: ITAR-TASS news agency, Moscow, in

English 0725 gmt 9 Feb 05

CHECHEN REBELS HAND THE ANTI-

WAR MOVEMENT AN OLIVE BRANCH

AS THE KREMLIN TIGHTENS THE

SCREWS

By Andrei Smirnov

The Jamestown Foundation

CHECHNYA WEEKLY: News and Analysis on

the Crisis in Chechnya

9 February 2005 - Volume VI, Issue 6

Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov's

ceasefire order has forced the Russian authorities

to change their information policy. Almost

immediately after the news of the ceasefire order

was made public, security officials who usually

insist that there has been no war in Chechnya for a long time started telling the press a new story.

Vladimir Bulgakov, the Russian Ground Troops

Deputy Commander, told Gazeta.ru on February

3 that the rebels "ambush our columns and

attack our checkpoints almost every day."

Meanwhile, Maskhadov's London-based envoy,

Ahmed Zakaev, said that another objective of the

ceasefire order was to give an olive branch to

anti-war forces in Russia. Since the start of the

second Chechen war, rebels have been trying to

find partners in Russia with whom they could

cooperate in search for a peaceful solution of the

conflict. In 1999-2000, Maskhadov tried to use

Georgian Chechens (Kistins) working in his staff

to establish ties with Russian politicians with a

Georgian background. However, both Yevgeny

Primakov, who was born in the Georgian capital

of Tbilisi and was one of the most influent

Russian political leaders of that time, and Igor

Ivanov, the former foreign minister and current

Security Council secretary who was born in

Pankisi Gorge, refused to have anything to do

with Maskhadov's envoys. Ivan Rybkin, the leader

of the so-called "Party of Peace" during the first

Chechen war, was ready to help but had by that

time almost completely lost his influence.

Having failed with politicians, Maskhadov's people

tried to get in touch with the business

community. However, an aide to Anatoly

Chubais, head of the Russian state-owned power

grid, Unified Energy Systems (UES), also refused

to deal with the Chechens (see Grani.ru, August

16, 2001).

Getting no response from the Russian elite, the

rebels began to appeal to the Russian public. The

Kavkazcenter website started publishing articles

by Russian journalists who sympathized with the rebels' struggle for independence, while Akhmed

Zakaev, Umar Khambiev and other separatist

emissaries met in Europe with some independent

Russian journalists and NGO leaders like Anna

Politkovskaya and Andrei Mironov. Finally, in late

2004, the Soldier's Mothers Committee agreed

to talk to Zakaev in Belgium. Belgian authorities,

however, refused to give visas to the committee's

representatives, and would not give Ahmed

Zakaev permission to enter the country. It was

clear that the government of Belgium had nothing

against these peace talks but was forced to stop

them under strong pressure from the Kremlin.

While the Chechens are desperately looking for

somebody in Russia with whom they could talk

about peace, Russian authorities are doing

exactly the opposite – blocking all peace

initiatives coming from the public. Occasionally,

President Vladimir Putin threatens human rights

and anti-war activists, branding all those who are

in favor of talks with Maskhadov "terrorist accessories." But Russian authorities fully practice

what they preach, suppressing Chechen NGOs

and quelling protests against the war. Last year,

Fatima Gazieva, a member of The Echo of War, a

Chechen peace-building organization, was

detained by Chechen police and Federal Security

Service (FSB) officers in Chechnya under the

pretext that she was allegedly recruiting women

to become suicide bombers (see Prague

Watchdog, September 3, 2004). After massive

protests from the international human-rights

community, security agencies were forced to

release her. At the same time, in Ingushetia, the

local prosecutor's office accused the Chechnya

Committee of National Salvation of organizing

"propaganda of extremism" by disseminating

press-releases on human rights violations in

Chechnya (see Civitas.ru, October 25, 2004).

Libhan Bazaeva, a leader of the Ingushetian

branch of the Memorial human rights center, had

to leave Russia for Germany after receiving

several threats from the FSB. Imran Ezhiev, a

leader of the Russian-Chechen Friendship

Society, also left Russia after several arrests,

kidnappings and assassination attempts.

However, the repression is not confined only to

the North Caucasus region. Last February 23,

Moscow authorities banned a rally against the

war in Chechnya on Lubyanka Square. The site of

the rally was surrounded by special police

officers, and two leaders of the protest, Oleg

Khramov and Lev Ponomarev, were detained.

The authorities also banned an anti-war picket on

March 11, 2004. Those who took part in the

picket were arrested that day.

Activists of peace-building organizations, who are

traditionally more cautious and usually do not

sharply criticize the Kremlin's policy toward Chechnya, have had problems in their work as


~ 41 ~

well. Last March, the Russian Embassy in London

refused to grant a Russian visa to Lord Judd, the

former rapporteur of the European Parliament

on Chechnya. The Yalta Initiative for Peace in

Chechnya, a coalition of peace-building

organizations, had invited him to visit Moscow.

He was to award peace prizes for peace-building

activities in the North Caucasus.

The year 2005 started with much harsher

measures against some activists of the anti-war

movement. The Nizhny Novgorod regional

prosecutor's office launched a criminal case

against a newspaper published by the Russian

Chechen Friendship Society under Article 280 of

the Russian Criminal Code, which prohibits "calls

for forcible change of the Russian Federation's

constitutional system." The FSB questioned

Stanislav Dmitrievsky, chief editor of the Russian-

Chechen Friendship Society's Information

Center, about two appeals by Aslan Maskhadov and Ahmed Zakaev that had been published in

the newspaper (see Chechnya Weekly, January

26). The FSB also questioned everyone who

works in or used to work in the organization.

Furthermore, officers confiscated the list of

Society members working in Chechnya as

correspondents for its Information Center (see

RCFS, press-release # 1133, February 3).

On January 20, police in Moscow detained Pavel

Luzakov, the editor-in-chief of a semi-

underground newspaper called Svobodnoe slovo.

Luzakov is famous for his article published on the

Kavkazcenter website in which he called the

Russian troops fighting in Chechnya "occupiers"

and accused Vladimir Putin of "genocide of the

Chechen nation" (see Prima-news.ru, January 21).

The Russian government's pressure on the anti-

war movement shows that the Kremlin is not

interested in a real peace process. Human rights

activists and peace-builders can only rely on the

support of the Russian public and the opposite

side in the conflict. Commenting on the interview

with Aslan Maskhadov published in Kommersant

on February 7, Lev Ponomarev, a leader of the

Russian human rights community, said "one could

expect that Vladimir Putin would not pay any

attention to the words of Maskhadov, but our

task is to find a form of public support in Russia

for Maskhadov's statement" (See Newsru.com,

February 7). Anti-war activists believe that public

support of the rebels' initiative would strengthen

the position of those people around Putin who

believe that it is time to end the Chechen war.

One can only guess who those people are, but

some analysts, like Aleksei Malashenko of the

Carnegie Center, believe they do exist.

Dagestan poised to become major guerilla battlefield this summer



Wednesday, February 9, 2005 -- Volume 2, Issue

28

MASKHADOV'S CEASEFIRE OBEYED IN

CHECHNYA, NOT IN DAGESTAN

On January 15, the Chechen rebel leader Aslan

Maskhadov issued a special order to stop all

military operations both inside and outside

Chechnya until the end of February (EDM,

February 4; Caucasus Times, February 4).

According to an officer at the commandant's

headquarters in Chechnya, there have been no

reports of assaults or bombings against federal

forces thus far. "The militants seem to have taken

a break," he noted (Caucasus Times, February 4).

Radio Liberty and Reuters also have reported

that the military situation in the Chechnya

became unexpectedly calm at the beginning of February. A February 6 press release by the

Command of the Federal Troops in Chechnya

commented, "For the last 24 hours the situation

was comparatively quiet (newsru.com, February

6).

However, the Russian military command distrusts

Maskhadov's "goodwill gesture." An unnamed

officer from the Russian Ministry of Defense

called Maskhadov's peace initiative "wolf tricks."

He continued, "They [the rebels] talk about

peace, and at the same time use the pause to

regroup their forces" (Gazeta, February 7). The

federal command seems rather frightened by

Maskhadov's order. The Russian-Chechen

Friendship Society reported that, on February 4,

a convoy of 207 military vehicles and armored

personnel carriers entered Chechnya from

neighboring Ingushetia (RCFS Press Release No.

1140, February 6).

In his latest interview with Kommersant,

Maskhadov bluntly answered a question about

what he and his comrades would do if the

Kremlin continues to reject peace talks. He

explained that Chechen winters typically end in

February, and traditionally the rebels become

more active when spring arrives (Kommersant,

February 7). Thus, Maskhadov has given Russian

President Vladimir Putin an ultimatum: either

stop the war or prepare for trouble in the North

Caucasus this summer.

According to Jamestown Foundation sources in

Moscow, Dmitry Kozak, Putin's envoy to the

Southern Federal District, has submitted a report

on the outlook for the North Caucasus in 2005.

The report says that the coming summer

campaign will be even more difficult than in 2004,

which included a raid on Ingushetia in June and an attack on Grozny on August 23.


~ 42 ~

However, the rebels did not stop all their

military operations, possibly to make the Russian

authorities more cooperative. On February 4,

the group of Dagestan militants known as Sharia

Jamaat issued a statement saying that the rebels

were waiting for Maskhadov to issue a special

ceasefire order regarding Dagestan. Sharia Jamaat

noted that Maskhadov's order only mentioned

Chechnya and Russia, and, since the Dagestan

insurgents do not recognize Dagestan as part of

the Russian Federation, they would continue to

fight (Kavkazcenter.com, February 4).

The separatists appear to believe that the only

way they can force the Kremlin to the

negotiating table is by turning the largest

Caucasus republic into another war zone. Sharia

Jamaat is accumulating good success rates with

guerilla warfare and sees no reason for its

members to lay down arms. Despite the fact that federal troops and local police taskforces

managed to destroy rebel cells in the cities of

Makhachkala and Kaspiisk (see EDM, January 19),

the attacks are now focused on Makhachkala, the

capital of Dagestan.

The insurgents are using increasingly creative

urban warfare tactics. On January 31, police

received an anonymous tip about armed persons

hiding in an apartment building in Makhachkala.

When the police came to investigate, they were

blown up by a booby trap installed at the

building's entrance (RIA-Novosti, January 31). In

Makhachkala on February 2, militants ambushed a

motorcade for Magomed Omarov, Dagestan's

deputy interior minister, killing him in the shoot-

out. According to Vremya novostei, Omarov had

coordinated all major anti-insurgent operations in

the republic. Omarov usually traveled in an

armored Mercedes, but this day he was in an

ordinary car because his Mercedes was being

repaired. This convenient timing suggests that the

insurgents might have high-placed agents inside

the local police (Vremya novostei, February 4).

Two days later, militants bombed the police K9

training center, killing several dogs in the

explosion (newsru.com, January 31).

Also on February 2, rebels bombed the car of

Alisultan Alkhamatov, the acting head of the

administration of Khasavurt region. Unlike

Omarov, Alkhamatov was in an armored car and

managed to survive (RIA-Novosti, February 2).

Faced with the strengthening insurgency,

Dagestan security officials again launched large-

scale anti-terrorist sweeps. On February 5, police

special-task force units -- backed by the 102th

Military Brigade -- started to comb the mountain

area near Makhachkala where the rebels usually hide. According to Yufo news, the federal troops

were poorly prepared and the operation failed

completely. Russian soldiers from the brigade

were not familiar with the terrain and became

lost in the mountains. The operation was also

badly coordinated. The reconnaissance group

stepped on a mine, giving away their position to

rebels hiding nearby (yufo.ru, February 7). One

policeman was killed, and one soldier and

another policeman were wounded.

On February 6, the militants issued a statement

accusing hunters of providing information to

security officials about the location of the rebel

bases. The statement warned locals against

hunting in the mountains, saying that all of them

would be regarded as spies and detained

(kavkazcenter.com, February 6).

There are no doubts that the insurgents will

continue to expand their activities. They

currently form small guerrilla groups in Khasavurt region and then travel to Makhachkala

(Rossiiskaya gazeta, June 24, 2004). Dagestan may

well become the main North Caucasus battlefield

between Russian troops and rebels this summer.

--Andrei Smirnov

Russian pundit says Chechen truce call

masks plans for further violence


09, 2005

Text of report by Andrey Riskin in the Russian

newspaper Nezavisimaya Gazeta on 9 February

The Chechen leadership does not intend to hold

talks with Ichkeria President Aslan Maskhadov.

Instead of this the republic's president, Alu

Alkhanov, and Chechen First Deputy Prime

Minister Ramzan Kadyrov, have, according to a

statement they disseminated yesterday, told

Maskhadov to give himself up. "There can be no

question of any talks with people who are

implicated in bloody crimes against society,"

Alkhanov declared. "Maskhadov can give himself

up tomorrow," Kadyrov stressed.

When announcing the February truce and his

readiness to sit down at the negotiating table,

however, Aslan Maskhadov was addressing not

Chechnya's current leaders but "Russia's

leadership and the world community". Moscow

has made no reaction to this "goodwill gesture"

as Maskhadov claims. The only reaction from

federal structures has been a statement from a

"high-ranking military man" at the Joint Troop

Grouping headquarters in Khankala, who claims

that the gunmen "are operating as before". As

proof he cites an incident in which a fortified

checkpoint on the Kavkaz highway was fired on by a passing Niva car on Monday evening [7


~ 43 ~

February]. One policeman died as a result and

four were wounded.

As usual, the attackers escaped. It is not known

who the criminals were - Maskhadov's people,

Basayev's people or a gang under nobody's

command. "This shooting incident proves yet

again that Maskhadov is not in control of the

situation," Nezavisimaya Gazeta was told by

Merkator group head Dmitriy Oreshkin. "Having

said that, we cannot rule out the possibility that

the checkpoint was shot up by Ramzan Kadyrov's

people in order to show everybody that

Maskhadov is not in control of the situation."

The harsh reaction from Chechnya's leaders to

Maskhadov's recent moves, including his promise

to hand over Shamil Basayev to an international

tribunal, is entirely understandable. For almost

six years the federal centre has actively pursued a

policy of squeezing Maskhadov out of the legitimate realm and creating a new Chechen

elite. This new elite absolutely does not want a

negotiating process between the separatist

leaders and Moscow. Because in that case

Maskhadov (let us leave aside the odious Basayev,

dead one moment dead, resurrected the next)

would be legitimized and the "newly appointed"

Chechen elite would be out of a job.

As a man with great political experience,

Maskhadov is presumably perfectly well aware

that there will be no reaction from the federal

centre to his call for talks. Especially as this is by

no means the first such initiative. Therefore,

sadly, we must accept the forecast of the military,

who stated yesterday that "from the military

viewpoint Maskhadov's statement gives the

gunmen an opportunity to replenish their food

stocks, 'lick their wounds,' warm themselves up

and go back to committing terrorist acts."

Indeed, if there is no real chance of securing a

"second Khasavyurt" [the 1996 agreement that

brought an end to the first Chechen conflict]

people speak of a truce when they need a

respite. On the other hand, statements like that

issued by the Ichkeria president are made when

serious combat action to end this truce is in

preparation.

"Presumably once this call has been ignored by

the federal centre, there will be another

powerful blow to the prestige of the Russian

authorities," Dmitriy Oreshkin believes. "The

logic is clear: We invited you to the negotiating

table, you refused, so this is what you get. It is a

serious warning. And a serious threat. Practice

shows that the separatist leaders keep their

word, unfortunately."

Source: Nezavisimaya Gazeta, Moscow, in

Russian 9 Feb 05 p 4

The Application of the President of the

Chechen Republic Ichkeria Aslan

Mashadov to the Management of Russia

and the World Community

Kavkaz-Center

2005-02-10 00:14:09

According to my order the Military Forces of the

Chechen Republic Ichkeria since February, 1,

2005, unilaterally stopped all kinds of operations

of offensive character in the territories of the

Chechen Republic and the Russian Federation for

one month.

This humane step from the Chechen side is

dictated only by one desire: to prevent the real

threat not only to our people, but also all

peoples of Russia and Caucasus , the reason of which is the bloody war in the Chechen Republic

proceeding for the sixth year, which long ago left

the boarders designated by the Kremlin. Those

complicated, deep processes taking place today in

the ancient Caucasus and inevitably leading this

unique region to a catastrophe in greater scales

are already obvious.

In such a complex military-political situation

when the Russo-Chechen war becomes a

detonator of uncontrollable, pernicious

processes with unpredictable consequences for

all peoples of the Caucasus and Russia, I have

considered it to be my human debt to undertake

the maximum of efforts to prevent the future

chaos and to call the Russian party to stop this

war at the table of negotiations.

Showing adherence to peace, the management of

the Chechen Republic Ichkeria once again appeals

to the management of the Russian Federation

and declares:

"It is enough bloodshed! We, Chechens, are

open for real political dialogue with the Kremlin

without preconditions".

Confirming the adherence to civilized methods of

the solving of disputable political problems

between the Russian Federation and the

Chechen Republic , the management of the

Chechen Republic Ichkeria appeals also to the

world community and declares:

"The President and the Government of the

Chechen Republic Ichkeria, the Armed forces of

the Chechen state are ready to show the will to

the peace and call the United Nations, EU, CE

and the governments of the democratic countries

of Europe and the USA to change the pose of supernumeraries and to join the plan, offered by


~ 44 ~

us on the peace settlement of military-political

crisis between Russia and Ichkeria more actively".

Aslan MASHADOV,

The president of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria,

The Supreme Commander- in-Chief of the

Military Forces of the CRI

Russian human rights activists urge Putin

to talk to Chechen "moderates"


10, 2005

Text of report by Russian Ekho Moskvy radio on

10 February

[Presenter] Human rights activists have sent an

open letter to President Vladimir Putin. The

authors urge Putin to begin talks with the

moderate wing of the Chechen separatists. Here

is Nadezhda Pravdina with the details:

[Correspondent] Mr President, peace talks with

the moderate wing of the fighters are virtually

the only way of preventing Chechnya from

turning into another front in the clash between

Islamic radicalism and the Western civilization.

An opportunity may now have arisen to save

many thousands of lives, the human rights

activists write. They ask President Putin to

respond to the cease-fire announced by

[separatist leader] Aslan Maskhadov, and to begin

talks with Maskhadov on a political peace

settlement. If the Russian authorities disregard

Aslan Maskhadov's call, considering it to be a

trap, radical groups of fighters will come to

replace the moderate wing of separatists, the

human rights activists think. The open letter to

President Putin was signed by the head of the

Moscow Helsinki Group, Lyudmila Alekseyeva,

and by representatives of the Human Rights

Movement and the Memorial human rights

centre.

[Presenter] May I remind you that you can read

the text of the letter in today's edition of the

Novaya Gazeta newspaper.


0900 gmt 10 Feb 05

CAN WE BELIEVE MASKHADOV'S

INITIATIVES?

2005-02-10 18:18

MOSCOW. (RIA Novosti political commentator

Vladimir Simonov.) - Aslan Makhadov, ex-

president of the self-proclaimed Chechen

republic of Ichkeria, declares a unilateral ceasefire

and even appoints an envoy for urgent talks with

the Kremlin. Shamil Basayev, the most bloodthirsty of the Chechen warlords, appears

on British television and on the Internet,

promising new Beslans and at the same time

announcing his willingness to observe the

ceasefire. Boris Berezovsky, whom London helps

to escape Russian justice, announces that

Chechen militants have acquired a portable

nuclear bomb. They all made their statements at

almost the same time. Coincidence or

coordinated campaign?

The Kremlin does not believe that Mr.

Maskhadov is sincere about his peace initiative.

Neither do Russians, because even if the

ceasefire were ordered, militants have been

ignoring it. Terrorist attacks in Chechnya and

neighboring Dagestan continue. This once again

proves that Mr. Maskhadov has lost his influence

on local warlords.

There was most likely no order. Hostilities in

Chechnya are impossible at this time of the year, as mountain paths are snowed under and it is

impossible to deliver ammunition and food.

Militant camps are easily spotted against the

snow from helicopters. So February is a

traditional "vacation period" for terrorists.

It is during this period of reluctant inactivity that

Messrs. Maskhadov, Basayev and Berezovsky,

who supports them, have launched their peaceful

PR campaign.

The idea of a truce has been raised before. Mr.

Maskhadov comes up with it every time the

West seems more inclined to support the

Kremlin in its fight against Chechen terrorism. So

Mr. Maskhadov's proffered hand to the Kremlin

is a theatrical gesture meant to impress the

West, but certainly not the Kremlin. It is a trap

for Moscow. Should the Kremlin agree to talks

with the Chechen terrorists who masterminded

the atrocities in Beslan, Moscow and other cities,

it will display weakness and may lose the support

of its allies in the Caucasus.

The bluff with the ceasefire has come in the run-

up to Vladimir Putin's Bratislava meeting with

George Bush later this month. This suggests that

although Mr. Bush will certainly not ask Mr. Putin

what he thinks about Mr. Maskhadov's proposal,

the two leaders will most probably discuss the

outlook for Russia's fight against terrorists in the

Caucasus. And do not forget about Mr.

Berezovsky with his news that the militants

possess nuclear weapons. This cannot but be

taken up at the summit. The exiled tycoon claims

that "reliable sources" have told him that they

are able to start hostilities all over Russia, but

"now not with a mountaineer's dagger, but by

attacking nuclear power plants and strategic

facilities."


~ 45 ~

The Russian Foreign Ministry has flatly rejected

the idea that the militants may have gone nuclear,

warning that such sensations are designed to

spread a sense of vulnerability and nervousness in

Russia.

Russian experts have not taken the news

seriously either. "I believe this statement is utter

rubbish," Major General Valery Dvorkin, a senior

fellow of the International Security Center of the

Russian Academy of Sciences, told Ekho Moskvy

radio. He said that a "nuclear case" needs

numerous ciphers and codes to work, and the

Chechen militants do not have them. "Even if

they do have the device it will be almost

impossible to make it work and detonate a

nuclear explosion," he concluded. Vladimir

Yevseyev, a coordinator of the non-proliferation

program at the Carnegie Moscow Center, agreed

with him, saying that mini bombs from the late

1980s had a limited service life that would have already expired, which means they would have to

be built again. "Chechen separatists to not have a

portable nuclear device," he maintains. "These

nuclear bombs are no longer produced, both

Russia and the US have rejected them."

Calm before the Chechen storm?

Rebels urge Russia to peace talks before Feb. 22

cease-fire deadline

By Fred Weir | Correspondent of The Christian

Science Monitor

from the February 11, 2005 edition

MOSCOW – A surprise unilateral cease-fire

ordered by two top Chechen rebel commanders

has Moscow abuzz with debate. Experts are

asking, is it a genuine chance for peace, a PR

stunt, or an artificial lull before a fresh storm of

Beslan-style terrorist assaults?

Few see much hope of ending the Chechen war,

now well into its sixth year, unless there is a

political breakthrough that sees the Kremlin, the

separatist rebels, and pro-Moscow Chechen

forces sit down together to seek a settlement.

President Vladimir Putin appears determined to

stay his chosen course, which involves signing a

treaty with the Kremlin's handpicked Chechen

leader Alu Alkhanov - perhaps as early as this

May - that will lock Chechnya into Russian

permanently. But amid reports that the rebels

could have acquired a nuclear device or

radiological weapons, many experts see only an

escalating cycle of violence in the offing.

"The situation in Chechnya is currently at a dead

end," says Alexander Iskanderyan, director of the

independent Center for Caucasian Studies, in

Yerevan, Armenia. "The key to its solution is in the Kremlin, but I see little hope of change

there."

Aslan Maskhadov, Chechnya's rebel president-in-

hiding, called attention this week to the self-

imposed cease-fire, which had been announced

last month on a rebel website but went largely

unnoticed. He portrayed the move as an olive

branch to get peace negotiations started, and

urged Russian leaders to take up the offer to talk

before the cease-fire expires on Feb. 22.

"If our Kremlin opponents are reasonable, this

war will end at the negotiating table," he told the

Moscow daily Kommersant, in a rare interview

published Monday. "If not, blood will continue to

be spilled for a long time but we will reject any

moral responsibility for this continued madness."

The cease-fire was endorsed by Shamil Basayev,

the notorious Chechen field commander who

has claimed responsibility for many terror strikes against Russia, including the 2002 seizure of 800

hostages in a Moscow theater and last

September's school siege in Beslan that left 331

people dead, half of them children. In an

interview broadcast by Britain's Channel 4 News

this month, Mr. Basayev declared: "We are

planning more Beslan-type operations in future

because we are forced to do so."

That threat gained ominous traction this week

when self-exiled Russian tycoon Boris

Berezovsky said a "Chechen businessman" had

once offered to sell him a miniature nuclear

weapon stolen from former Soviet stockpiles. "It

is a portable nuclear bomb," Mr. Berezovsky said.

"Some part of it is missing at the moment, but

these are small details."

Russia's Foreign Ministry quickly denied that,

saying that all Soviet-made "suitcase bombs" are

accounted for. But independent experts say

Chechen militants may well have the means to

produce a "dirty bomb," with deadly radioactive

materials wrapped around conventional

explosives. "They probably don't have a real

nuclear weapon, but we know they have had

access to radioactive substances in the past," says

Pavel Felgenhauer, a Moscow-based security

expert. "This threat is very real. A dirty bomb

could make part of a Russian city uninhabitable

for 100 years. We may expect anything after the

cease-fire ends."

Though the Kremlin has not responded to Mr.

Maskhadov's peace overture, pro-Moscow

Chechen leader Mr. Alkhanov said the only issue

he is willing to discuss with rebel leaders is their

surrender. "Negotiations with those who have

engaged in bloody crimes against society are

absolutely out of the question," he said. "The only real salvation for such people is to give


~ 46 ~

themselves up and confess their crimes."

There is doubt about whether the cease-fire,

which was to take effect Feb. 1, is holding.

Russia's official ITAR-Tass agency, which usually

reports peace and order prevailing in Chechnya,

quoted Russian commanders Thursday saying

there have been up to 20 rebel attacks each day

this week.

Some experts say that Maskhadov, elected in

Chechnya's only internationally recognized polls

in 1997, no longer controls rebel forces and is a

fading force. "Maskhadov is just one of the

leaders of the Chechen resistance, and not even

the strongest," says Mr. Iskanderyan. "[The

cease-fire] may be just an attempt to show he's

still relevant."

But 17 prominent Russian human rights activists

issued a statement Wednesday warning that Chechnya was turning into an "eternal conflict"

and urging the Kremlin to take up the offer for

negotiations as "practically the only way of

stopping Chechnya's transformation into yet

another front in the confrontation between

radical Islam and Western civilization."

The pro-Moscow Chechen government insists

that reconstruction of the war-torn republic has

made great strides, though there is little

independent information. At a Moscow press

conference this week, Alkhanov said the treaty

being drafted will settle the conflict by granting

Chechnya some economic autonomy "within the

federal constitution."

But according to Malik Saidulayev, a Moscow-

based businessman and Chechen community

leader, there is no security, order, or prospect

for peace in Chechnya.

The Kremlin's "policy of Chechenization of the

conflict has failed and the situation in the republic

has grown much worse," he says. "The war is not

ending, it is spreading to the rest of the Caucasus

region."

Activists want Chechen peace talks while

Putin wants "objectivity"



Friday, February 11, 2005 -- Volume 2, Issue 30

RIGHTS GROUPS ASK PUTIN TO TALK TO

"MODERATE" REBELS

A group of leading human rights activists,

including Soviet-era dissidents Lyudmila

Alexeyeva, Sergei Kovalev, and Father Gleb

Yakunin, have sent an open letter to Russian

President Vladimir Putin calling on him to accept Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov's call

for peace talks.

"For more than ten years -- with a three year,

very conditional break, Russia is in fact in a state

of war in Chechnya," read the letter, which was

published by Novaya gazeta and the Grani.ru

website, among other outlets, on February 9. "A

war severe and terrible, with tens of thousands

killed, hundreds of thousands maimed, with

destroyed cities and industry. In these days a new

opportunity for a way out of this bitter war has

appeared -- the political leader of the Chechen

resistance, Aslan Maskhadov, not only ordered a

unilateral ceasefire, but also denounced the

actions of [rebel warlord Shamil] Basaev,

recognizing him as deserving of an international

tribunal, and thereby in a pointed way

dissociating himself not only from him, but from

the whole radical wing of the [separatist] fighters.

This historic opportunity should in no way be

missed."

The letter's signatories warned that if the war

continues, the role of Islamic radicals among the

Chechen separatists would continue to grow, as

will the "radicalization of the civilian population."

"The radicals are absolutely not interested in a

peaceful settlement, even if it is on the most

advantageous terms for the secular wing of the

separatists," they wrote. "At the same time, the

role of ultra-nationalists in Russian politics, who

are prepared to use the Chechen conflict and

terror for fascization of the country, will grow

even faster. The conclusion from this is clear: the

earlier an intelligible political dialogue between

the Russian authorities and the moderate wing of

the Chechen resistance begins, the greater the

chance for a peaceful settlement in principle."

Negotiating with the moderates in the resistance

is practically the only way "to prevent Chechnya

from turning into another front in the

confrontation between Islamist radicalism and

Western civilization." The letter concludes, "Mr.

President, we call on you as commander-in-chief,

guarantor of the constitutional rights of Russian

citizens, and, above all, [guarantor] of the right to

life, to give the order for a ceasefire in Chechnya

and to organize a delegation for the start of

negotiations with Maskhadov about a peaceful

political settlement."

The open letter was also signed by Novaya

gazeta correspondent Anna Politkovskaya, Lev

Ponomarev and Yuli Rybakov of the For Human

Rights movement, Oleg Orlov of the Memorial

human rights center, and Yuri Samodurov of the

Andrei Sakharov Museum, among others.

Meanwhile, on February 10 President Putin met

in the Kremlin with the United Nations High

Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour. "We will listen with respect and react to an


~ 47 ~

objective analysis of the issue, to every objective

remark," Interfax quoted him as saying at the

meeting. "The only thing unacceptable for us is

the use of human rights issues for economic or

political purposes."

Arbour also met with Russian human rights

ombudsman Vladimir Lukin, Russia's former

ambassador to Washington. Briefing reporters

about the president's meeting with Arbour, Lukin

said, "Violations of human rights concern us no

less that our foreign partners," Itar-Tass reported

on February 10. Lukin added, "Those who equate

terrorists and our armed forces are not right,"

but, he conceded, "There is no justification for

people with shoulder straps who violate human

rights, and this happens from time to time."

Utro.ru said that Lukin demonstrated "brilliant

diplomatic preparation" in his comments. "Briefly

mentioning that the president, on his own

initiative, touched on the extremely painful issue of Chechnya, he [Lukin] preferred to switch to

violations of the rights of national minorities in

the Baltic countries and to the subject of how

the results of the election in Iraq have still not

been announced," the website wrote on February

10.

But while Arbour's meetings scheduled for today

[February 11] are also Kremlin-friendly -- she is

set to meet with, among others, Federation

Council Chairman Sergei Mironov and State

Duma International Affairs Committee Chairman

Konstantin Kosachev -- she also plans to meet

with a group of human rights activists at the

offices of the Memorial human rights center on

February 12. "I will personally speak [to her]

about how the human rights situation has

catastrophically worsened recently," Lev

Ponomarev told Utro.ru. "The main issue for

Russia today, the ulcer that is eating away at and

influencing the situation around the whole

country is, of course, the war in Chechnya,

where the right of the individual to life is being

violated in a cruel way, where the kidnapping of

people continues."

Ponomarev said he would also bring up "the

attack on social rights" exemplified in the

monetization of benefits and the reappearance of

political prisoners. "The siloviki who have come

to power in the country have begun battling the

opposition in a crude way and are fabricating

criminal cases against political opponents, the

leaders of civic organizations," he said. "But the

most dangerous thing is that the authorities have

moved to massive repression, which sooner or

later happens in any police state." Ponomarev

pointed to the events in Blagovashchensk,

Bashkortostan, at the end of last December,

when riot police reportedly carried out a "crime prevention operation" in which hundreds of men

and teenage boys were detained and beaten up,

and scores of girls raped (MosNews, January 21).

--Charles Gurin

IS IT TOO LATE FOR PEACE TALKS IN

CHECHNYA?

RFE/RL Caucasus Report

Vol. 8, No. 6, 11 February 2005

IS IT TOO LATE FOR PEACE TALKS IN

CHECHNYA? On 3 February, the Chechen

resistance website chechenpress.com posted a

statement by President Aslan Maskhadov's envoy

Umar Khambiev announcing that Maskhadov

issued instructions to his forces on 14 January to

observe a unilateral cease-fire until the end of

February. According to Khambiev, that command

was intended as a goodwill gesture that could

pave the way for unconditional talks aimed at

ending more than five years of fighting.

Four days later, on 7 February, "Kommersant-

Daily" published an interview with Maskhadov in

which he repeated his call for negotiations. Also

on 7 February, chechenpress.info posted a

statement by Maskhadov in which he called on

the United Nations, the European Union, and the

Council of Europe to play a more active role in

mediating a settlement of the Chechen conflict.

But Russian officials have not responded to that

initiative, while senior members of the pro-

Moscow Chechen leadership have argued that

Maskhadov does not qualify as a negotiating

partner as he no longer has any authority among

the resistance. Moreover, they allege, Maskhadov

bears responsibility, together with radical field

commander Shamil Basaev, for a string of

terrorist acts against Russian civilians, including

the Beslan hostage taking in September 2004.

Moscow, too, earlier discounted the possibility of

talks with Maskhadov on the pretext of his

alleged involvement in terrorist acts against

Russian civilians. In mid-September, in the wake

of the Beslan hostage crisis, Russian Foreign

Minister Sergei Lavrov compared calls for

Moscow to embark on negotiations with

Maskhadov with the suggestion that Europe

should conduct such talks with Osama bin Laden.

(This despite Maskhadov's repeated insistence

both before and after Beslan that his men strictly

observe the Geneva Conventions and desist both

from attacks on Russian civilians and on Russian

military targets outside Chechnya.)

This is by no means Maskhadov's first attempt to

offer the Russian leadership a face-saving way out

of a conflict that has since 1999 claimed the lives

of thousands of Russian servicemen and sapped the national budget. In an earlier interview with


~ 48 ~

"Kommersant-Daily" in April 2000, weeks after

the fall of Grozny, Maskhadov similarly declared a

unilateral cease-fire and called for peace talks and

the dispatch to Chechnya of a fact-finding mission

from the Organization for Security and

Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). Russian military

officials wrote off that offer as an indirect

admission of defeat, claiming that Maskhadov's

men did not have the weaponry to continue

resistance, according to Interfax on 21 April

2000, while then acting Russian President

Vladimir Putin's aide Sergei Yastrzhembskii said

Maskhadov had not responded to unspecified

counterproposals (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 21

April 2000).

Maskhadov issued three further calls in 2000 for

unconditional peace talks: in an interview in July

with an Azerbaijani news agency, in a second

interview with "Kommersant-Daily" (see "RFE/RL

Newsline," 25 September 2000), and in an interview with "Moscow News" in November.

Yastrzhembskii rejected the latter offer, saying it

contained "nothing new" and that it was due to

Maskhadov's "inactivity" that Chechnya had

degenerated into "an enclave of terrorism and

Wahhabism" and a permanent threat to Russia's

security (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 22 November

2000).

Maskhadov broadcast calls for unconditional

peace talks on a clandestine radio station in

January 2001, and on the official Chechen

television channel three months later. Then in

June 2002, on the eve of the Group of Eight (G-

8) summit in Canada, he sent an open letter to

the participants, calling for a cease-fire in

Chechnya and asking for their assistance in

resuming contacts between his envoy, Akhmed

Zakaev, and then presidential envoy to the

Southern Federal District Viktor Kazantsev. That

initiative coincided with an appeal to Russian

President Vladimir Putin by former Russian

Security Council Secretary Ivan Rybkin (see

"RFE/RL Caucasus Report," 13 September 2002).

Both Rybkin and former Russian Supreme Soviet

speaker Ruslan Khasbulatov met with Zakaev

during the summer of 2002 to discuss various

blueprints for resolving the Chechen conflict (see


But Maskhadov subsequently announced that he

was again coordinating resistance activities with

radical field commander Shamil Basaev, who

publicly claimed responsibility for the hostage

taking in a Moscow theater in October 2002.

That incident furnished the Russian authorities

with a cast-iron excuse to brand Maskhadov a

terrorist, and demolished his credibility with the

United States. The "Los Angeles Times" on 31

October 2002 quoted an unnamed U.S. official as saying Maskhadov has "forfeited any legitimacy he

had.... He's either unwilling to stand up to

terrorists or incapable of it."

In the wake of the Moscow hostage taking,

Maskhadov switched tactics and began calling not

for direct talks with Moscow but for the

international community to pressure the Russian

authorities to agree to such talks. He told

RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service in May 2003

that "it has become obvious today that it is

impossible to seek peace directly with the

Russian leadership," because those leaders rose

to power thanks to the war in Chechnya. He

said: "The Russian authorities that have brought

so much violence to the Chechen people could

not end this war peacefully, even if they wanted

to." He said the only way to bring the fighting to

an end is through the United Nations, the OSCE,

the Council of Europe, and other organizations

that protect human rights. Maskhadov reiterated

in that interview that "I have never given orders to blow up buildings or to kill innocent people. I

have even given orders to my mujahedin...to be

careful not to kill Chechens, not to carry out

terrorist attacks that could hurt innocent people"

(see "RFE/RL Newsline," 21 May 2003).

One year later, in early June 2004, Maskhadov

appeared to have abandoned any hope of peace

talks, telling RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service:

"We tried to approach the Russian government

with our [peace] proposal several times. We told

them, 'Let's stop this war ourselves without

involving anyone into this process.'" Maskhadov

vowed that "we will not stop our struggle, and

we will not back off as long as the enemy

tramples our soil. We'll keep fighting until he

leaves our country. We won't accept anything

short of this." But at the same time, Maskhadov

made clear that he does not seek independence

for Chechnya, but would accept a peace

settlement that would preserve Russia's

territorial integrity. He said: "We are prepared

to do whatever [the Russian leadership] want us

to do, whatever they find advantageous. We can

jointly manage our economy, defenses. We can

jointly guard our borders. We can create a

common currency and conduct our diplomatic

affairs together. We can think of common

investment programs. We are prepared to sign

agreements on collective security and join the

fight against terrorism. That is what we are telling

the Russians. But they don't want that.... In this

situation, we are compelled to seek friends

elsewhere simply because Russians don't want

friendship with us."

But by mid-2004, two military operations

masterminded by Basaev had transformed the

political landscape in the North Caucasus. The

first was the bomb that killed Chechen administration head Akhmed-hadji Kadyrov in


~ 49 ~

May. Instead of reappraising its strategy of

offloading to the pro-Moscow Chechen

leadership the responsibility for neutralizing the

resistance and "normalizing" the political situation

in Chechnya, the Kremlin sought to placate, co-

opt and promote Kadyrov's son Ramzan, whom

many observers believe will replace Kadyrov's

interim successor Alu Alkhanov as soon as he

reaches the age of 30. The second operation,

staged just days after Maskhadov's interview with

RFE/RL, was the raid launched on Interior

Ministry targets in Ingushetia in which some 80

people were killed (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 22

and 23 June 2004). Ingushetiya.ru quoted a young

Ingush participant in that raid as explaining that

he "and hundreds like me" left home and joined

Basaev's militants after federal security or police

personnel randomly detained their relatives, who

subsequently disappeared without a trace.

Since June, bands of militants reporting to Basaev have surfaced elsewhere in the North Caucasus -

- in Kabardino-Balkaria, where they raided the

local headquarters of the Federal Antinarcotics

Service in December, and in Daghestan, where

Interior Ministry troops and special forces have

launched at least two operations to apprehend

them in recent weeks. The fact that the war in

Chechnya has spilled over the borders of that

republic could be adduced to substantiate the

Russian authorities' repeated argument that

Maskhadov has become irrelevant, and that there

is no point in negotiating with him -- especially in

light of the differences in the military tactics

favored by Maskhadov, who says he abhors

targeting innocent civilians, and Basaev, who

seemingly considers all Russian citizens legitimate

targets. In other words, a "point of no return"

may already have been reached, beyond which,

Russian officials may argue, the only effective

strategy is to continue current efforts to

eradicate all militant bands perceived as posing

potential threats to security and stability in the

North Caucasus.

On the other hand, as Maskhadov himself has

frequently pointed out, all wars have to end, and

most end at the negotiating table. "Nezavisimaya

gazeta" suggested on 9 February that as a man of

"considerable political experience," Maskhadov

can hardly have anticipated that, this time

around, he would receive a positive response

from the Russian authorities to his cease-fire

declaration and call for unconditional peace talks.

If that is the case, then it is reasonable to assume

that Maskhadov's intention may have been to

induce the international community, and above all

U.S. President George W. Bush, to take a

tougher line with Moscow over the need for a

swift and negotiated solution to the Chechen

stalemate before the situation in neighboring

North Caucasus republics deteriorates even

further. (Liz Fuller)

FUROR OVER CHECHEN PEACE

OVERTURES DESIGNED TO FIZZLE

2005-02-11 18:55

PARIS (Angela Charlton for RIA Novosti) - The

terror of Beslan did not bring Vladimir Putin to

the negotiating table. Neither did the Dubrovka

theater siege. Nor have five years of Chechen

terrorist attacks and periodic rebel ceasefires.

Aslan Maskhadov's latest appeal for peace talks

faces the same failure. The international attention

he garnered for his gesture was hardly enough to

persuade the Kremlin to negotiate with its

enemies. Warlord Shamil Basayev's parallel threat

of further terrorist attacks only strengthened

Russians' resolve - and earned the British

broadcaster that aired it a lashing by Russian officialdom. Even the scare of a possible Chechen

nuclear bomb, cited by Boris Berezovsky amid

the uproar, was shrugged off by Russian generals.

All this frenzy is fizzling fast. It appears that the

Kremlin, the Chechens and the international

community are all participating in this ritual

charade: militants grab the spotlight and re-ignite

international indignation about the war, Russian

officials reject any negotiations, and all sides go

home further entrenched in their positions.

The Americans stayed silent this week about

Maskhadov's ceasefire and negotiations offer.

Despite tougher rhetoric from Washington

toward Russia in recent months, the Chechnya

question appears to be currently off-limits. U.S.

Ambassador Alexander Vershbow reaffirmed

U.S. efforts to help Russia choke off terrorists in

Chechnya and talked of fairer elections - but did

not mention peace talks. Secretary of State

Condoleezza Rice, in her latest comments on

Russia, mentioned anti-terrorism cooperation

but did not mention Chechnya by name. Even

though Washington continues to host members

of the Chechen diaspora, the U.S. government

has labeled Basayev's group as terrorists and long

ago stopped calling for negotiations with

Maskhadov.

One of the war's most vigorous critics, the

Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of

Europe, plans to take part in talks next month

between ex-Maskhadov envoys and current pro-

Kremlin Chechens - but there are no plans for

inviting Mr. Maskhadov's current team. Even

liberal commentators concede that more

ambitious talks, if held, would probably not

produce a lasting settlement.

As weary as Russians are of war, they are


~ 50 ~

increasingly convinced that peace in Chechnya is

impossible. The Kremlin recognizes, and

sometimes feeds, this conviction, and shuns all

talk of negotiations.

Russia's stance on Chechnya has been challenged

time and again by the outside world, yet no one

has presented Putin with a solution he can

gracefully pursue, much less a reason to pursue

it. He owes his rise to power to this war, and

abandoning it now could threaten his political

future. More importantly, he has no one to

negotiate with.

Even the war's loudest opponents admit that the

Chechen forces are fractured and that moderate

rebel leaders are near extinction. Onetime

peacemaker Maskhadov, despite denouncing

major terrorist attacks, has done nothing to win

back Russian trust since his leadership of

Chechnya crumbled into chaos in the 1990s. More crucially, his authority over Chechen forces

has crumbled too.

The other internationally recognized face of rebel

Chechnya, Basayev, is too proud of his terrorist

resume to be included in any negotiations. And

he, too, faces resistance among Chechen factions

who wouldn't feel bound by any peace plan

endorsed by him or Maskhadov or both.

Sadly, it means little whether Maskhadov's offer

was a genuine plea for peace or a headline-

grabbing scheme designed to buy his fighters time

to regroup during the hostile mountain winter.

Similarly, for all Berezovsky's wealth, his words

no longer move mountains. Whether he is a

voice of impassioned opposition seeking to end a

war, or a has-been tycoon looking to rekindle his

role as conductor of the Kremlin-Chechnya

relationship, the result is the all-too-familiar

deadlock.

Putin suffered international isolation and wounds

to his reputation because of political upheaval in

Ukraine and Georgia, and ultimately had to

accept what for him was an unfavorable outcome

in both countries. Any such outcome in

Chechnya is unthinkable without foreign military

intervention, something no country is ready to

mount.

A recent hit Russian action film, "Lichny Nomer"

("Countdown" in international versions), seems

particularly apt amid the latest Chechnya debate.

A superhero Russian special agent is kidnapped

by Chechens bankrolled by an exiled oligarch.

The agent is tortured into making a videotaped

confession that he organized terrorist acts

against Russian civilians, then escapes with the

help of a British journalist. Meanwhile, the oligarch strikes a deal with Arab and Chechen

mercenaries to stage a fake terrorist attack on a

circus, so that he can negotiate a triumphant end

to the horror. The Arabs, however, turn out to

be real terrorists, using the attack to spirit a

nuclear bomb out of the country.

Is art imitating life or propaganda? Either way, the

message is clear.

Plan to oust Putin by February 2006 over

Chechnya, says Russian analyst


15, 2005

Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov's

proposal of cease-fire and talks with the federal

centre is a political tool being used by "certain

forces", including exiled tycoon Boris

Berezovskiy, to undermine President Putin and

effect a change of power in Russia, analyst

Aleksandr Zhilin has said, commenting on Maskhadov's interview for the Kommersant

paper on 7 February. Talking to Russian Centre

TV, Zhilin said that the intelligence services of

"NATO countries and the USA" were "running

the show" in Chechnya. He suggested that

starting in March, a lot of publicity will be

generated around former Russian Prime Minister

Mikhail Kasyanov in an attempt to mould him

into a figure similar to Viktor Yushchenko. The

following is the text of Zhilin's interview

broadcast by Russian Centre TV on 7 February;

subheadings have been inserted editorially:

[Presenter Ilya Kolosov] The guest in our studio

is military observer Aleksandr Zhilin. Good

evening.

Aleksandr, why do we keep returning to the

same topic again and again? Why do you think a

man who controls nothing, or almost nothing,

never fails to find an opportunity to speak to the

country's top leadership via the press and offer a

truce. Failing that, he says, the war will restart.

[Aleksandr Zhilin, captioned as head of the

centre for studying applied problems] You have

posed the question rightly. Maskhadov really

controls very little in Chechnya. In the past two

years, I have thought of him as of a figure a la

[former presidential candidate Ivan] Rybkin in the

hands of certain forces. While [warlord Shamil]

Basayev, although certainly negative, is a fairly

serious figure from the point of view of

rehearsing and implementing his scenarios, in this

hierarchy Maskhadov is below a serious

instructor from Arab countries. Then again,

neither Maskhadov nor Basayev can control the

situation from beginning to end -

[Presenter - interrupting] The situation on their side?


~ 51 ~

Chechnya used to put pressure on Putin

[Zhilin] The situation in Chechnya. And the

reason, as has long been plain for all, is that in

this war, or more precisely, in the situation that

is evolving there, the intelligence services of

other countries have been running the show for

a long time now. Those of NATO countries and

the USA. It is they that through third countries

have been both supplying mercenaries and

providing financing, and so on.

[Presenter] Are our intelligence services running

the show?

[Zhilin] Our intelligence services are trying to

counter this, but all this provision for terrorism

doesn't fall from the blue sky. It has been

organized by the intelligence services because

today the Caucasus is a lever they're using to try and put pressure. They are trying to pressure the

president by raising certain fears. After all, we

have all witnessed ghastly terrorist attacks in our

country. All of this fits into the jigsaw of a war

against our country.

[Presenter] I am not sure whether to agree with

this or not. I am probably not competent enough

to either fully agree or categorically disagree with

the above. However, I still have not heard an

answer to my question. Why have those people,

who were put on the federal wanted list several

years ago and who are based on a rather small

area, still not been destroyed, let alone arrested?

Why?

[Zhilin] I am probably not in a position to answer

this question. This question should be addressed

to the special services and to those senior people

who are responsible for that.

[Presenter] But you must have wondered about

it yourself. What explanation did you find?

[Zhilin] Yes, I did wonder. And I cannot find any

other answer apart from the fact that certain

forces in Russia are interested in seeing those

people alive. I for one have found a very simple

formula. For the whole duration of combat

operations in Chechnya - and I have been

through the first Chechen war, then there was

the second Chechen campaign and then the

present - nobody has ever seen, heard, written

about or showed a single shot on the part of

either the federal forces or the gunmen in the

direction of trains or vehicles carrying oil.

[Presenter] While oil keeps coming from there.

[Zhilin] While oil keeps coming from there. It is a good business. Trust me: it is a very good

business. People who are in the know have told

me that it involves huge amounts of money. But

that is not all that it is about. It is clear that any

local conflict, if it becomes protracted, begins to

involve various forces. And that is exactly what

we have in Chechnya.

Change of power in Russia before February 2006

[Zhilin] But why has this jack-in-the-box jumped

out now of all times? What has happened to

make Maskhadov once again appeal to the

president with these proposals. I read that

interview very attentively. It is clear that it was

written in Moscow. It is clear that some pretty

good professionals worked on it. It was not

Maskhadov who answered those questions. All

that is a political tool which I will say more about

a little bit later.

[Presenter] Who do you think wrote that interview?

[Zhilin] Political analysts, and very shrewd

political analysts at that.

[Presenter] In other words, that very force that

is interested in seeing the Chechen war go on?

[Zhilin] Yes, I will tell you what I think about

them, too. On the surface, it would seem that

there are no reasons for Maskhadov to make

those statements. However, I don't think I'll be

giving much away when I say that since last year

certain forces, including [exiled tycoon Boris]

Berezovskiy and other opponents of the current

authorities, have been taking certain steps to

destabilize the situation and to surround

President Putin with certain difficulties. All that is

because an objective has been set, as far as I

know, to have a change of power and the

president in Russia in the period from this

September to February next year. In

confirmation of the above, you will see that

starting in March a lot of publicity will be

generated around [former prime minister]

Mikhail Kasyanov. He is an Yushchenko-type

figure. Already now [liberal politician Boris]

Nemtsov and others are starting to tentatively

mention his name.

[Presenter] In other words, you are linking it all

to Russian domestic politics, right?

[Zhilin] Indeed. Now, let us go back to

Maskhadov's interview. Why am I saying that this

political tool was written by political analysts? If

you look at the piece attentively, you will see

that it is a proposal that the Kremlin cannot

accept. Not only because Maskhadov's name is in

blood and linked with killed children and so on.


~ 52 ~

[Presenter] There is no point in holding talks

with him because he is not in full control.

[Zhilin] And not only that. His proposal is in

essence a stalemate one. If tomorrow Putin sits

down to talk with Maskhadov, his rating will

plummet because people will question his

actions. If he does not agree to talks, the Union

of Right Forces and company will start screaming:

Look at bloodthirsty Putin, he is refusing to hold

talks while people will continue to be killed and

so on and so forth.

Thus, no matter what Putin does in this situation,

he finds himself at a disadvantage. That is why it

simply has to be explained to people that

Maskhadov's proposals are unacceptable to

Russia's dignity. It is not about Putin. The thing is

that Russia cannot accept them.

[Presenter] Thank you.

Source: Centre TV, Moscow, in Russian 2115

gmt 07 Feb 05

Kommersant Covers War of Words over

'Authenticity' of Maskhadov 'Truce'



Not Believed"]

Chechen head Alu Alkhanov has described

Maskhadov's truce as a complete bluff. "We have

no reason to accept his (Maskhadov's --

Kommersant) latest pronouncement about

stopping the terror as gospel truth," the Chechen

president said at a new conference in Moscow on

Saturday, noting that "if Maskhadov and Basayev

really are prepared to stop the terror, then there

must be conditions and he needs to contact the

law enforcement agencies and surrender."

Moreover, Mr Alkhanov did not rule out the

possibility that the terrorist Basayev was actually

dead. "According to the information we had

seven-eight months ago (Mr Alkhanov was

Chechen internal affairs minister at the time --

Kommersant), Basayev had problems with his

kidneys and with his leg that had been operated

on," the Chechen president said, hinting that the

terrorist might have died of an illness.

Representatives of the Russian military grouping

in Chechnya command immediately began to

deny not only the gunmen's leaders' intentions,

but also the authenticity of Maskhadov's

statement. "The law enforcement agencies know

for sure that the information posted on the

extremists' website by the illegal armed

formations' ideologists has nothing to do with

statements allegedly made by Maskhadov and Basayev," Kommersant was told at the regional

operational headquarters running the


Caucasus. "All references to bandit underground

leaders are fictitious and the texts of the

statements themselves are a figment of Movladi

Udugov's imagination." The headquarters

spokesman said that 12 terrorists acts were

committed in the republic from 10 January

through 3 February (Maskhadov's truce began on

1 February.

The claims by the Russian and Chechen

authorities' spokesman were denied, in turn, by

the Ichkerian president's general spokesman,

Umar Khambiyev. "They are merely trying to

portray us as diehard bandits," Mr Khambiyev

told Kommersant yesterday. According to him,

there is no reason to doubt the authenticity of

the Ichkerian president's edict on halting combat

actions. "I have discussed the matter with him

(Maskhadov -- Kommersant) in person," Mr Khambiyev said, "and the resistance fighters are

strictly adhering to the demands of the

president's edict on a unilateral cessation of

combat actions: There has not been a single

attack by our side since 1 February, and this is

acknowledged by anyone observing events in

Chechnya."

Kremlin Discounts Possibility of Talks

With Chechen Rebels After TV

Appearances

Moscow Utro.ru WWW-Text in Russian 08 Feb

05

[Article by Sergey Belukhin: "Basayev and

Maskhadov Occupy Television Screens"]

Strange things are happening on our television.

Chechen terrorist leaders, whose names in

recent years have been customarily mentioned

only in the context of possible elimination and

arrest, are now delivering speeches on central

channels.

Not even a week has passed since the Russian

Foreign Ministry vehemently protested the

showing on British television of an interview with

Shamil Basayev (who, it turns out, is once again

alive and well). Subsequently extracts from the

broadcast are shown to Russian viewers on RTR

and NTV. And now yesterday [7 February] there

is a new sensation: "Ichkerian President" Aslan

Maskhadov broadcasts on our screens.

Moreover, not on Channel 4, which is often

berated for excessive free thought, but on the

official Channel 1. The general meaning of the

speech, which our television journalists

borrowed from colleagues at the Al-Jazirah

channel, is, of course, negative. In particular,

Maskhadov says how he respected and liked the deceased Abu al-Walid, Al-Qa'ida's envoy in


~ 53 ~

Chechnya. As is known, the Russian authorities

very much like to demonstrate that Chechnya is

a bastion of international terrorism, which must

be combated by any means. The separatist leader

also says that "volunteers" from Arab countries,

that is to say mercenaries, are fighting on their

side.

Nevertheless, the fact that the people who are

being sought for the Beslan terrorist act and

many other things are appearing on prime-time

television gives pause for thought. What if talks

are actually in the offing with those whom it was

intended to "take out in the john?" But the official

Kremlin, in the person of presidential press

service spokesman Dmitriy Peskov, denies these

theories. "Maskhadov does not control the

situation and, most importantly, he is a terrorist.

No country in the world wants to deal with

terrorists," he stated.

Incidentally, about talks: On Monday [7 February]

Maskhadov gave an interview to Kommersant

newspaper and also published an appeal to the

Russian leadership and world community on

separatist sites. The "president of Ichkeria" claims

that it was on his orders that the republic's

"armed forces" ceased attacks on federal troops,

thereby demonstrating their leaders' readiness

for dialogue. Everything would have been fine

except that the guerrillas violated this suspension

of hostilities tonight when they killed a policeman

in Chechnya's Gudermesskiy Rayon. It looks like

the "commander in chief" does not actually

control his "forest brothers."

In addition, real Chechen President Alu Alkhanov

commented on the "cease-fire" today. "The door

to both the prosecutor's office and bodies of

power is always open to them. If there is a desire

to repent, if there is a desire to say to their

people: forgive me, excuse me, people, because

of us you have suffered for so many years -- let

them come and say that. I think that both the

people and the leadership of the republic will

accept such statements," the head of the republic

stated. Evidently the word "accept" means taking

repentance into account during sentencing.

MASKHADOV’S CEASE-FIRE AND THE

SITUATION IN CHECHNYA

Murad Batal Al-Shishani

CENTRAL ASIA - CAUCASUS ANALYST

Wednesday / February 09, 2005

Chechnya’s President Aslan Maskhadov on

February 3 issued a presidential decree to all

Chechen fighting forces to cease fire for a month

as a gesture of good will to show his willingness

to negotiate. Maskhadov forbade any use of

weapons except in self-defense. The announcement is important to understanding the

situation in the Republic that has been caught in a

war for a decade. The announcement also raises

several questions regarding the power

Maskhadov actually yields and its influence on

solving the Chechen conflict. It is an indicator of

Maskhadov’s power over the Chechen resistance

forces, the interrelations between political

powers in Chechnya, and Russia’s earnestness in

finding a solution for the crisis.

BACKGROUND: The second Russian-Chechen

war erupted in 1999, and the Russian forces

invaded the Republic and presented a formula for

resolution of the conflict based on fraudulent

elections that brought Chechnya’s former mufti

(religious leader), Ahmad Kadyrov, to power.

Following Kadyrov’s assassination in May 2004,

the power was turned to Alu Alkhanov in the

same way, and he became a head of a pro-

Russian government. Consequently, political

power in Chechnya was divided into three major wings: the first represented by the legitimate

president, Aslan Maskhadov, who represents a

moderate national movement calling for a

peaceful solution to the conflict, pulling Russian

forces out of the Chechen Republic, and

negotiations. Among the most important figures

of this movement are Vice President Ahmed

Zakayev and Foreign Minister Ilyas Akhmadov.

The second is a radical movement spearheaded

by Russia’s number one man on the wanted list,

field commander Shamil Basayev. This movement

is in alliance with the salafi-jihadist movement and

calls for driving the Russian forces out to

establish their version of an Islamic state. Finally,

the third movement is represented by the pro-

Russian Chechen government. This movement is

itself divided into two wings: the formal wing

represented by Alu Alkhanov, and an informal

one represented by Ramzan, the son of the

former President Ahmed Kadyrov. Both are

supported by Russia, in particular Ramzan, who

along with his armed militia has created a state

within a state formula. Ramzan Kadyrov’s militia

forces are also judged responsible for many of

the human rights violation occurring in

Chechnya.

Maskhadov’s latest announcement is a “power

test” in which he seeks to demonstrate his

authority over Chechen fighters as a response to

Russia’s refusal to negotiate with him on the

basis that he is a “terrorist”. Independent reports

and pro-Russian Chechen forces confirm that no

major attacks or subversive actions by resistance

forces have taken place since the announcement

went into effect, while Russian and pro-Russian

forces have continued conducting so-called

mopping-up operations.

If Maskhadov’s initiative continues to be successful, it will create a quandary for the pro-


~ 54 ~

Russian movement that capitalizes on the

argument that Maskhadov has no claim to power

inside Chechnya and does not influence all forces

there, hence a peace deal with him would not

constitute an end to fighting. The announcement

is a power test especially in being a response to

the claim that the salafi-jihadist movement is in

control of the Chechen resistance, as Russian

propaganda and some of the pro-Russian forces

attempt to spread.

IMPLICATIONS: The moderate national

movement, led by Maskhadov, Zakayev and

Akhmadov is the major power center capable of

pacifying the situation in Chechnya. The salafi-

jihadist movement, on the other hand, is facing a

crisis due mainly to the assassination of its

leaders. Samer Bin Saleh Bin Abdullah Al-Swelim,

better known as Amir Khattab, was poisoned in

2002, and his successor Abu al-Walid al-Ghamidi

was killed in April 2004 – effectively killing the main Arab element in the leadership. Chechen

supporters were also targeted, such as former

Chechen interim President Zelimkhan

Yandarbiyev, who was killed by Russian agents in

Qatar. The leadership vacuum also worsened the

lack of funding that the salafi-jihadists had

experienced due to international efforts to halt

terrorist financing, and it is apparent in many of

the movement leaders’ statements. On the other

hand, the Beslan massacre and the hostage-taking

of schoolchildren undermined the popularity of

Shamil Basayev, who claimed responsibility for

the operation. According to most Chechens,

Basayev’s action amounted to a desecration of

their long struggle for freedom. Probably realizing

this, Basayev was the first to announce his

adherence to Maskhadov’s order. Indeed, no

resistance operations were recorded in the first

days following the announcement of the cease-

fire while at the same time human rights

organizations recorded an escalation in arrests of

citizens by local and federal forces.

The last movement, represented by the pro-

Russian government, is also facing several

dilemmas. The first is it near total lack of

legitimacy; another is the very real possibility of

conflict between its formal and informal divisions.

There is increasing evidence of Kadyrov Jr.’s

involvement in corruption, including the illegal

trafficking of oil and support for armed militias.

CONCLUSIONS: While Maskhadov wishes to

prove his power in Chechnya and that this is the

best solution for a peaceful finale to the Russian-

Chechen war, the rejection by Moscow and the

pro-Russian forces in Chechnya of the cease-fire

is important. Accordingly, the pro-Russian

government, supported by Russian forces, is

likely even to escalate its provocative actions as part of its so-called mopping-up policy. As a

result, there is a risk that the radical wing of the

Chechen resistance will break the cease-fire and

will proceed with attacks on Russian forces.

Maskhadov, as mentioned above, ordered

Chechen forces to resort to weapons only in

self-defense.

The real danger is that Russia seems to believe

that rejecting the initiative, or at least not

welcoming it, will imply a success of its policy of

‘chechenizing’ the conflict. It would have been

more feasible for Russia to welcome

Maskhadov’s initiative – or at least not reject it

out of hand – because continuing with this policy

of obduracy and refusal to negotiate with

Maskhadov will only keep the reins in the hands

of those benefiting from this brutal war.

AUTHOR’S BIO: Murad Batal Al-Shishani is a

Jordanian-Chechen writer who holds an M.A

degree in Political Science, specializing in Islamic Movements in Chechnya. He is author of the

book "Islamic Movement in Chechnya and the

Chechen-Russian Conflict 1990-2000, Amman

2001 (in Arabic).

Moscow Continues To Reject Chechen

Rebels' Overture

Russia -- FMA in English 09 Feb 05

[FBIS Media Analysis]

Russia: Moscow Continues To Reject Chechen

Rebels' Overture

Chechen rebel spokesmen are continuing a public

relations offensive touting the recent ceasefire

orders by rebel leaders Aslan Maskhadov and

Shamil Basayev as a real opportunity for a

negotiated peace, despite the fact that Russian

and pro-Moscow Chechen officials have rejected

Maskhadov's initiative out of hand. While pro-

government and state-run media have also

rejected or ignored the initiative, some non-

government media have argued Moscow should

explore it, and a few have even suggested the

Kremlin might be willing to do so.

On 2 February, the main rebel websites --

Kavkaz-Tsentr, Chechenpress, and Daymohk --

carried a brief report saying rebel President

Maskhadov had ordered a ceasefire until the end

of February. While the websites did not publish

the text of Maskhadov's order, on 3 February

they did publish the text of another ceasefire

order, this one from Chechen rebel field

commander Shamil Basayev, who has at times

seemed at odds with Maskhadov. Basayev, "in

fulfillment of" Maskhadov's order, ordered "all

fighters under my command" to unilaterally cease

offensive operations against Russian forces and Chechen and Russian civilians until 22 February.


~ 55 ~

On 3 February, NTV, RenTV, Ekho Moskvy radio

[footnote: All three networks are owned by

state-controlled companies but have often shown

considerable editorial independence.] reported

the ceasefire announcement, but the main state-

run TV networks, Channel One and Rossiya, did

not. Neither did government-run Chechen TV in

Groznyy.

Chechen rebel spokesmen touted the ceasefire

announcement as a breakthrough that could lead

to peace talks and a negotiated end to the war.

-- A statement on the rebel Foreign Ministry's

website called it a "demonstration of good will"

and an "invitation to Russia to open genuine

peace talks" (Chechen Foreign Ministry, 2

February).

-- Umar Khambiyev, one of Maskhadov's representatives abroad, called it a "sign of good

will," meant to "invite Russia to end the war at

the negotiating table." He also asserted the

ceasefire would demonstrate that the rebels

were not disparate bands but a united and strong

force under Maskhadov's command (Kavkaz-

Tsentr, Daymohk, 3 February).

-- Another Maskhadov representative, Usman

Ferzauli, said Maskhadov was "confident" that

"peace initiatives" could lead to a "compromise

and peace" (Ekho Moskvy Radio, 3 February).

Moscow, Chechen Allies Reject Initiative

While the Kremlin itself offered no immediate

public comment, some Russian officials were

quick to reject the ceasefire declaration,

portraying it as a propaganda ploy and disputing

Maskhadov's ability to deliver on any promises.

-- Southern Federal District Presidential

Representative and former Kremlin deputy chief

of staff Dmitriy Kozak dismissed the ceasefire

announcement as an "attempt to attract

publicity" and asserted "Maskhadov has never

been in control of the situation" (ITAR-TASS, 3

February).

-- Ground Forces Deputy Commander Vladimir

Bulgakov called it a "ruse" and said rebel attacks

on Russian positions and convoys were

continuing (AVN, 3 February).

Some official spokesmen and other observers

interpreted the end date of 22 February in

Basayev's ceasefire order as meaning the rebels

were planning a major attack for 23 February, the

anniversary of Stalin's deportation of the

Chechen people to Central Asia (Kommersant, 3 February; Nezavisimaya Gazeta, Moskovskiy

Komsomolets, Politcom.ru, 4 February).

Officials in Chechnya's pro-Moscow government

were even more emphatic in rejecting the

ceasefire declaration.

-- Chechen President Alu Alkhanov denounced it

as a "propaganda trick" aimed at foreign public

opinion and asserted Maskhadov had never kept

his promises (President and Government of

Chechnya -- Official Site, 3 February).

-- Ramzan Kadyrov, first deputy premier for

security, called it "cynical" and accused

Maskhadov and Basayev of planning to commit

new "terrorist acts" as soon as the ceasefire

expired (AVN, 3 February).

-- Evidently seeking to put a negative spin on

Khambiyev's comment, Chechen State Council

Chairman Taus Dzhabrailov called the ceasefire announcement a "ruse and a provocation," as

well as an attempt to falsely "claim the guerrillas

have a single control center." In fact, Dzhabrailov

claimed, neither Maskhadov nor Basayev control

any significant number of fighters (AVN, 3

February).

As if to emphasize that the rebel leaders remain

beyond the pale and to discredit the idea of

peace talks, Russia's General Prosecutor's Office

on 3 February formally charged Maskhadov and

Basayev with responsibility for the September

hostage-taking at a school in Beslan, North

Ossetia, and other attacks (Radio Rossii, AVN, 3

February).

Maskhadov Continues Initiative . . .

In the face of these rejections, Maskhadov on 7

February issued an appeal to President Putin and

granted an interview to the respected daily

Kommersant, which is owned by anti-Kremlin

oligarch Boris Berezovskiy.

-- In his appeal to Putin, Maskhadov said he

hoped to ward off the "uncontrolled and

disastrous processes with unpredictable

consequence" that the continuation of the war

could set off (Chechenpress, Kavkaz-Tsentr,

Daymohk, 7 February).

-- He told Kommersant the ceasefire was a

"good-will gesture" and an "invitation" for

Moscow to open negotiations (7 February).

According to one source, Khambiyev even

suggested the rebels would accept a settlement

short of full independence. In an interview with

the pro-rebel website The Chechen Times, he

said the rebels were "not fixated on independence," so long as the "existence of the


~ 56 ~

Chechen nation" was guaranteed. He added, "If

the negotiators don't want to call it

independence, we will find a different formula" (7

February).

. . . and Moscow Continues Rejection

Russian officials again responded negatively.

Among major broadcast media, only NTV, Ekho

Moskvy, and the Moscow city government's

Center TV network reported Maskhadov's 7

February statements and the official response.

-- Kozak again dismissed Maskhadov's initiative as

a "PR trick" (ITAR-TASS, 9 February).

-- Kremlin spokesman Dmitriy Peskov rejected

any idea of negotiations, calling Maskhadov a

"terrorist" and saying, "No country in the world

wants to deal with terrorists" (Utro.ru, 8

February).

-- NTV quoted unnamed Russian commanders in

Chechnya as again dismissing the initiative as a

"ruse" (8 February).

-- The government news agency ITAR-TASS

quoted an unnamed "high-ranking military official"

of the Russian forces in Chechnya as calling the

ceasefire a "blatant lie" intended to buy time for

the rebels to regroup during the winter (8

February).

-- Several Federation Council and Duma

members rejected Maskhadov's initiative.

Defense Committee Chairman Viktor Ozerov

called the ceasefire an "information war" tactic

(NTV, AVN, 7 February). Council Chairman

Sergey Mironov said Maskhadov was merely

seeking to "dampen the federal government's

vigilance" (ITAR-TASS, 8 February).

Once again, pro-Moscow Chechen officials also

rejected the initiative.

-- Alkhanov again denounced the ceasefire as a

"lie" and called on Maskhadov to surrender to

the authorities (NTV, Center TV, Ekho Moskvy

radio, 8 February).

-- Kadyrov said it merely showed the rebels had

been "driven into a corner" and demanded that

Maskhadov surrender (NTV, ITAR-TASS, 7

February)

-- Dzhabrailov stated flatly "there will be no

political contacts with Maskhadov and his circle"

(AVN, 7 February). He later predicted more

"similar offers," implying the pro-Moscow

Chechen authorities would continue to oppose

talks (ITAR-TASS, 9 February).

Commentaries in pro-government newspapers

echoed official dismissals of Maskhadov's

initiative:

-- The government newspaper Rossiyskaya

Gazeta called the ceasefire a "PR campaign" (8

February) and the Defense Ministry's Krasnaya

Zvezda called it a "propaganda trick" (9

February).

-- Komsomolskaya Pravda, owned by pro-

Kremlin oligarch Vladimir Potanin, urged the

government to ignore what it called a "trap" for

Russia and "in essence, an ultimatum by

terrorists" (8 February).

Furthermore, the Federal Service for Monitoring

Legal Compliance by Mass Media issued an official

warning to Kommersant for publishing

Maskhadov's interview, which it said "justified and

condoned terrorist activities" (ITAR-TASS, 8 February).

State-owned Channel One TV, which did not

report Maskhadov's ceasefire order or his 7

February statements, broadcast a lengthy news

item on 7 February with video footage it said

proved Maskhadov had close ties to al-Qa'ida --

presumably seeking to discredit him as a

negotiating partner.

Non-Government Media See Chance for Peace

Despite the chorus of official rejection, some

media often critical of the government argued

that Moscow should at least explore Maskhadov's

initiative. A few suggested -- official denials

notwithstanding -- that the Kremlin might be

considering doing so.

-- Aleksey Malashenko of the Moscow Carnegie

Center said the initiative might be a reaction to

"not entirely articulated" signs that "Moscow is

beginning to rethink its Caucasus policy"

(Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 4 February).

-- Anna Politkovskaya, a long-time critic of the

war in Chechnya, called on the Kremlin to have

the "courage" to "accept the hand of good will"

offered by Maskhadov. She said the negative

official response to date was "stupid" (Novaya

Gazeta, 7 February).

-- The independent Moscow Times quoted an

anonymous Kremlin spokeswoman as saying that

President Putin's public silence so far "does not

mean [Maskhadov's initiative] is not being

discussed in the Kremlin" (8 February).

-- Controversial columnist Aleksandr Minkin

asserted Maskhadov had proved his good will and his effectiveness, saying rebel activity had stopped


~ 57 ~

throughout Chechnya. He suggested Moscow or

the pro-Moscow Chechen government might

stage a false rebel attack to discredit Maskhadov

(Moskovskiy Komsomolets, 9 February).

[Begin box]

Is the Ceasefire Real?

Russian, Chechen, and other media published

conflicting reports as to whether rebel attacks

had in fact ceased or even declined.

On 7 February, NTV reported the Chechen

Interior Ministry (MVD) had noted a "decline" in

rebel activity. The independent website

Kavkazskiy Uzel cited a Chechen MVD source as

saying on 6 February there had been no rebel

attacks for the past three days, and quoted the

Russian military command as saying "the situation

is for the most part quiet" (7 February). AFP quoted an anonymous source in the pro-Moscow

Chechen government as saying, "The ceasefire

appears to be holding" (7 February).

However, on 9 February, the military

commandant's office in Chechnya asserted there

had been no decline in rebel attacks (ITAR-TASS,

9 February). An anonymous "high-ranking military

officer" asserted rebel activities were continuing

unchanged (ITAR-TASS, 8 February;

Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 9 February). Rossiyskaya

Gazeta claimed that 12 "terrorist acts" had been

prevented since the ceasefire was declared (8

February).

Akhmed Zakayev, Maskhadov's chief

representative in Western Europe, asserted such

statements by the Russians were predictable and

were intended to "discredit" Maskhadov's

initiative (Chechenpress, Kavkaz-Tsentr, 9

February).

[End box]

An Open Appeal to the President of the

Russian Federation from Leading Russian

Human Rights Activists

International Helsinki Federation for Human

Rights

Moscow, 9 February 2005

Cease-Fire in Chechnya and Talks with

Maskhadov are Necessary

For more than 10 years now, with a quasi three-

year break, in reality Russia has been at war with

Chechnya. This has been a terrible war, with tens

of thousands of casualties, hundreds of thousands

of crippled people, destroyed cities and a ruined

economy. Recently, a new opportunity has arisen to put a stop to this vicious conflict – Aslan

Maskhadov, the political leader of the Chechen

resistance, has not only ordered a unilateral

cease-fire, but has also publicly condemned

Basayev's actions. He stressed that Basayev

should be tried by an international tribunal,

thereby, defiantly dissociating himself not only

from Basayev, but also from the whole radical

wing of insurgents. In no case, should this

historical chance for peace be missed.

We understand that it is very easy to ignore this

unprecedented gesture of the opponent calling it

a "trick." Yet, to ignore it will only result in

radical groups of insurgents placing more

pressure on the moderate wing calling them

traitors. And then nothing will stop the final

transformation of the Chechen war into an

"eternal conflict," or prevent its further

proliferation across the whole of the Northern

Caucasus.

Terrorists are capable of supporting the existing

level of military-terrorist activities for many

years, especially if Chechnya is surrounded by the

same intensive terror and insurgent war support

system, which has been formed around Israel or

Iraq, now occupied by international coalition

troops. This will be an extremely heavy blow for

Russia. It is also clear that the number of Islamic

radicals among the insurgents will increase year

after year, for whom the Chechen war is just one

of several fronts in the fight against the West,

and who need "a war for war’s sake." In parallel,

the radicalization of the civil population will

grow. Radicals are not interested in any terms

for a peace settlement, even the most favourable

for the secular wing of separatists. At the same

time, we will witness an even faster growth in the

strength and power of ultranationalists in the

Russian politics ready to use the Chechen

conflict and terror to build up fascism in the

country. The conclusion is obvious – the earlier a

clear political dialogue between the Russian

federal authorities with the moderate wing of the

Chechen resistance is launched, the more

chances we may have of reaching a peace

settlement.

History teaches that negotiations are the only

means of achieving by political methods what is

difficult to achieve by force.

Mr. President, peace talks with a moderate wing

of insurgents are a promising political alternative,

in fact a unique way to prevent transformation of

Chechnya into another confrontation line of

Islamic radicalism and western civilization. Now,

perhaps, Russia is faced with a key historical

decision; another chance has appeared to save

many thousands of lives. Should the chance be

lost, the future generations of politicians will have to find a way out of the deadlock under much


~ 58 ~

more difficult conditions.

Mr. President, we are calling you – as the

Supreme Commander in Chief, the guarantor of

the constitutional rights of the citizens of Russia,

and, above all, of the right to life, to order a

cease-fire in Chechnya and to form a delegation

to commence talks with Maskhadov on a peaceful

political settlement.

L.M. Alekseeva, Moscow Helsinki Group,

Chairperson

A.V. Babushkin, Committee “For Civil Rights”

V.V. Borschev, Moscow Helsinki Group, member

S.V. Brovchenko, Public Fund “Glasnost”

S.A. Gannushkina, Committee “Civil Facilitation”

L.I. Grafova, Coordinating Committee for

Refugees and Enforced Migrants

E.L. Grishina, Public Association “Public

Information Centre”

S.A. Kovalev, T. Kasatkina, O. Orlov, Human Rights Centre “Memorial”

A.A. Piontkovski, Center for Strategic

Researches, President

A.S. Politkovksaya, journalist

L.A. Ponomarev, Yu.A. Rybakov, Civil Movement

“For Human Rights”

Yu.V. Samodurov, Sakharov’s Museum and Public

Centre “Peace, Progress, Human Rights”

A.P. Tkachenko, writer

G.P. Yakunin, Public Committee for Freedom of

Conscience Defence

Maskhadov Unilateral Cease-Fire Order

Said Initiated From Abroad

By Yevgeniy Sobetskiy

GROZNY, February 9, 2005 (Itar-Tass) - The

chairman of the Chechen State Council, Taus

Dzhabrailov, believes a unilateral cease-fire order

by Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov may

have been initiated from abroad as part of a plan

by certain forces to stall the process of a real

settlement of the situation in the restive republic.

"I am confident there will be more similar offers,

and all of them fit well into separatists' plans to

prove that they do exist and can seriously

influence something," the speaker told Itar-Tass

on Wednesday commenting on the initiative by

former Chechen president Aslan Maskhadov.

He did not rule out that PACE could also be

used in their "attempts to buy public at large with

such projects". Dzhabrailov said some Ichkerian

leaders, including former health minister Umar

Khambiyev, whom Maskhadov appointed his

envoy in contacts with federal troops, as well as

deputy chairman of the Ichkerian parliament

Selim Bishayev" could be involved in that.

According to Dzhabrailov, in actual fact all this

demonstrates "only the nervousness of

Maskhadov himself and of those, who associate

with him plans to destabilize the situation in the

republic". He said the main reason behind such

nervousness is the fact that Chechen law

enforcement agencies "have seriously 'treaded on

the tail' of bandits, first of all in the mountainous

part of the republic".

He listed as an example a recent operation in

Chechnya's Vedeno region, in which "12 to 14

so-called 'amirs', or more simply first leaders of

different bandit groups were killed, which is a

serious blow on bandits".

"It is the effectiveness of anti-terrorist activity of

federal troops and law enforcement agencies of

Chechnya that makes Makshadov launch

initiatives, which can't be dubbed otherwise than

bizarre," the Chechen official stressed.

Chechen Website Criticizes Actions,

Position of Russian Human Rights

Campaigners


Text in Russian 12 Feb 05

[Report by Boris Stomakhin: "The Lubyanka's

voluntary helpers"]

It is one thing to respect people for what they

have done in the past, but it is quite another to

assess them on today's events. The address of

leading Russian human rights campaigners to

[Russian President Vladimir] Putin in connection

with the CRI [Chechen Republic of Ichkeria]

president [Aslan Maskhadov]'s announcement of

a cease-fire is striking. It is a long time since we

have had to read such abject garbage signed by so

many important and celebrated names. These

venerable champions of human rights are

zealously driving a wedge between, as they put it,

"the wings of the separatists."

"Chechen Resistance leader Aslan Maskhadov has

not only issued an order about a unilateral cease-

fire, but has publicly condemned the actions of

[Chechen rebel leader Shamil] Basayev, declaring

him worthy of an international tribunal, and in

this way has demonstrably distanced himself not

only from him, but from the whole radical wing

of the 'militants'," they write. They are pleased

and relishing the situation, and in doing so they

are thus distorting things just a little and inviting

Putin to share their joy.

Well, OK - the people who signed this letter are

those who right from the beginning and in all

these years of Putin's rule have stood in front of

the Lubyanka on their hind legs and defended

human rights in Russia on the principle "we'll dance to our people and yours for three


~ 59 ~

kopecks". In other words - the main thing is not

to quarrel with the Kremlin, not to go too far in

"defending the rights of specific people", but for

the sake of such a sacred goal you may sit down

and embrace the bloody vampire from the

Lubyanka even in the presidiums of various "civic

forums".

But the fact that Yuliy Rybakov, one of the last of

the inflexible, irreconcilable and uncompromising

ones, a former Soviet political prisoner and a

member of the DU [Democratic Union], signed

this fawning billet-doux to Putin is very

depressing. When people like him join in the

yelping of the aforementioned whelps to the

elephant (in this case, Basayev) - it means things

are really bad. "There is something rotten in the

state of Denmark", and it is particularly rotten in

with the conscience and courage of its best

people.

And it is a long time since we heard such garbage

from Sergey Adamovich Kovalev, perhaps some

four whole years, from that very meeting on 22

February 2001 which was arranged by all these

leading "moderate and conscientious" human

rights campaigners, precisely on the 22nd so as

not to "set tongues wagging" with the 23rd. At

that meeting he got up on the platform and gave

a roasting to the more radical wing of Moscow's

anti-war movement, which had prepared for the

next day, the set date, another more radical

meeting in memory of the deportation of the

Chechen people. He then described us as

Raskolniks [dissidents], provocateurs, and so on;

just as well he didn't call us earthworms.

This letter leaves not just a sad, but a loathsome

impression. Let me give you a quote from it: "It is

obvious that among the 'militants' there will be

an increase every year of the ratio of 'Islamic

radicals' for whom the war in Chechnya is merely

one of several fronts of the struggle against the

West, which needs a 'war for a war'. At the same

time, the peaceful populations will become more

radical. The radicals have absolutely no interest

in any settlement, not even the most

advantageous conditions for a peace settlements

for the secular wing of the separatists," the

human rights champions write.

This is a direct lie, an absolute fallacy. When

Rusnya [Russia], for heaven's sake, was the

"West"??? [Question marks as published] A

typical Aziopa [Asia and Europe], a "Third Rome"

inclining towards a Third Reich. How can a war

with Rusnya be a "war with the West"?? And this

was signed by Kovalev, Rybakov, [Valeriy]

Borshchev and [Father Gleb] Yakunin. If [former

Russian dissident Andrey] Sakharov had been

alive, no doubt he would have signed it, too.

So one wants to say that the world has gone

mad, or that the old, respected, merited human

rights champions, celebrated Soviet dissidents

and political prisoners from the past have simply

entered senility. For how else can one explain

the fact that they are so openly bringing disgrace

on their grey hair, composing and signing

malicious lies and deliberately driving a wedge,

splitting the ranks of those very Chechens whose

fate they appear to be so concerned about?

However, everything falls into place when you

recall that since December 1994 all these

"Memorials" and "Helsinki groups" have defended

exclusively the PEACEFUL POPULATION [web

site's capitals], who undoubtedly more acutely

than anyone else has been in need of protection,

whereas having declared the "militants" from the

very outset "extremists" and "terrorists" and

urging them to surrender to the discretion of

Russia and her authorities. To appeal to a whole nation to voluntarily climb into the crocodile's

mouth "in order to save the peaceful population",

and for the conscientious section of this nation

which is resisting this "savior" to branch away

and expose itself to dishonor and try to disarm -

that's their clever idea of "human rights" for you.

Do these respected human rights activists and

inveterate humanists realize who they are really

working for by deliberately splitting the ranks of

the fighting Chechen Resistance? If they do not,

then perhaps we should explain to them. They

are working for Putin, the Kremlin and the

Lubyanka, whether they want to recognize this

or not. And there was a time, in the dissident

years of the 70s, when these exposed

"informers" in their ranks were held in deserved

contempt.

However, what they are doing now is not much

worse than just writing petitions to the bloody

maniac in the Kremlin, the vampire with cold fish

eyes who is dripping in the blood of the Chechen

people. They write devoted collective letters to

him, in this way making it clear to each and

everyone that they recognize this vampire as

their lawful president, and they consider his

authority legitimate and are prepared to

subordinate themselves to it. And they are

striving to split the Chechens fighting under the

command of Maskhadov and Basayev into

"moderates" and "radicals", leading the former to

voluntary surrender to Putin, and the latter to

annihilation by his punitive forces. The latter are

being fed the so-called "conditional independence

plan" which is actively supported by the human-

rights-anti-war group.

Meanwhile, no wandering around the halls of

Europe, no debates in the European Parliament and PACE [Parliamentary Assembly of the


~ 60 ~

Council of Europe] resolutions will substitute for

the autonomous group of the mojahedin outside

Vedeno [District in Chechnya] which is daily

fighting and routing the Russian invaders and

their booty. No playing at human rights, sending

pathetic petitions to the authorities or calling for

a "clear political dialogue" will help to save a

people who are being exterminated by the anti-

humans in Russian uniform but who are dealing

an armed rebuff [to these invaders] all the time

and everywhere. It is a rebuff by those people

who our petitioners to Putin call "Islamic

radicals".

From this point of view it is precisely Shamil

Basayev who is today and in all the years of the

war has been the most effective and consistent

champion of human rights, defending the rights

and freedom of his people many hundreds of

times more effectively than all the [Lev]

Ponomarevs and Kovalevs. And that six-barrel rocket launcher which he demonstrated recently

during an interview to British television is a

symbol of REAL [website's capitals] protection of

human rights, from which all those who signed

the letter to Putin, even in spite of their service

in the Soviet camp (some of them), are as far

removed as is heaven from earth.

Incidentally, all this history does a very dubious

service to Maskhadov - his name is being used by

the Russian "human rights champions" as a kind

of symbol of "moderation", and this group of

comrades writes all its false nonsense about the

"radical wing of the militants", protecting the

name of Maskhadov, almost on his behalf.

Yes, all wars always end in talks, but according to

conscience and honor, as will the talks with the

murderer of 42,000 Chechen children, with a

war criminal and international terrorist, the

butcher of a peaceful population, as is Putin's

Chekist junta which rules Russia.

"One cannot have any talks with terrorists, they

can only be wiped out!" Is that clear, Messrs

Kovalev, Ponomarev, and the rest of you?

Appeal for Peace in Chechnya

Unrepresented Nations and Peoples

Organisation

2005-02-12

Dear Mrs. Louise Arbour,

On behalf of the Unrepresented Nations and

Peoples Organization (UNPO), in reference to

Your current visit to the Russian Federation, as

the United Nations High Commissioner for

Human Rights, I take this opportunity to bring

the following to Your attention.

The Government of the Chechen Republic of

Ichkeria , led by President Aslan Mashkadov,

Member of UNPO, announced on 2 February

2005 a unilateral ceasefire of all armed Chechen

forces. President Mashkadov declared that until

22 February 2005, the day prior to the 60th

anniversary of Stalin’s deportation of the

Chechen people to Central Asia, Chechen

troops will not attack Russian positions.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Mashkadov

Government has announced that the ceasefire "is




Chechen conflict by peaceful means."

Human Rights organizations worldwide have

welcomed this initiative as yet another offer by

President Mashkadov to end violence and renew

dialogue toward a political resolution of the decade-long conflict. To most Chechens,

President Maskhadov remains a legitimate

authority and is Chechnya's only democratically

elected leader.

Considering the critical opportunity embodied in

President Mashkadov’s initiative, UNPO urges

the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights:

To acknowledge the importance of this ceasefire;

To recognize the efforts of the Chechen party

towards a settlement of the ongoing conflict;

To entreat the Russian authorities to use the

ceasefire offer as an opportunity to begin

dialogue on a negotiated resolution of the

conflict;

To bring forward the recent Chechen initiative

to the attention of all the UN bodies mandated

to work on matters of security and conflict

resolution.

UNPO would be grateful if the UN High

Commissioner for Human Rights will give due

consideration to the requests contained in this

letter.

Sincerely,

Marino Busdachin

General Secretary

Application of Ahmed Zakaev

the Department of the governmental information


Since the moment, when the President of the

Chechen Republic Ichkeria Aslan Mashadov ordered to stop unilaterally the offensive military


~ 61 ~

actions, the Russian mass-media, which before

had extremely avariciously informed about the

events in the Chechen Republic , began to

publish numerous reports on attacks, the object

of which occupational forces and the pro-Russian

puppet structures were. The purpose of these

publications is quite obvious: to convince the

public that the unilateral moratorium declared by

the Chechen President, ostensibly, is not

observed. And to accuse Aslan Mashadov either

of insincerity, or that he does not control the

forces of the Resistance.

To understand the provocative essence of these

reports is enough to remember the application of

general Shabalkin, the main information

megaphone of the invaders: "Our headquarters

never report about loss of the federal army. It is

a kind of credo and I am not going to break it"

("The Time of News", 24.08.2004). Now, having

broken his "credo", Shabalkin became too garrulous and almost daily reports about losses

of the federal army, about attacks,

bombardments and undermining carried out,

according to his assurances, by the Chechen

fighters. However this propaganda convinces

only, that liars sooner or later turn out to be in

an awkward situation.

Certainly, after the publication of the order of

the President, we expected provocations from

the Russian “federals”, the purpose of which are

to discredit the peace initiatives of the Chechen

management. As in Aslan Mashadov's order it is

said about the moratorium on offensive actions

not only in the Chechen Republic , but also in

Russia , we do not exclude also, that the Russian

special services in the nearest future will

dramatize acts of terrorism in the territory of

the Russian Federation as well. Really, what can

prevent the security officers' regime to carry out

next bloody provocation? It is enough to

remember, that Putin ascended to the Kremlin

throne through the corpses of hundreds of his

own citizens, who had been blown up by his

special services in apartment houses of the

Russian cities in autumn, 1999.

In order to carry out genocide of the Chechen

people and fulfillment of the meanest

provocations, the Russian authorities do not let

foreign journalists, representatives of the legal

and humanitarian organizations to the Chechen

Republic . In this situation it is quite obvious, that

from two contending parties only the criminal

one is interested in absence of unbiased

observers in the zone of the conflict. During all

years of the war the Chechen management

insists on the international monitoring of the

conflict, because we have nothing to conceal, and

the Russian party prevents such a monitoring, because it is interested in concealing its crimes

from the international public.

We declare that forces of the Resistance strictly

follow the order of the Commander-in-Chief of

the Chechen Armed forces, President Mashadov,

about cease-fire. We also declare, that we are

not only ready, but also we call international

observers to become arbitrators in the problems

of observance of the moratorium on offensive

actions declared by the Chechen party in the

beginning of February. And if the Russian party

declares about infringements of this moratorium

by the Chechen fighters, logically, it should be

most interested in that the international public

on behalf of independent observers would make

sure in it.

Ahmed Zakaev,

The special representative of the President of the

Chechen Republic Ichkeria in foreign countries

Chechen Rebel Envoy Denies Reports of Planned Attack

Moscow Ekho Moskvy Radio in Russian 1000

GMT 14 Feb 05

[Announcer] Fighting in the North Caucasus is

not ending. Today, there have been reports

about a new battle. Moreover, this news raises

particular interest bearing in mind the one-way

cease-fire which the separatists have declared.

Who provoked the clash today? Nadezhda

Pravdina tried to clear this up.

[Correspondent] The special operation is

continuing near the Chechen villages of Staryye

and Novyye Atagi. After the fighting last night,

law-enforcement sub units are inspecting the

villages. I remind you that fighting started at

about 0100 [2200 GMT] in the flood plains of the

River Argun. According to the spokesman for the

regional operational headquarters for

counterterrorist operations in the North

Caucasus, Ilya Shabalkin, federal troops knew

about the attack before.

[Shabalkin] Because there was convincing

information about this move, patrols were

deployed. In the course of a short combat

encounter, six gunmen were killed. At the

present time, sub units are continuing inspections

in the area where the clash took place.

[Correspondent] One of the rebels killed today

in Staryye Atagi is most probably an Arab

mercenary, Ilya Shabalkin said. He said there

were 15 rebels in total. However, [Chechen

rebel leader] Aslan Maskhadov's envoy, Akhmed

Zakayev, said in an interview with our radio

station that this information does not

correspond with reality. Chechen separatists

continue to fulfill Maskhadov's order for a complete cease-fire until the end of February.


~ 62 ~

[Zakayev] There are no large clashes because the

sub units which are under the command of

president Maskhadov are all strictly adhering to

this order.

[Correspondent] I remind you that it was in the

middle of January that Aslan Maskhadov gave the

order for a complete one-way cease-fire across

the whole territory of Chechnya and beyond its

borders until 22 February. According to the

separatists, the armistice was declared in a mark

of good will. They are waiting for an adequate

response from Russia. However, the Russian

president's plenipotentiary representative in the

Southern Federal District, Dmitriy Kozak, has

called Maskhadov's declaration political PR. The

Chechen leadership has proposed that the leader

of the Chechen separatists, Aslan Maskhadov,

gives himself up.

Russian Official Says Pointless To Hold

Talks With Chechen Leader Maskhadov

MOSCOW. Dec 16, 2004 (Interfax) - It would

not make sense to hold negotiations with

Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov,

Moscow Helsinki Group head Lyudmila

Alexeyeva said.

"Maskhadov is not supreme commander-in-chief

there [in Chechnya]. He has his own unit, but all

the other field commanders are acting

independently," Alexeyeva told Interfax on

Thursday.

"It would be pointless to hold talks with

Maskhadov. His unit will possibly agree not to

fight. But will this help?" she said.

"Contacts should be established with various war

lords in Chechnya, not necessarily Maskhadov,

whose name acts like a red rag," Alexeyeva said.

Negotiations with guerrillas involved in terrorist

attacks are impossible, she said.

"This primarily concerns terrorists, including

[Shamil] Basayev. Talks could be held with him if

he took people hostage and if it helped release

them. Under any other circumstances, talks with

him are impossible," Alexeyeva said.

AUSHEV CALLS ON MOSCOW TO SIT

DOWN FOR TALKS…





In an interview with Novaya gazeta published on February 14, former Ingushetian President Ruslan

Aushev commented on Maskhadov's ceasefire

and call for peace talks. Asked whether he

thought the ceasefire was holding, Aushev

answered: "I believe that is a secondary issue.

First it is necessary to evaluate Maskhadov's call

for negotiations. And to assess it based on world

experience. If the Basques in Spain suddenly

called for negotiations. Or the Iraqis announced

to the American government: we are declaring a

moratorium and are halting attacks on your

forces. Do you think the Spanish or the

Americans would become indignant, as our

military and politicians are doing? See how the

world is now applauding what is going on at the

negotiating table in the Middle East!"

Aushev also argued that Maskhadov's influence is

greater today that it was in the past. "Several

years ago Maskhadov was influential within

Chechnya," he told the bi-weekly. "Now his

influence extends over the whole North Caucasus, inasmuch as organized resistance to

the policy of the federal center is growing

throughout the Caucasus. And for those people

who are coming out against that policy, it is

exactly Maskhadov who is a symbol. Was, is and

will be." Aushev added: "Don't belittle

Maskhadov with the assertion that he doesn't

control anything. Yes, there are many groups that

operate autonomously for a half a year at a time.

But there is a general tendency: all of these field

commanders recognize Maskhadov. Here's a

comparison for you. Even given the extremely

low, five-percent rating that Boris Yeltsin had

during the middle of his presidency, nobody

doubted his power and authority. If we want

peace in the Caucasus – precisely in the

Caucasus, and not only in Chechnya – then

negotiations must be conducted with the armed

resistance. There is no solution using force, there

is an idea that must be fought only with ideas, not

armies, tanks and planes. Maskhadov, I repeat, is

a symbol of this idea."

Aushev also suggested that negotiations with

Maskhadov may be a last chance, given the

character of the younger separatist fighters,

exemplified by Movsar Baraev, who led the

October 2002 hostage-taking raid on Moscow's

Dubrovka Theater, and Ruslan Khuchbarov, who

reputedly led the September 2004 Beslan school

hostage-taking raid. "The generation that grew up

during the war fanatically believes in an idea and

knows only how to fight," Aushev said.

"Conducting negotiations with them will be a

million times more complicated. It wasn't for

nothing that [former commander of the federal

forces in Chechnya Viktor] Kazantsev ordered

the detention of Chechnya's male population

from age 10 to 60… And another thing: don't

imagine the Khuchbarovs and Baraevs to be savages. There are many of them, they have been


~ 63 ~

fighting all of their lives; they are politicians,

behind them is a young, aggressive ideology; they

are informed, technologically armed and are

growing."

Meanwhile, Chechen President Alu Alkhanov said

in an interview with Interfax published on

February 10 that there is "absolutely no need to

negotiate with Maskhadov or his associates to

establish peace in Chechnya." "If Maskhadov and

his associates want peace for the people of

Chechnya, all they have to do is stop the terror

and surrender to the authorities," Alkhanov said.

"They know perfectly well where they should go

– the Prosecutor's Office or other law

enforcement agencies. The people of Chechnya

are tired of all this talk, they are determined

about the way of their development, they have

voted for the constitution, for unity with Russia."

On February 14, Council of Europe Secretary-General Terry Davis told Ekho Moskvy while on

an official visit to Moscow that only negotiations

can end the bloodshed in the North Caucasus.

"The situation in Chechnya, in the Chechen

Republic, demands a political solution," he told

the radio station. "And such a solution can be

found through negations. This, of course, is not

an issue for the Council of Europe; it's an issue

that must be resolved by the Russian authorities."

…AND ZAKAEV CALLS ON BUSH TO

CHANGE HIS POLICY

Akhmed Zakaev wrote an op-ed piece published

in the International Herald Tribune on February

16 urging President George W. Bush to

reconsider his position vis-à-vis Chechnya prior

to his meeting with President Vladimir Putin in

Bratislava later this month.

"Three years ago, the U.S. president gave Putin

the green light for his plan of Chechen

pacification, which consisted of draconian

measures against the civilian population, the

installation of a puppet government and a

propaganda campaign in the West that portrayed

the Chechen independence movement as Islamic

terrorists," Zakaev wrote. "It is clear now that

the strategy did not work: The armed resistance

was not subdued, the population did not

embrace the Quisling government and courts in

Britain and the United States cleared Chechen

political figures, such as myself, of Russian

accusations of terrorism. The only outcome of

‘pacification' was the emboldening of radicals at

the expense of the moderate Chechen

leadership, leading to the outrage of Beslan and

the spread of militant ideology throughout the

Caucasus."

Maskhadov's unilateral ceasefire is "a unique

opportunity, perhaps the last, to break the

vicious circle of hatred, death and destruction,"

Zakaev wrote. "If it is lost, the responsibility for

the escalation of the conflict, further

radicalization of the Caucasus and the inevitable

increase of terrorism will go to those who

persist in the failed policy of appeasing Putin.

Bush should realize that his hands-off policy on

Chechnya does not increase security but only

breeds terror."

REBELS AND FEDS BATTLE OVER

CEASEFIRE





Gen.-Major Ilya Shabalkin, spokesman for the

Russian military operation in the North

Caucasus, claimed on February 14 that Federal Security Service (FSB) and Interior Ministry

forces had carried out a special operation to

destroy a group of rebels, Interfax reported.

Shabalkin said the rebel group numbered up to

15 and was located along the administrative

border between the Shali and Groznensky rural

districts near the villages of Starye Atagi and

Novye Atagi. Six of the rebels were reportedly

killed and ten escaped. Shabalkin said the security

forces launched the operation after receiving

intelligence that a large rebel group was planning

attacks on federal military installations. "An

ambush was set up on the route along which the

bandits were likely to move," he said. "Around

00:30 on Monday, a group of fighters were

spotted. Federal forces went into action against

them. The band was dispersed. According to

preliminary information, around five militants

were killed."

Radio Liberty's Russian service reported later on

February 14 that seven militants were killed

during the operation near Starye Atagi, and that

two of them were citizens of Saudi Arabia. It also

reported that one Russian serviceman was killed

and six wounded in the fighting.


spokesman, Akhmed Zakaev, told Agence

France-Presse by telephone from London that

the federal forces had "provoked" the battle and

denied rebel forces had broken the unilateral

ceasefire that Maskhadov recently announced.

"We have not broken the ceasefire," Zakaev said.

"But there are constant provocations from the

Russian special services, as well as disinformation

being spread by the Russian army's press service.

They are trying to discredit our idea of a

ceasefire."

A spokesman for the Russian military operation


~ 64 ~

in the North Caucasus also claimed on February

14 that rebels had attacked two cars carrying

federal troops in the Kurchaloi district village of

Akhkinchu-Borzoi but that none of the

servicemen were hurt. The spokesman said

spetsnaz that arrived at the scene spotted a

group of rebels numbering up to seven and killed

three of them, RIA Novosti reported.

The separatist Kavkazcenter website on February

15 commented on the reported Akhkinchu-

Borzoi attack: "What calls attention to itself is

the fact that while the Russian occupation

command earlier rejected all reports by the

Chechen side about mujahideen military

operations, stating that there is no war in

Chechnya, with President Maskhadov's

announcement of a moratorium on offensive

operations, the occupiers are now trying in every

way possible to stress that the war in Chechnya

is continuing. We recall that the Chechen armed forces command categorically rejected all

previous statements by the Russian side about

military clashes on Chechen territory."

The federal authorities have long charged that

Maskhadov exercises little or no control over the

separatist forces, and reports of separatist

fighters initiating attacks would give credence to

that assertion.

«There is no alternative to the Chechen

peace initiative»

Kavkaz-Centre

2005-02-19 01:21:13

In view of the peace initiative launched by the

President of CRI Aslan Maskhadov, the “Kavkaz-

Centre” news agency has conducted an interview

with the General Representative of the Chechen

President abroad Umar Khanbiyev.

“Kavkaz-Centre” publishes the answers of the

General Representative of the President of CRI

abroad.

Question: Many commentators and analysts have

already expressed their doubt that the Kremlin

regime will support the initiative of peace

negotiations with Chechnya . What is your

prognosis?

Umar Khanbiyev : Judging by the first morbid

reaction on the part of Russia, our optimism,

really, seems to be very illusive. However, this is

not new to us – we have already predicted such

trend of developments. President of CRI Aslan

Maskhadov noted in his conversation that he

guesses the “reaction of the hawks” of the

military clique and ambitious smatters at politics,

who, thanks to this war, have come into power

by chance”.

And he was right. Nevertheless, Maskahdov puts

trust in political goodwill of the President of

Russian Federation. That is why Maskhadov's

appeal is addressed to Putin, the person whose

reaction should be dictated by the judgment of

the sober-minded and responsible politician.

The Decree on appointment of the

Governmental delegation for contacts with the

Russian side, issued following the order on

temporary suspension of all kinds of offensive

actions on the territory of CRI and RF, is a

demonstration of Maskhadov's confidence that

Putin is able to take a reasonable step. And this

happens despite the fact that the Kremlin analysts

regard their president as a programmed man-

robot unable to take a clever move. I do not

understand to whom it is advantageous to have

such president. At any rate, it is advantageous

neither to the Chechens, nor to the Russians.

I share President Aslan Maskhadov's optimism

and I will do everything in my power to establish

contacts with the Russian side.

Question: Has the negotiating team been formed

to carry out talks with the Russian side?

Umar Khanbiyev: Yes. Such team has already

been formed and is looking forward to the

contacts from the Russian side. When the

Russian leadership clarifies itself, we will publish

the list of our delegation.

Question: If the Russian side abandons call, as it

always happened during the last five years, do

you have any alternative moves in store to force

Russia to take part in peace talks?

Umar Khanbiyev : Today's situation cardinally

differs from the circumstance in the past when

we suggested peace initiatives. The rapid and

impetuous processes taking place in the Caucasus

have changed the proportion of forces and the

prospects of the Kremlin to settle the political

problems by using force. Russia can put forward

no alternative to the Chechen peace initiative, if,

of course, the Russian authorities do not want to

destroy the statehood of Russia .

Question: The initiative of the PACE with regard

to the so-called “round table” on Chechnya to be

held in Moscow has lately been at the centre of

attention of the media. A number of Chechen

politicians and official representatives have

expressed their criticism with respect to the

PACE. In your opinion, what is the hidden motive

of the PACE initiative?

Umar Khanbiyev : The joint delegation of the

Parliament and Government of CRI expressed

their negative attitude to the mentioned initiative as far back as the autumn session of the


~ 65 ~

Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe

to stage any kind of “round tables”. “The round

table” in such a format as declared by Mr. Andres

Gross cannot have any positive influence on the

Russian-Chechen war. In our opinion, it is aimed

at imitation of the “concern” on the part of

PACE.

If Lord Judd was mistaken hoping that he would

have been able to bring the Russian-Chechen war

to the end by means of this kind of “round table”

in 2002, Mr. Gross insists on this and aggressively

rejects the fair censorious remarks. At the same

time, we have witnessed his attempts to stir up

opposition between the Chechen politicians.

I can state unambiguously that the “round table”

initiated by Gross for the benefit of the Kremlin

is recognized as inexpedient by the Chechen side

and was removed from the agenda in the autumn

of the past year.

The persistency of Mr. Gross astonishes me. He

was in search of contacts with me to invite me to

take part in his “round table' in Moscow . What

for? To all appearances, to tick off the items of

activities. We have invited them, but they refused

to take part in our action – Maskhadov and his

supporters do not want peace.

Question: In your opinion, what place is given to

the “Chechen question” in the policy of the

European countries today?

Umar Khanbiyev : It would be a mistake to judge

about the place of the “Chechen question” by

the public policy of the European countries. The

“Chechen question” has always been on the

agenda of the meetings with the Russian

leadership, with the rare exception. It has aleays

been the subject of the backstage talks. You

know the position of the European Parliament

that totally differs form the position of the PACE.

Besides that, we have well grounded hopes that

the UN, which, unfortunately, has bogged down

in corruption and cooperation with the

countries-outcasts, will not make us wait for its

positive attitude to the “Chechen question” for a

long time, after carrying out a reform inside the

organization.

About Reputation


Considering results of the unilateral armistice

declared by President Mashadov "The New

newspaper's" observer Anna Politkovskaya writes

:

"Mashadov's result consists, that fighting operations were deduced to the minimum, it is

the truth. But nevertheless they did not stop.

The freshest example: on February, 21, just

about the end of the armistice, there was a fight

and explosion in the destroyed building of the

former poultry farm in a settlement of the

Suburban October region of Groznyy,

destruction of nine military men of the 42 nd

motor-shooting division, the commander of

which, in traditions of the second war, publicly

swore to kill three insurgents for each "our" one.

Tit for tat - what kind of armistice is that?

February, 21, is an example of that… not the

whole party submits to Mashadov".

Politkovskaya has some strange logic here. We

admit that on February, 21, near the building of a

poultry farm there was a fight of some group of

the Resistance with invaders, as the result of

which nine "military men of the 42 nd motor-

shooting division" were lost. We shall agree

conditionally that this group of the Chechen fighters ignored the order of President Mashadov

on a suspension of offensive and diversive

actions. But whether it is possible to claim on the

basis of this UNIQUE example, that "the whole

party" observes conditions of the armistice? The

words "not the whole party” are resulted to

show, that Mashadov's order is broken not by

separate groups of Resistance, but with a

significant part of it. What part is it?

Many western and Russian observers including

Anna Politkovskaya, subdivide the Chechen

Resistance into two segments: "moderate"

(submitting to Mashadov) and "radical"

(submitting to Basaev). And if Mashadov's order

is broken with some significant part of the

Resistance, it is natural to assume, that this

disobedient part consists just of Basaev's groups.

However the matter is that for the first time it

became known about Mashadov's order from

Basaev's application, who doubled this order for

those groups, which submit directly to him, in

particular, for the battalion of kamikazes "Riyadus

Salihiyn" (The Gardens of the Just").

Such an expert in Chechen affairs, analyst Anna

Politkovskaya should know that, since the events

of the "Northeast", Shamil Basaev put down all

official military and political posts in the

structures of the CRI. And since autumn, 2002,

when his actions are contrary to orders of

President Mashadov, Shamil Basaev always openly

and publicly takes responsibility, as it was, for

example, during the events in Beslan, where

Anna Politkovskaya did not reach for the reason

that she had been poisoned in the plane (guess by

whom). And so for all last years after the

"Northeast" Shamil Basaev for the first time

enters into a commitment to observe the

moratorium declared by Mashadov on suspension offensive and diversive actions till


~ 66 ~

February, 22. And whether in this unique case of

actions agreed with the Chechen President he

would begin to deceive, secretly sending his

fighters for attacks on invaders?

Such behavior is absolutely senseless. If Shamil

Basaev had intended to continue diversions and

attacks in days of the moratorium, he would have

declared about it, as a person, who was not

connected to Mashadov by any official

obligations, and struggling against Russians with

the same methods, which Russians apply in

destruction of Chechens. And if Basaev

promised, that he would observe the

moratorium, what benefit was for him to appear

before the Chechen fighters and the whole

Chechen people in the role of a person, who did

not keep his word? Whether lives of unfortunate

nine invaders, whom Russia with whole packs

drives to the slaughter to the Chechen Republic ,

cost such a “lose of personality” in opinion of Basaev? One should know nothing about the

Chechen mentality to assume such.

If president Mashadov is most interested in that

all groups of the Resistance observed his order

and, naturally, he would not begin to break it,

sending fighters for attacks on invaders, and if

Shamil Basayev does not have absolutely any

benefit to find reputation of "the artful person" in

opinion of Chechens, maybe, Anna Politkovskaya

should rummage in archives and see, what were

the very first realities of the Russian military

representatives from the place of destruction of

those nine invaders. If she has a lack of time, we

shall do it. So, this is a citation from the report of

"Interfax" for February, 22:

"In the settlement Suburban, near Groznyy, on

Monday evening 9 military men from

investigation unit of the 42 nd crew of the

Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation

died and 3 of them received traumas as the result

of ruining of a wall of one of the houses.

According to the interlocutor of the agency, the

wall fell at an explosion of a mine-trap, which

some Russian soldiers touched unintentionally.

Six military men died at once, three of them died

on their way to hospital".

It is said about explosion here, but there is not

any word about "shooting". The "shooting" in the

Hankala realities appeared later, when the idea to

use this incident in propaganda purposes and to

try to discredit the Chechen President, "having

proved", that "the significant part" of "that party"

did not submit to Mashadov, breaking his orders,

came to the minds of Shabalkins. And it allows

the Kremlin inhabitants to wave away from

appeals to begin political dialogue with the

legitimate Chechen leader. "What dialogue are you talking about, if Mashadov supervises nothing

there"? And judging by Politkovskaya publication,

shabalkins have achieved the purpose, forcing the

respectful journalist to rush between two

mutually exclusive theses: "negotiations with

Mashadov are necessary"; "Mashadov does not

control the whole party”.

The explosive could have been incorporated by

anybody and whenever: realities of the Chechen

Republic are such, about what Politkovskaya also

writes. However, the statement constructed on

the fact of this explosion: that, ostensibly, "the

significant part of the Resistance does not submit

to Mashadov” should not be considered to be

the proof of journalistic objectivity. Shabalkins,

putins and tauses dzhabrailovs can speak, what

they want, they are not considered to be anyone

serious. But Anna Politkovskaya very uneasily, in

literal sense with risk for her life has extracted

the reputation of a fair journalist. And whether it

is necessary to undermine this reputation with superficial and poorly proved charges?

Meanwhile, in order to clear up the situation

with the armistice and in what habitual

provocative way "this party" (that is the "party"

of Putin's gangs, murderers and terrorists) has

reacted to it, we shall result only three reports,

the reliability of which Politkovskaya, with her

old connections in the Chechen Republic, can

easily check up (one of these reports she cites in

the mentioned article).

The first report:

The ORCHD in the press release No 1152 of

February, 11, 2005 , informs that on February,7,

in the evening a group of unknown people

moving by the car “Niva” attacked an

occupational block post situated in the

settlement Gerzel-aul at the administrative

border of the Chechen Republic with the

Republic of Dagestan . As the result of the attack

one of the employees of the pro-Moscow militia,

who was on duty on the post, was killed, four

people were wounded.

And the automobile "Niva" from which the block

post with national-traitors was shot, several

hours earlier was noticed in other settlements of

the Gudermes region of the Chechen republic. In

particular, about 15 o'clock inhabitants of the

settlement Novogroznyy, situated near the

settlement Noibera of the Gudermes region,

saw, how the given automobile accompanied by

two "UAZ" and cars "Ural" was going in direction

of the regional center Gudermes. Local residents

report, that the military techniques of the

invaders was full of Russian chastisers. People

managed to remember the face of one provoker

going in the "Niva". It was a man with a red beard. After an hour all four cars were noticed in


~ 67 ~

the regional centre Gudermes. In one and a half

hour the people in a car "Niva", made an attack

on the Gerzelskiy post.

The second report:

According to the correspondent of the

Chechenpress, on February, 21 in the Groznyy-

rural region of the CHRI at the entrance to the

settlement Gikalo employees of the puppet

"militias of the Chechen Republic " detained two

Russian terrorists mortgaging a mine on the

road.

The employees of puppet militia going on the line

Groznyy - Shatoi, noticed two invaders pottering

about opposite to the turn to the settlement

Gikalo, which was near the former state farm

"Teplichnyy". Puppets decided to check up, what

the invaders were engaged with, and caught them

literally for a hand during mortgaging of a mine. Both terrorists were detained, slightly processed

with butts, and brought to the regional

department of militia of the Groznyy-rural

region, where this detention and its

circumstances were written down.

Employees of puppet militia openly speak, that

the Russian terrorists were going to make a

provocation: to undermine inhabitants of the

settlement Gikalo, and then through Shabalkin to

accuse the fighters of the Resistance of this

crime, - that they, ostensibly, not only do not

observe the moratorium declared by

A.Mashadov, but also "undermine peace

inhabitants".

Meanwhile, colleagues of the detained terrorists,

having learned about their destiny, immediately

went to the regional department of militia to get

them out of there. However that day, on

February, 21, militiamen did not release the

invaders. But it is possible, that now they are

released, as after such detentions, following the

order from above, the puppet militiamen should

relieve Russian military criminals.

The third report:

The inhabitants of the regional centre Vedeno

report, that on February, 20, near the regional

centre Vedeno, Kadyrov's gangsters detained two

Russian terrorists mortgaging a mine at the

roadside. Both invaders were severely beaten by

Kadyrov's gangsters and taken to the base in

Hosi-Yurt.

According to the local residents, both invaders

were sent from Shali commandant's office for this

provocative purpose. Before taking them to the

base, Kadyrov's gangsters showed the invaders to the local residents. We shall remind that

Kadyrov's supporters replaced Yamadaev's

supporters in this area about one month ago, and

with such actions try "to please" the inhabitants

of the region, whom they terrorize day and night.

Adlan Beno

Chechen Separatist Leader Outlines Peace

Terms in RFE/RL Interview

Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty

(Prague, Czech Republic--March 4, 2005)

Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov, one

of the most wanted men in Russia, says a 30-

minute meeting with Russian President Vladimir

Putin would be enough to stop the decade-long

conflict in Chechnya. In an interview with Radio

Free Europe/Radio Liberty, he gave a broad

outline of peace terms he said could be

acceptable to both sides.

Maskhadov made the statement in response to

written questions posed by RFE/RL's North

Caucasus Service. Maskhadov's answers, in both

the Chechen and Russian languages, were

received today (Friday) via the Internet.

He said it is his firm belief that Putin is getting

bad information about the situation in Chechnya

from his commanders and does not really know

what is going on. Maskhadov said: "We have been

suggesting that a 30-minute fair, face-to-face

dialogue should be enough to stop this war, to

explain to the president of the Russian

Federation what the Chechen people do want--

I'm sure he doesn't even know that--and also to

hear from Putin personally what he wants, what

Russia wants in Chechnya."

Maskhadov said a peace dialogue could begin

with agreement on the following points:

"guaranteeing the security of the Chechen people

and protecting Russia's regional and defense

interests in the North Caucasus. If we are able to

open the eyes of our opponents, the Russian

leaders, peace can be established."

Asked about the extent of his authority in

Chechnya, Maskhadov said: "I don't think that

there are any units on Chechen territory that

would ignore my orders. I don't think there are

such units in Ingushetia, Dagestan, Kabardino-

Balkaria and Karachayevo-Cherkessia either. This

not just empty talk but reality. All military units

on Chechen territory and in the neighboring

countries are under the subordination of

Chechen resistance."

The Russian government has labeled Maskhadov

a terrorist and refused to deal with him. It

promises to pay a $10.3 million reward for his capture. Maskhadov was elected president of


~ 68 ~

Chechnya in 1997 and removed from power in

fierce fighting with the invading Russian army in

1999.

RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service broadcasts 2

hours of programming a day in the Avar,

Chechen and Circassian languages to the North

Caucasus region, produced in Prague and

transmitted to listeners via satellite and

shortwave transmission. North Caucasus Service

programming is also available via the Internet, at

www.rferl.org.

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty is a private,

international communications service to Eastern

and Southeastern Europe, Russia, the Caucasus,

Central Asia, the Middle East, and Southwest

Asia, funded by the U.S. Congress through the

Broadcasting Board of Governors.

Chechen Leader Ready For Dialogue, But

Says Rebels Will Fight to End If Necessary

Tbilisi Chechenpress WWW-Text in Russian 04

Mar 05

[Interview with Chechen rebel President Aslan

Maskhadov, entitled "Aslan Maskhadov: 'The

Chechen mojahedin will fight to the end in this

war'"]

[Excerpt] CRI [Chechen Republic of Ichkeria]

President Aslan Maskhadov replies to questions

put by correspondents of world news agencies,

including Chechen agencies.

[Maskhadov] [passage omitted: greetings in

Chechen] I will try with great pleasure to answer

the questions put by the representatives of the

news agencies.

[Question] Regarding your latest peace initiative,

what was behind your last approach to the

Russian leaders, calling on them to sit down at

the conference table? What were you hoping for?

[Maskhadov] It seems to me that the president of

the Russian Federation has been profoundly led

astray, and the people to blame are, first and

foremost, his special services, the federal troop

generals, his closest advisors and, especially, his

local puppets. It is my profound conviction that

[Vladimir] Putin just doesn't realize what is really

going on in Chechnya today. There is a

legitimized practice in the army to tell your chief

he wants to hear. It looks like this is the way it is

in the Russian special services. This is very easy

when there is complete censorship of the media.

When I was an officer in the Soviet army I never

had any respect for those leaders who were

satisfied with this - pardon the expression - "crap".

And I never associated with those subordinates

who were inclined to play up to such leaders

because it was mainly the cause and the combat

readiness of the troops that suffered from this.

Well, you can imagine what worthwhile things a

national traitor in the rank of a deputy prime

minister who has two classes of education and, as

the esteemed [journalist Anna] Politkovskaya

says, no brains at all, might report or propose.

We believe that 30 minutes of honest dialogue

face to face is enough to stop this war and to

explain to the president of the Russian

Federation what the Chechens want - I am

certain that he doesn't know this - and to hear

from Putin's own lips what he wants and what

Russia wants in Chechnya. And we don 't know

this either. To get this dialogue going all that is

needed is to think about the following: Ichkeria

requires a guarantee of the security of the Chechen people and Russia the protection of its

regional and defence interests in the North

Caucasus. If we are able to open the eyes of our

opponents, the Russian leaders, this war can be

stopped.

[Question] You have declared a moratorium on

offensive combat operations. Has this

moratorium been observed or not? Has your

order been carried out?

[Maskhadov] I don't believe there are units on

Chechen territory who would ignore my order.

In my opinion, there are not even such units in

Ingushetia, Dagestan, Kabarda-Balkaria and

Karachayev-Cherkessia. These are not empty

words, simply the way things are. All the fighting

units in Chechnya and in the neighbouring

republics are subordinate to the leaders of the

Chechen Resistance. If the moratorium had been

declared from both the warring sides, there

would probably be no problems and the order

would have been fulfilled precisely. But in this

instance, by declaring a moratorium on hostilities

from our side I was compelled to give additional

instructions from the point of view of ensuring

their own security.

Imagine the situation. A moratorium has been

declared from the Chechen side but the opposite

side carries out special operations and cleansing.

And this is precisely what happened. For

example, this is what happened on 21 February in

a suburb of Groznyy. In a house where there

were mojahedin troops were brought in with the

aim of cordoning off this area. I was told about

this straightaway and I was forced to issue an

order to the amir to act according to the

situation, which is what he did. He withdrew to

prepared positions placing mines in the house, and when the federal troops occupied the house


~ 69 ~

he blew it up. There were far more dead bodies

in there than those officially declared but our

mojahedin got away without losses. As you can

see, there could have been no victims if the

politicians had had enough common sense to

realize one thing: there can be no solution to the

conflict by force. Nobody will "flush out" anyone

- this is complete nonsense. There can be no

winners in this war. Anyone who doesn't

understand this is not living in the real world.

[Question] Are you really certain that a war is

going on in other republics of the North

Caucasus?

[Maskhadov] Yes, I am. At the beginning of this

war I urged all the leaders of the North Caucasus

to get together in opposing this war. I was sure

that if they all said "no" to this war then the

Russians would not dare start another military

adventure. But only two leaders agreed with me - the former governor of Krasnodar Territory

[Nikolay] Kondratenko and the esteemed

[former Ingush President] Ruslan Aushev. The

remainder did not want to spoil their relations

with the future President Putin.

This servile psychology has done its work. I

warned these leaders that the war would enter

their homes, too. At the start of this war we

waited in Ruslan Aushev's office exactly three

hours for Putin to arrive when he was prime

minister. And we left when he telephoned to say

that [former Russian President Boris] Yeltsin

would not allow him to come. In my opinion this

was an excuse. We recall Yeltsin's words at the

beginning of this war: "You will not go as far as

war!" Yeltsin did not want this war because he

was fed up with the disgrace of it.

Already at the beginning of this war it was clear

that it was impossible to keep it within the

Chechen borders. Exactly the same punitive

operations as in Chechnya had begun in

Ingushetia, Dagestan, North Ossetia and

Kabarda-Balkaria. The FSB and the federal troops

imposed this war on all these republics. There

was no need to blame [Usama] Bin Ladin or al-

Qa'ida for this. I am sure that Bin Ladin had

never even seen these republics on the map.

After that we were forced to widen the front of

the military resistance. I issued orders to form

additional sectors: the Ingush, Kabarda-Balkaria,

Dagestani and other sectors. Amirs were

appointed to all these sectors and today they are

all subordinate to the military leadership of the

Chechen Resistance.

[Question] What ideals are you guided by in such

a powerful opposition to Russia? What is the

objective of your struggle?

[Maskhadov] Our idea is to save our people from

Russian tyranny and barbarity, and we will

consider our aim to have been achieved if we

deprive Russia of the right to kill Chechen people

in the future with impunity. And in what form of

a settlement to the problem of mutual relations

between Chechnya and Russia this security will

be guaranteed we are prepared to sit down and

discuss at the conference table with the

participation of any international experts. There

are times when we wonder why Moscow is

constantly hinting that Chechnya is Russia's

"internal problem". But there has not been a

single speech by the Russian defence minister

where he does not speak about military

intervention from outside, and in each military

clash between the Russian power-wielders and

the Chechen mojahedin a mercenary from al-

Qa'ida is bound to figure. So we don't

understand: is Chechnya is an "internal problem"

or a repulse of aggression from outside? And why are foreign politicians and Russian politicians, too,

embarrassed to call this problem an international

one?

[Question] What do you think are the ideals that

guide Putin in waging the war in Chechnya?

[Maskhadov] I will try to answer this question,

too. At first glance one wonders what is the

point of such ambitious persistence of the

Russian politicians and military with regard to

Chechnya. They are always telling us that if

Chechnya goes Russia will crumble and "Islamic

extremism" will spread throughout the North

Caucasus. One has to ask oneself: is this defence

of Russia's territorial integrity or the defence of

Russia's regional and defence interests? Let's look

at it from the other side: has the six-year bloody

war in Chechnya served as a pretext for

defending Russia 's interests in the Balkans, in

Afghanistan, in Central Asia, the Near East,

Georgia and, finally, Ukraine?

Note that the territory of Chechnya is only

17,000 square kilometres. While Russia has been

waging a war in Chechnya the Chinese have been

occupying the whole of Maritime Territory and

Transbaykal Region and Russia will soon be

forced to give the Kurile islands back to the

Japanese. So whose interests are the generals

defending in Chechnya? On the contrary, are

they not playing into the hands of their

opponents?

[Question] They say that taking your relatives

hostage forced you to issue the unilateral order

to bring hostilities to a stop.

[Maskhadov] That wasn't the case. What is the

difference - my relatives or the relatives of my mojahedin who met the same fate a long time


~ 70 ~

ago? What will change from all this if my relatives

follow theirs? They are all the same to us. The

Almighty will reward everyone for what they

have done and for their part in this holy war.

There is not a single mojahedin with us today

who will submit to these dirty subterfuges of our

enemies and national traitors, because God has

rewarded us with restraint. And the most

valuable thing is that a mojahedin, whenever his

sister or wife is taken hostage, comes to us and

asks the question: does he have the right to do

the same? And we always say to him: God does

not permit this. So who is the terrorist or the

bandit, one asks? Let them take these labels and

hang them on their generals.

[Question] What long-term prospect do you see

for Russia and Chechnya if they still don't sit

down and talk in the next century?

[Maskhadov] The war will go on. I can say for certain that the Chechen mojahedin will fight to

the end in this struggle, and the flames of this

war will embrace the whole of the North

Caucasus. The Russian people will constantly

experience the fear of possible retribution from

the Shahid suicide bombers in revenge for all the

atrocities of the FSB and the federal troops in

Chechnya. If today's Russian politicians do not

have enough common sense to stop this war,

others will take their place in the future who will

stop it, but with great ignominy. We have plenty

of patience. Thank God, the Almighty has not

deprived us of tolerance! When the interests of

the western powers and Russia in the Caucasus

specifically collide, when the leaders of the

western states realize that degree of danger

which comes from Russia for the whole civilised

world, then everyone will queue up to ask us

Chechens to agree to stop this war. We can

wait.

[Question] What role do you think the West is

playing in this war?

[Maskhadov] The West is biding its time, playing

with Putin, trying to solve its global strategic

tasks - regional problems, energy problems, and

so on. And the Russian leadership today, taking

advantage of this, continues to commit

monstrous crimes on Chechen territory. You

have probably heard what Putin said recently:

"You are fighting in Iraq, killing Muslims, so why

can' t we do this in Chechnya?" Or, for example,

this was something else he said: You hold

elections in Afghanistan in order to control

things there. We are holding similar elections in

Chechnya. Why can't we?"

Well, imagine the peoples of the Caucasus, Iraq,

Afghanistan - they can be killed, too. Somebody can be appointed. In other words, these people

have been turned into animals. Today there is no

opposition to the violation of human rights and

freedoms of whole peoples. And therefore small

peoples regretfully are left with only one thing -

to take up arms and defend their rights and their

freedom.

[Question] This forthcoming "roundtable

meeting" - what will it bring? Will your

representatives be at this forum?

[Maskhadov] This is a ridiculous undertaking of

Andreas Gross, a PACE [Parliamentary Assembly

of the Council of Europe] deputy. I don't want to

call him a spokesman for the MPs in Chechnya.

He will plant national traitors at the "roundtable

meeting" in Moscow as Chechens who are

chronically afraid who will find themselves in a

state of shock if one word about the war being

stopped is uttered.. And on the other side will sit

nationalists like [leader of left-nationalist Motherland faction Dmitriy] Rogozin who also

stand up for this war. Well, perhaps, another two

or three stray MPs from the Ichkerian

parliament. But there will be none of my

representatives there because this is a job for a

jackdaw, and there will be no calm on Chechen

soil as a result of it. I am confident of that.

[Question] The bandit formations that have been

breeding on Chechen territory today - they call

themselves power-wielders, special services,

police. How do you see them?

[Maskhadov] I think that Putin's flirting with the

national traitors is a repeat of what happened in

the past, in other words the same as happened in

the first war. In the first war, or before it, there

was an opposition - the bands of [Ruslan]

Labazanov, [Beslan] Gantamirov, [Akhmed]

Avturkhanov and others. They were well armed

with all kinds of weapons including tanks and

helicopter gunships. Even those had brains, at

least they had some idea, for example: the

Chechens cannot live without Russia; if Russia

stops their pensions then the Chechens will die

from hunger. There was fighting against this

opposition and I took part in all these skirmishes.

But these clashes never reached the point of a

prolonged confrontation. Why? Because history

must teach us something.

The Chechens have never fought among

themselves and they never will. There is a clear

understanding how a Chechen should behave

from this side and the other side during a forced

clash. I am thinking about this now. Not a single

self-respecting Chechen policeman or, as they

are called there - special servicemen, will refuse

to help the mojahedin. Why? Because they know

what will be the outcome of this whole military adventure, and they know that tomorrow they


~ 71 ~

will have to answer, and they know that

tomorrow we will have to live together. And

there will be nowhere to run to.

I had to speak up about this, and I am probably

not saying everything. Once again we learn the

lessons of the history of the last war, the

Caucasian war, of Beybulat Taymilev [Chechen

who was an associate of Pushkin and renowned

for his bravery and compassion]and others.

Sometimes we presented them with the ranks of

ensign, standard-bearer, and Taymilev won an

appeal from Tsarist execution, but he never

forgot that he was a Chechen because he was a

brave man.

Yes, [FSB Director Nikolay] Patrushev hoped

that he would be able to provoke a civil war in

Chechnya, and he still hopes to reassure the

president of this. But the realities show us that

the reverse is the case - there is no civil war, no fierce confrontation between the Chechens, and

nor will there be. In other words, they will not

get the result they want. But then the lab el of

bandit, which was prepared by Patrushev for the

Chechen mojahedin, has already been fixed by

the whole world on the Kremlin's puppet

administration. That means payback time, and

nothing else.

Thank you for your attention!

Information and analysis center of the president

of the CRI

3 March 2005

Kavkaz-Center: Maskhadov orders the

resistance to suspend attacks

February 2nd 2005

(Prague Watchdog, published at 17:54 GMT,

updated at 00:36 GMT) - As a gesture of

goodwill, Chechen resistance leader Aslan

Maskhadov ordered all resistance units to

suspend attacks both within Chechnya as well as

outside its borders as of February, announced

the propaganda website Kavkaz-Center this

evening.

According to the Kavkaz-Center, following

Maskhadov's order the influential Chechen

guerrilla commander, Shamil Basayev, who uses

terrorist tactics to fight what he calls Russian

terrorism, ordered his units to also suspend

attacks until February 22.

Kavkaz-Center stated that Maskhadov signed the

order on January 14. Maskhadov's envoy in

Europe, Akhmed Zakayev, was not immediately

available for comment. Websites close to the

Chechen resistance have only quoted Kavkaz-Center's text. Russian officials have not

commented on the information as yet.

Maskhadov was democratically elected President

of the independent Chechen Republic of Ichkeria

on January 27, 1997. After the Russian military

re-entered Chechnya in 1999, his political

influence gradually diminished, but he still

controlled part of the resistance and for some

Chechens, he still remains a symbol of their

independence from Russia.

In December 2004, Maskhadov's eight relatives,

including two brothers and a sister, were

kidnapped in Chechnya and are still missing.

Human rights defenders accused units

subordinate to Ramzan Kadyrov (self-styled

Moscow-backed Chechen vice-premier) of the

kidnappings. And several days ago Chechen

authorities finally started a criminal prosecution

of this abduction case.

In the past, Maskhadov repeatedly called for a

ceasefire, but Russia kept accusing him of

terrorism and rejecting any idea of "peace talks"

to end the conflict in Chechnya. Russia also

criticised and exerted pressure on the

supporters of such talks. It also rejected some

proposals for broader international involvement

to solve the conflict.

In autumn 2004, the Parliamentary Assembly of

the Council of Europe (PACE) announced its plan

to hold what it called "a round table" on the

conflict in Chechnya. However, at Russia's

request, representatives of "separatists and

terrorists" were excluded from the meeting,

which cast serious doubts on the very idea of

such talks. Recently, it was decided that the

meeting should take place in Moscow, probably

in March.

The first Chechen war, which started in 1994,

was ended by the Khasavyurt agreements, signed

by Mashkadov and Russian General Aleksander

Lebed in August 1996. However, Chechnya

maintained its independence only for three

turbulent years before the Russian army invaded

it again.

Maskhadov almost ideally outplayed

Moscow

Chechen Times - 3.02.2005

President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria

Aslan Maskhadov ordered to unilaterally stop all

forms of military activity of an offensive

character. In accordance with the order, the

armed forces of the Chechen Resistance halt all

forms of military activity – both on the territory

of Chechnya and Russia. The corresponding

document was signed on January 14, 2005, but has not been published until recently.


~ 72 ~

However, there are no grounds to doubts its

existence, since Umar Khanbiyev, General Envoy

to the President of the Chechen Republic of

Ichkeria to Foreign Countries, almost

immediately commented on it. He described this

step from the Chechen side a demonstration of

good will and an invitation to the Russian side to

end the war at the table of political negotiations.

Besides, according to Khanbiyev, such order

unambiguously shows that the armed units of the

Resistance aren’t “fragmented groups”, but well-

guided armed formations, subordinated to the

commander-in-chief and controlled by him.

The unilateral truce is valid until February 22,

2005, and gives Russian military a serious matter

for reflection. February 23 – is another

anniversary of the Stalin deportation of

Chechens. As a rule, Russian military analysts have always linked this date to a possible increase

in military activity of the Resistance, but their

“prognoses” have never come up to

expectations. Now everything says that the date

when the truce offered by the Chechen side ends

was chosen not accidentally and in fact “the

demonstration of good will” contains an

unambiguous hint to the Russian side.

Moscow’s reaction can easily be foreseen: it is

likely to ignore the offer, because it is ready

neither to discuss peace speaking the language of

“good will” nor the language of “latent threats.”

Most probably, the Kremlin will increase the

intensity of military actions and reppressions in

Chechnya – with a maniacal stubbornness it still

considers any idea of negotiations only “a trick of

rebel fighters searching a possible respite.”

Today Moscow is not interested in a possible

deterioration of the situation in Chechnya, and

first of all because of the scheduled PACE’s

“round table” on “the Chechen problem” which

is to help Moscow stop any mentioning of related

military activities, genocide and instability. The

same goal is pursued by “The agreement on

delimitation of powers” between Russia and

Chechnya, which in fact admits that “the

Chechen Republic is in the conditions of a special

economic, social and ecological plight.”

And in this respect we can say that Maskhadov

almost ideally outplayed Moscow, demonstrating

his aspirations for peace. “Almost” – is because

he has repeatedly said that in the Chechen

Resistance there are groups which he cannot

control, which act on their own, the methods of

which he does not like and are even forbidden

for the Ichkerian armed forces and prosecuted.

Clearly, this situation will enable Moscow to

press standard charges against Maskhadov saying

either he “personally gives orders to terrorists,”

or “has no influence on rebel fighters.” The first

is possible only if the Chechen side observes the

truce. The second – if military actions will

continue. Nonetheless, repeatedly voicing its

aspirations for a dialog, the Chechen side looks

much more convincing and Maskhadov’s latest

order – is a bright evidence of that.

“President” Alkhanov has also commented on

this order, saying — as usual – he is not going

“to conduct talks with Maskhadov,” traditionally

“forgetting” that the Chechen Resistance has

never considered him or his predecessor as a

negotiating side.

Besides, it seems Alkhanov has certain doubts

about his own legitimacy. We see it from the

following statement: “We do not deny that

Maskhadov was publicly elected, but he was the President of Ichkeria, while Kadyrov – was the

President of the Chechen Republic. Maskhadov

can call himself the president neither morally, nor

legally.” And only this phrase absolutely clearly

shows that in Chechnya Russia is struggling not

against “international terrorism” but the

Chechens’ legitimate aspirations for

Independence.

Moscow denounces Maskhadov's ceasefire

order

February 3rd 2005

(Prague Watchdog) - Chechen resistance leader

Aslan Maskhadov's order for a ceasefire in

February was denounced today by Russian and

Moscow-backed Chechen officials as being

nothing but a trick. However, Maskhadov's

Western European envoys said the order once

again shows goodwill on the part of the Chechen

resistance and their willingness to start political

talks to resolve the conflict.

Alu Alkhanov, whom Moscow installed as

President of the Chechen Republic in rigged

elections last August, said today that Maskhadov's

order to unilaterally stop attacks is "a

propaganda trick", adding that Maskhadov never

fulfilled a single promise he made.

"This is all just a bluff, a provocation, and an

attempt to draw attention to themselves,” said

Taus Jabrailov, chairman of the Chechen State

Council, a body created by Moscow before

parliamentary elections could be held in

Chechnya.

Conversely, Umar Khambiyev, Maskhadov's

foreign envoy, was quoted today by Chechenpress, a Chechen internet news agency


~ 73 ~

close to the resistance as saying, "The ceasefire

order is a demonstration of goodwill and an

invitation to the Russians to stop the war and

start political negotiations... We hope that there

will be political goodwill in Russia and that they

will take adequate steps so that this long and

bloody war can be over."

Speaking today on Ekho Moskvy, a Russian radio

station, Maskhadov's envoy Akhmad Zakayev

confirmed the existence of the order and

explicitly ruled out that it is somehow linked to

the fact that two months ago Maskhadov's eight

relatives, including two brothers and a sister,

were kidnapped in Chechnya.

He added that discussions about this order were

underway a long time ago and are linked with the

planned meeting between Maskhadov’s

representatives and those of the human rights

organization Committee of Mothers of Russian Soldiers. "Maskhadov signed the order in

connection with the meeting to show goodwill,"

Zakayev stated during the radio interview. It

should be noted that the meeting, aimed at the

onset of the peace process, was to take place in

Belgium at the end of last year, but the

Committee members were denied EU visas after

Russia exerted pressure on Belgian authorities.

"Every Chechen resistance force is interested in

ending the war; and this was demonstrated by all

the forces, including the radical wing, Basayev,"

Zakayev told the Caucasus Times, a Prague-based

internet news agency.

The information that Chechen resistance leader

Aslan Maskhadov ordered all his units to suspend

attacks both within Chechnya as well as outside

its borders as of February was published by the

Kavkaz-Center news agency on Wednesday

evening.

Ruslan Aushev: «The War Is Leaving Us

Behind»

Kavkaz-Center

2005-02-17 01:03:23

If we don't reach a settlement with Maskhadov

now, he will be replaced by people who only

know how to wage war

Ruslan Sultanovich! Is a moratorium on military

operations declared by Maskhadov currently in

force in Chechnya?

It is very difficult to give a simple answer to that

question. After all, what you are asking is: does

Maskhadov control the forces of resistance in

Chechnya, or doesn't he? I think that's a

secondary question.

First one must assess Maskhadov's call for

negotiations. And assess it from the perspective

of the world's experience. If the Basques in Spain

suddenly called for negotiations, or if the Iraqis

said to the American government: we are

declaring a moratorium and will stop attacking

your troops – do you think the Spanish or the

Americans would be indignant, as our military

and politicians are? I mean, look how the world is

applauding what is taking place on the negotiating

table in the Middle East!

And yet the question of Maskhadov's real

influence is very important…

I will put it this way. A few years ago Maskhadov

was influential within the confines of Chechnya.

Now his influence extends to the whole of the

North Caucasus, as throughout the entire

Caucasus an organized resistance to the policy of

the Federal Center is spreading. And for those people who are coming out against that policy,

it's Maskhadov who is the symbol. He was, he is,

and he will be.

What if one imagines the improbable: for the

sake of peaceful aims Maskhadov meets the

Kremlin's principal demand. Surrenders. What

would happen then?

In the first place, he will never surrender.

Maskhadov should not be humiliated with the

assertion that he doesn't control anything. Yes,

there are many groupings there which act

autonomously for up to six months or so. But

the general tendency is that all those field

commanders recognize Maskhadov, Here's a

comparison for you. Even with the extremely

low five percent rating Boris Yeltsin had in the

middle of his presidency, no one ever called his

power and authority into doubt. If we want

peace in the Caucasus, in the Caucasus, that is,

and not only in Chechnya, then negotiations must

be opened with the armed resistance. There is

no solution that involves force, there is an idea

which can only be fought with an idea, not with

an army, tanks and planes. Maskhadov, I repeat, is

a symbol of that idea.

For whom are negotiations disadvantageous?

For those who talk of negotiations as of

something shameful, unacceptable and

unproductive. Those who try to frighten people

with recent history – the Khasavyurt agreements.

To me, as a direct participant in those events, it's

obvious that Khasavyurt is being mythologized

and dealt with in the wrong way. Those were

FORCED actions. We (yes, we!) were driven

into a corner. In the first place, the guerrillas

entered Grozny and blocked off the Federal forces, Pulikovsky even wanted to bomb both his


~ 74 ~

own men and others.

Then, at the request of Alexander Lebed, I flew

to see Maskhadov and Yandarbiyev and tried to

get them to withdraw the guerrillas, and I only

just succeeded. In the second place, Yeltsin and

Co. had elections coming up. ..

The time when our military men said that

negotiations were treason, that would not allow

them to settle the Chechen question by means of

force, has passed. Since 1999 no one has

restrained our military men, and the political

message has been simply one of force. And what

do we see? Have they got anywhere close to a

settlement of the Caucasus problem?

Negotiations are also disadvantageous to the

Chechen leadership. In general, we are wasting

time, when each day, each month are important.

We don't have any time left. The war is leaving

us behind, and the question is who will bring the detonator to the Caucasus.

Are influential personalities similar to Maskhadov

and Basayev appearing among the armed

resistance?

Nature abhors a vacuum. Who knew Movsar

Barayev? Or Ruslan Khuchbarov? They are not

ordinary executors…

Well yes, the executors… I talked in Beslan with

that "executor" Khuchbarov. I saw his eyes,

heard what he was saying. He's a representative

of an idea, he knew perfectly well what he was

going to do and why he was going to do it. He's

not just a robot, an automaton… Even if

Maskhadov and Basayev give themselves up, their

place will be taken by the Khuchbarovs and

Barayevs.

The generation that grew up during the war

fanatically believes in an idea and only knows how

to wage war It will be a million times harder to

conduct negotiations with them. It's not for

nothing that Kazantsev ordered the male

population of Chechnya aged 10-60 to be

arrested and detained…

And also: it's wrong to picture the huchbarovs

and Barayevs as savages. There are many of

them, they fight and struggle all their lives, they

are politicians, they have behind them a young,

aggressive ideology, they are informed,

technologically armed, and they are growing.

Ruslan Sultanovich! How do you react to the

awarding to Zyazikov of the Order "For Services

to the Fatherland" – after Beslan?

With calm. The President of Russia knows better than I do the services for which he hands out

awards…

But the President of Ingushetia has one obvious

"service" before all Russia – cowardice… I have

promised myself not to say anything on the

subject of the new Ingush leadership. I want to

add that for the whole Afghan about seventy of

us got the Hero of the Soviet Union medal. In

Russia already two hundred people have become

heroes. For what?

Yelena Milashina

Novaya Gazeta

Former Groznyy Commandant Says

Guerrillas' Truce Hoax

MOSCOW. Feb 22, 2005 (Interfax-AVN) -

Recent remarks by Chechen extremist leaders

calling for a "truce" are nothing more than a

hoax, former Grozny commandant Colonel General Arkady Baskayev told Interfax-Military

News Agency on Tuesday.

"The guerillas have announced now that they are

finalizing the 'truce,' which, by the way, was not

and could not have been true - there are always

human casualties, including today. Thus, the

widely advertised 'moratorium' on hostilities was

nothing more than a hoax," said Baskayev, who is

also a member of the State Duma's security

committee.

"We have only once believed their so-called

'peaceful' calls. When I ws the commandant in

Chechnya, Maskhadov (separatist leader Aslan

Maskhadov - Interfax-AVN) also alleged that they

were stopping military activities. But at the same

time, he was regrouping his forces, and after that

everything started anew," Baskayev stressed.

"Rather, 'the peaceful initiatives' of these

terrorists should cause our concern. Most likely,

terrorists are trying to use a 'peaceful PR

campaign' to prepare for their next atrocity and

get a respite," he said.

"In fact, Maskhadov and his associates have had

plenty of opportunities to stop this pointless

massacre, and today all of them still have a

chance to surrender," Baskayev said.

According to him, Chechen guerillas are no

longer able to counter the legitimate authorities

by force. The only thing left to them is to take

revenge and make pinpoint strikes. Militant

activities will be escalated soon, he stressed.

"We should take into account that spring is

coming soon, trees will have leaves in the

mountains, and bandits will scale up activities to work out sponsors' money," Baskayev added.


~ 75 ~

Chechen Rebels Threaten To Resume

Actions as Ceasefire Ends

Moscow Ekho Moskvy Radio in Russian 1000

GMT 22 Feb 05

[Presenter, leading in from previous report] Back

to events in the Chechen war, where soldiers are

dying. Today is the last day of the temporary

cease-fire. Here is Andrey Gavrilov on how it

was observed and what we can expect in

Chechnya tomorrow.

[Correspondent] The rebels have been observing

Aslan Maskhadov's order for a unilateral cease-

fire for nearly one month. This is affirmed not

only by spokesmen for the separatist leader but

also by the Chechnya Interior Ministry. Human-

rights activists are urging President Putin to

negotiate with the separatist leader, but he has

remained silent. The [pro-Moscow] Chechen leader, Alu Alkhanov, is ruling out any talks with

the separatists, who [he says], are acting against

their own people. Instead, he suggests that they

turn themselves in.

Meanwhile a spokesman for the North Caucasus

HQ, Ilya Shabalkin, has reported that troops have

once again tracked down and destroyed a group

of rebel fighters. It is worth noting that when it

comes to any kind of action against federal forces

in Chechnya, the federals have had virtually

nothing to say.

The month is up. What next? If Russia does not

provide a proper response, then the rebels will

resume operations against federal forces, a

spokesman for the separatist leader, Usman

(?Farzuli), told our radio station.

[Farzuli] To us, Russia has been unpredictable

recently. It treats Chechens in general with

unjustifiable cruelty. So if no appropriate moves

are made by 2400 hours by the Russian

Federation, then groups of fighters, by which I

mean the army of the Chechen Republic of

Ichkeria, will carry out planned combat

operations to expel the aggressor from the

independent Chechen Republic of Ichkeria.

[Correspondent] Fighting could break out in

Chechnya with renewed force as early as

tomorrow, when the temporary cease-fire order

expires. Anticipating this, the republic's police

have been on alert from several days. Additional

checkpoints have appeared on roads, and all

important installations are under 24-hour guard.

[Presenter] Tomorrow is a special day in

Chechnya for another reason. 23 February is the

anniversary of the most tragic event in the history of the Chechens and also the Ingush. In

1948, these two nations were deported on

Stalin's orders. Many died.

WHO ARE THE FIGHTERS FOR

INDEPENDENCE OF CHECHNYA

Voice of Russia

02/22/2005

Because separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov is said

to control all the illegally formed paramilitary

units of Chechnya, some people in the West

want Moscow to discuss the future of Chechnya

with Aslan Maskhadov.

Commentary by Eduard Ryabtsev.

The chairman of the State Council of Chechnya

Taus Dzhabrailov fails to see why separatist

emissaries should be invited to join the European

delegation to the roundtable conference on

Chechnya which is to be held next month. It had been decided months ago in Strasbourg that

those who attend this conference must agree to

see Chechnya as a constituent part of the Russian

Federation. But separatist leaders Aslan

Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev refuse to see

their home republic as a constituent part of

Russia while trying to convince the world that

there will be no end to the violence until Aslan

Maskhadov meets for talks with Russian

President Vladimir Putin.

His attempt to declare a ceasefire proves that

Maskhadov is incapable of putting an end to the

hostilities. Ceasefire or no ceasefire, separatist

forces keep assaulting, killing and harassing

civilians. They gun down, in their own homes,

those who support the new government of

Chechnya. They set their houses afire, and the

bodies of people they have kidnapped are later

found with signs of torture. They wage war on

Islamic clerics and elders, on teachers who

preach Chechen unity and call for peace and rule

of law. Landmines and high explosive devices are

planted on orders from Aslan Maskhadov and

Shamil Basayev. Bomb blasts claim human lives at

bus stops, on crossroads and in other crowded

places. The hands of many of them are splashed

with blood.

It is quite clear that they, as well as Maskhadov

and Basayev, should be brought to justice. That is

why Chechens refuse to deal with Maskhadov

and Basayev. Not only because they have

committed federal offenses. Also because men

under their command have long turned into

bandits and assassins. Which is why any dialog

with them would be taken as a slap in the face by

the relatives of those who have lost their lives

and are killed by the alleged fighters for the

freedom and sovereignty of Chechnya.


~ 76 ~

Chechen Cease-Fire Expires on

Anniversary

JUDITH INGRAM

AP Online; Feb 23, 2005

A temporary cease-fire called by Chechen rebel

leader Aslan Maskhadov expired Wednesday, the

61st anniversary of the Stalin-era deportation of

Chechens to the barren steppes of then-Soviet

Central Asia.

Maskhadov had ordered his fighters, including

radical warlord Shamil Basayev, to observe a

weekslong cease-fire through Tuesday, the eve of

the anniversary. He also renewed a call for talks

with the Russian leadership, which has

consistently turned them down.

"We have proposed and again are proposing

peace to Russia, because we consider that it's up

to the strong side to propose peace," Maskhadov said in a statement posted Wednesday on the

Kavkaz Center Web site, a mouthpiece for the

rebels.

It was not clear exactly when the cease-fire

began but it was believed to be in late January or

early February.

Russian officials dismissed the cease-fire call as a

publicity stunt and maintained that rebels kept up

their attacks. Nine servicemen were killed in a

rebel attack Monday night, the Russian military

said.

Russian President Vladimir Putin and other

officials consider Maskhadov an international

terrorist and doubt he maintains much authority

among the insurgents. Though Basayev is formally

Maskhadov's subordinate, he is believed to

command a far greater following among the

militants.




that left the southern Russian region de facto

independent.

Russian forces returned in 1999 following a rebel

incursion into a neighboring province and deadly

apartment building explosions blamed on rebels.

Chechens and Ingush, who were also victims of

the February 1944 deportations, marked the

anniversary with visits to mosques and

cemeteries.

In the Chechen capital, Grozny, dozens of people

gathered at a memorial formed from gravestones

to honor those who perished during the deportation.

"Every day, they took the dead bodies out of the

train. The soldiers threw them into the snow,"

said Zayndi Dudayev, 72, who said the trip in

overcrowded cattle cars took two weeks.

His family returned to Grozny in 1964 after

suffering hunger and surviving a typhus epidemic

that swept through the exiles' communities.

"My home was gone. There was only my

homeland, the graves of my ancestors, my land

that we had longed for day and night all those

years," Dudayev said.

The Council of Europe, meanwhile, announced

that a roundtable on Chechnya would be held in

Strasbourg, France, on March 21. Political parties

and politicians from Chechnya and Russian

government officials were to attend, the council

said, adding that Chechen separatists would not be invited.

Also Wednesday, Kavkaz Center announced that

Basayev had married a Russian woman, his third

wife, on Feb. 14 in Russia's Krasnodar region,

where he spent more than a month getting

medical treatment. The report, which could not

be verified, could be an attempt to embarrass

Russian authorities, who say they have been

unable to capture or kill the elusive warlord in

spite of his having been sighted in regions outside

Chechnya.

Maskhadov in control in Chechnya, rebel

tells Russian radio


23, 2005

Text of report by Russian Ekho Moskvy radio on

23 February

[Presenter] The cease-fire with the Russian

authorities called by Chechen separatists expired

a few hours ago. It began in early February, when


order to halt military action on Chechen

territory came into effect. A Maskhadov emissary

has told Ekho Moskvy that separatist armed

formations are stronger than ever. [Akhmed]

Zakayev said that before long the rebels will

show that to the federal troops.

[Zakayev] I think the obvious fact is that

Maskhadov is currently able to control the

situation in the republic and he can control

peace. From that standpoint, it [the cease-fire]

was a kind of test. Despite all the provocations

by puppet structures and occupation structures,

we still succeeded in demonstrating that the

orders of the supreme commander-in-chief are implemented.


~ 77 ~

[Presenter] For his part, the State Duma deputy

from Chechnya, Ruslan Yamadayev, told our

radio station that Maskhadov does not pose any

danger at present. I quote Yamadayev:

Maskhadov has long been a zero. Only [rebel

warlord] Shamil Basayev and the mercenaries

pose a danger now. Of course there are people

who can make a blast happen anywhere. So the

danger is there, Yamadayev added, but this

situation exists not only in Russia. End of quote.


0700 gmt 23 Feb 05

Russia: North Caucasus Republics Enter

Circle Of Violence

By Jean-Christophe Peuch

Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov in

January ordered his troops to halt all offensive operations against Russian soldiers. The unilateral

cease-fire, which entered into force on 2

February, ends at midnight tonight. As fighting

reportedly abated in Chechnya itself, Moscow

apparently redoubled efforts to eliminate

militants in neighboring republics. Violence is

expected to grow further in those areas as

Russia and regional governments continue to

crack down on purported local Islamist cells.

Prague, 23 February 2005 (RFE/RL) – In recent

weeks, Russian security raids have been reported

in Nalchik, the capital of Kabardino-Balkaria.

Heavy clashes took place in Karachayevsk, a

town in neighboring Karachaevo-Cherkessia, in

mid-February.

The Russian military claims those sweeps

resulted in the destruction of local radical Islamic

cells with purported links to Chechnya.

Also in mid-February, an alleged liaison of the Al-

Qaeda terrorist network blew himself up in

Ingushetia to avoid capture. Fighting between

security forces and purported Islamic militants

has been going in Daghestan, east of Chechnya.

Grigory Shvedov is editor in chief of “Kavkazsky

Uzel” (Caucasian Knot), a Russian information

website that covers developments in the North

and South Caucasus regions. He told RFE/RL that

he saw this upsurge of violence as yet another

confirmation of a dangerous trend.

“The absence of a long-term vision of

developments in the North Caucasus [in the

Kremlin’s] policy is responsible for the spilling

over of the Chechen conflict," Shvedov said.

"Today the war is no longer confined to

Chechnya and is now spreading in Daghestan and Ingushetia. Militants are carrying out operations

in Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachaevo-

Cherkessia and these actions are no longer

sporadic, but continuous. In North Ossetia, we

see no longer isolated terror attacks, but a

conflict wave that is spreading all over the

republic, not in the form of militant raids, but

rather in that of civil confrontation. All these

developments are linked to one another and

stem from the irresponsible policy carried out by

the Russian armed forces and the federal center.”

Tensions are running high across the North

Caucasus -- and not only because of the war in

Chechnya. Bad governance, economic

mismanagement, and authoritarian tendencies on

the part of regional elites have also helped foster

social discontent and violence.

In North Ossetia, President Aleksandr

Dzasokhov’s failure to prevent September’s

Beslan hostage crisis, which claimed more than 300 lives, has served as a catalyst for political

demands that he step down.

In neighboring Ingushetia, critics blame President

Murat Zyazikov for the disappearance of dozens

of opponents at the hands of alleged “death

squads.” These abductions and suspected killings

might have been one of the main motives behind

the militant raids that decimated the republican

Interior Ministry headquarters in June.

In Daghestan, State Council Chairman

Magomedali Magomedov’s reluctance to comply

with a power-sharing agreement has rekindled

simmering tensions among various ethno-political

groupings vying for power. Two high-ranking

government officials survived a bomb attack in

the town of Kizlyar in mid-February, and reports

say security has been beefed up in the capital

Makhachkala in anticipation of new attacks.

In Karachaevo-Cherkessia, the suspected

involvement of police officers and President

Mustafa Batdyev’s son-in-law in the collective

murder of seven young businessmen in October

has triggered a wave of antigovernments

protests.

In Kabardino-Balkaria, critics blame ailing Soviet-

era President Valerii Kokov for economic

collapse and widespread corruption.

Thomas De Waal, Caucasus project manager at

the London-headquartered Institute for War and

Peace Reporting (IWPR), said domestic political

developments have – perhaps to an even greater

extent than the Chechen war --- contributed to

radicalizing entire segments of the local

populations.

“In Kabardino-Balkaria, for example, you have an


~ 78 ~

extremely authoritarian government, you have an

extremely heavy-handed presence of the Federal

Security Service, or FSB, you have suppression of

opposition, and you had closure of mosques," De

Waal said. "So you might say it’s a small model of

Uzbekistan. All the ingredients are there for a

homegrown Islamist movement.”

In predominantly Christian North Ossetia,

authorities have moved against non-official Islam.

Three weeks ago, on 2 February, regional FSB

officers arrested Yermak Tegaev, the head of the

Vladikavkaz-based Islamic Cultural Center and an

open critic of the republic’s government-

appointed mufti. The FSB claim radical religious

literature, explosives, and detonators were found

in Tegaev’s house.

Northern Caucasus militants claim to draw their

inspiration from Islam.

But De Waal said religion serves primarily as a

vehicle for political and socioeconomic demands.

“[These people] call themselves Islamists, but

there is not much evidence about how much

they know about Islam," De Waal said. "I think it

is more of a socioeconomic agenda, in which

Islam has become a flag that they fly. This is

probably true of a lot of conflicts, but in the

North Caucasus there is still, I think, widespread

ignorance about Islam. We’re talking about young

people who are 20 or 25 – sometime even

younger – for whom basically there is no place in

the societies they live in, and this is why they are

turning to this agenda.”

De Waal said that, while developing their own

political agenda, many of the region’s radical

groupings have been maintaining relations with

Shamil Basaev and other Chechen radical field

commanders. For some of them, these ties date

back from the time Basaev fought Georgian

troops in Abkhazia in the early 1990s. For others,

they were forged during the 1997-99 interwar

period that saw many radical youth undergo

military training in the war-torn republic.

Russian President Vladimir Putin is expected to

reassert his authority in the North Caucasus by

appointing new regional leaders when the terms

of the serving presidents expire. In the meantime,

he clearly intends to rely on force to keep those

volatile areas under control.

At a government meeting yesterday, Putin told

Interior Minister Rashid Nurgaliev, who had just

reported to him on recent security raids in

Nalchik, to show no mercy in the battle against

suspected Islamic militants.

“You must continue working like that," Putin

said. "Be tougher with them. Be tougher."

Nurgaliev in turn pledged further raids would be

carried out in Ingushetia and Daghestan.

For Russian Caucasus expert Shvedov, the

Kremlin’s response to political violence can only

lead to a deadend.

“This policy, which consists in killing as many

‘terrorists’ as possible, can lead nowhere,"

Shvedov said. "In my opinion, we should go in the

other direction. If Russian society really wants

that an end be put to mass terrorism, [it] should

first start examining its causes. But society today

is not interested in examining the causes of

terrorism -- be it the war in Chechnya, or the

overall situation in the North Caucasus. As for

state, not only it is not interested, but it is also

making life impossible for those who reflect on

these issues, thus killing all hope of seeing terrorism decrease.”

De Waal also said he saw no end to unrest in the

North Caucasus.

“We’re now seeing the violence intensify and I

fear it will get into a circle in which every

[Russian] response will make with a new upsurge

of violence from these young radicals,” he said.

Moscow Website Reports Chechen Rebel

Leader's 'Unexpected' Peace Offer

Moscow Gazeta.ru WWW-Text in Russian 23

Feb 05

[Report by Ilya Barabanov: "Truce as Encore"]

The truce announced by the gunmen's leaders,

Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev, ended at

midnight, but they are in no hurry to go over to

the offensive expected by the federal forces. On

the morning of 23 February Maskhadov once

again proposed to the federal authorities that

they sit at the negotiating table.

The truce announced by Maskhadov and

supported by Basayev expired Tuesday [22

February] night -- at 0000 hours Moscow time.

The federal command in Chechnya had been

expecting a sharp galvanization of the gunmen's

activity on the eve of 23 February, but instead of

a series of terrorist acts there came a new

address by Aslan Maskhadov, in which he once

again proposed sitting at the negotiating table and

ending the bloodshed in Chechnya. However,

this love of peace does not rule out the

possibility that terrorist acts will follow a little

later.

For the past 10 years 23 February has been a traditional day on which the separatists put on a


~ 79 ~

show of force. It was on 23 February 61 years

ago that the deportation of the Chechens began

on the orders of Iosif Stalin. Since 1994 this day

has been marked in Ichkeria as Chechen National

Revival Day. Commenting on the truce which has

ended, Akhmed Zakayev, Maskhadov's emissary,

declared: "I cannot speak now specifically about

troop operations which have been prepared, for I

know little about this, but I believe that it has

become obvious that Maskhadov can control the

situation in the republic today." That is, the

separatists regard the main task of the truce as

having been fulfilled: They have shown the federal

forces and, most importantly, the West in the

persons of the Parliamentary Assembly of the

Council of Europe, the OSCE, the Council of

Europe, and others that they are not disparate

gangs but, after all, something whole that is

capable of coordinating its actions and that obeys

a single command center.

The military's fears regarding the expected new

flare-up of gunmen's activity are all the more

valid. They were intensified to the utmost

following Tuesday's attack by a group of gunmen

on a reconnaissance party of the 42d Motorized

Rifle Brigade of the Defense Ministry. Nine

reconnaissance party members died as a result of

the battle. Its complete annihilation was only

avoided thanks to an operational approach to the

engagement area by a reserve battalion. The

gunmen were blocked, and three of them were

killed and another three injured. The attack

provided grounds for saying that a number of

terrorist acts aimed at destabilizing the situation

is being prepared in Chechnya. Small arms,

grenade launchers, explosive devices, and

electrical detonators were discovered on the

gunmen who were detained. Aleksandr Baranov,

commander of the North Caucasus Military

District, declared that the gunmen "were clearly

trying to do something on the eve of the festivals

and the day of the Chechen people's

deportation."

Against this background the latest address by

Maskhadov, posted on one of the gunmen's

websites, was to a considerable degree

unexpected. "Chechnya has repeatedly offered

Russia peace and is doing so once again,"

Maskhadov declared. The separatists' leader is

convinced that only mutual good will will halt the

Russian-Chechen war. At the same time

Maskhadov points out that the separatists will

continue combat operations against the federal

troops if the Russian authorities do not react to

the latest call for peace. "While offering peace, at

the same time we are also ready for war -- in

order to defend our human dignity -- and this

right is given us by the Almighty," the statement

reads. The separatists' leader is convinced that "only a sensible person, who is certain that he is

right and that he is strong, can be magnanimous

and not indifferent to the destinies of other

people." In his address Maskhadov also turns to

the events of 60 years ago, drawing parallels

between the actions of Stalin and those of the

present Russian authorities.

Representatives of the federal staff have not yet

made any comment at all on this statement of

Maskhadov's, but it can be assumed that it will be

greeted with the same skepticism as the previous

offer of a truce.

Russian Duma Deputy Says Maskhadov's

Statements Calculated for West

MOSCOW. Feb 24, 2005 (Interfax-AVN) -


latest statement about his plans to end terrorist

attacks and stop targeting federal forces and

administrative buildings in Chechnya is calculated for Western politicians, said State Duma Deputy

Akhmar Zavgayev of Chechnya.

He said this statement, for reasons he cannot

understand, has been cited by various media with

reference to the illegal armed groups' websites

and are timed to coincide with a roundtable

currently being prepared by the Parliamentary

Assembly of the Council of Europe.

"Maskhadov is trying to picture himself as a peace

dove, as a person ardently willing to restore

stability in Chechnya," Zavgayev told Interfax on

Thursday.

He said the Russian leadership has several

serious reasons never to hold talks with

Maskhadov on subjects going beyond his

surrender to the law enforcement agencies.

"Maskhadov must be prosecuted and brought to

account for what has happened in Chechnya. If

he thinks he is not guilty, he must prove this in

the court," the deputy said.

He said that "Maskhadov is incapable of assuming

any responsibility before the people of Chechnya,

or the Russian leadership, since his orders will

not be taken seriously either by Basayev, or

foreign mercenaries."

Russian FSB Says Basayev, Maskhadov

Words on Cease-Fire Cannot Be Believed


[Musa Muradov report: "'Ceasefire Order Could

Be Extended]

Yesterday, following the attack on some

reconnaissance scouts in Groznyy, some news agencies reported that the so-called unilateral


~ 80 ~

cease-fire announced by Aslan Maskhadov and

Shamil Basayev, was at an end, and now the

gunmen would once again switch to active

operations. "Maskhadov has not announced that

the order for a unilateral cease-fire has expired,"

Kommersant was told yesterday by Umar

Khambiyev, Aslan Maskhadov's general

representative abroad, "it remains in force until

the end of February and we hope that our peace

proposals will still find a response from the

Russian side." Mr. Khambiyev has not ruled out

the possibility that in the event of a positive

reaction, the duration of validity of the cease-fire

order could be extended: "The president

(Maskhadov -- Kommersant note) has proved

that he can influence the situation and can

answer for the commitments he has assumed. To

the question as to what one can expect when the

cease-fire has expired, Mr Khambiyev answered

as follows: "The Chechen side does not intend to

undertake any kind of explosive actions. It is simply that yet another chance of restoring peace

in Chechnya will have been missed."

To judge by all accounts, Shamil Basayev, who

declared peace until 22 February (Aslan

Maskhadov announced a cease-fire for the whole

of February) does not intend to resume

hostilities for the time being either. Yesterday

the kavkazcenter.com website reported that for

a month Basayev has undergone a "course of

rehabilitation in one of the towns of Krasnodar

Kray and married a woman, who is a Cossackby

birth, there on 14 February and has returned

home with her." Rudnik Dudayev, secretary of

the Chechen Security Council called the

kavkazcenter report "the latest piece of

propaganda nonsense." And the Russian FSB

[Federal Security Service] reported that

"Maskhadov's and Basayev's statements cannot be

believed at all," and recalled that according to

data from the special services the saboteurs who

were recently liquidated in Nalchik and

Khasavyurt were sent to those cities by the

leader of the Chechen gunmen to carry out acts

of terrorism.

Maskhadov's Envoy Says Dialogue With

Russia Still Open

(Internet) Daymohk WWW-Text in Russian

2000 GMT 01 Mar 05

["Umar Khanbiyev: 'The Chechen side is always

open for a dialogue with the Kremlin'"]

[Excerpt] An exclusive interview of the Daymohk

news agency with the general representative of


Ichkeria [CRI] abroad and CRI Health Minister,

Umar Khanbiyev.

[Correspondent] [Passage omitted: greeting in

Chechen] Could you tell us when the final period

of the moratorium on hostilities, unilaterally

declared by the Chechen side, expires?

[Khanbiyev] [Passage omitted: greetings in

Chechen] The period of validity of the unilateral

moratorium on all types of hostilities on the

territories of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria

and the Russian Federation, which was declared

by an order of the CRI president and

Commander-in-Chief of the CRI armed forces,

Aslan Maskhadov, on 14 January 2005, expired

on 28 February, at exactly midnight, Dzhokhar

[Groznyy] time. At the present moment we have

no information from the headquarters of the

main defense committee of the Majlis ul-Shura of

the CRI as to whether this moratorium will be

extended for a further period or whether the

fighting between the Russian occupation forces

and the fighters of the Chechen Resistance will

be resumed on 1 March.

You have probably realized that only an order of

[Chechen rebel leader] Shamil Basayev, issued

following an instruction of the C-in-C of the CRI

armed forces, Aslan Maskhadov, on a cessation of

hostilities and operative until 22 February 2005,

has been published on Chechen web sites. As far

as I am aware, there was a specific reason for

this. In order that the truth about the Russian-

Chechen war becomes known to the public at

large, we occasionally have to resort to such

devices, well aware what a cynical and insidious

enemy the Chechens are having to deal with.

[Correspondent] What stage has the talks

process between the CRI leaders and the

Kremlin administration reached? During the

cease-fire period were there any contacts with

the Russian side? If there were, are there any

encouraging results as regards ending the war?

[Khanbiyev] As they say, no news is good news.

In undertaking such unprecedented steps as a

sign of good will, we were right to expect a

similar response from the Russian side, especially

as before that there were some veiled signals

from the Kremlin. It is hard for us to judge what

frightened off the members of Putin's team so

much from contacting the Ichkerian side. I can

only give my personal opinion, and that is that

strong pressure was put on the Russian president

by supporters of a continuation of the Russian-

Chechen war and the breakdown of the Russian

Federation.

We, unfortunately, were wrong in sincerely

believing and expecting that Putin is in control of

the questions of war and peace in Chechnya, at

the same time losing sight of the fact of his open

flirting with his puppets in the republic. And this flirting has at times amounted to behavior --


~ 81 ~

absurd in all respects -- which is a disgrace for a

head of state. In my opinion, Putin has become

the unwilling hostage to a complex military-

political situation which has developed round the

CRI, and he has not the slightest idea how to

fight his way out of the "Chechen swamp" which

he and his occupation armada have got stuck in.

In all probability, his staff generals and his

Chechen puppets have (yet again!) assured Putin

"on oath" that they will do everything possible

and impossible to "deprive" the Chechen

Resistance movement of its leader as quickly as

they can. When a person loses all common sense

in his maniacal desires, then the first symptom of

this pathology is an expression of blind faith in an

illusory dream. I repeat once again that this is

purely my personal opinion. But what the CRI

President Aslan Maskhadov will have to say about

this and whether he intends to make any more

attempts to drag the Russian president out of the

"Chechen quagmire," we will soon find out.

[Correspondent] Doesn't this mean that a

moratorium will also be placed on talks between

the Chechen and the Russian sides?

[Khanbiyev] No, of course not. The Chechen

side has always been prepared for a dialogue with

the Kremlin and it is ready for political talks with

Russia without any prior conditions.

[Correspondent] In the light of Aslan

Maskhadov's peace initiatives, how useful was the

meeting in London between a representative

delegation of the CRI and representatives of the

Russian Soldiers' Mothers Committee, whose

powers, unfortunately, were not sanctioned by

the Kremlin administration?

[Khanbiyev] Without doubt, this was a very

important meeting, in the sense of a

breakthrough in the Kremlin's information

blockade around the February peace initiatives of

the CRI's military-political leadership. It has to be

stressed that the CRI Minister of Culture,

Information, and the Press Akhmed Zakayev had

a meeting in London with a Russian public

organization that unites regional soldiers'

mothers committees, and it was held in the

presence of representatives of the European

Parliament and the Parliamentary Assembly of

the Council of Europe [PACE]. The participation

in this meeting of representatives of these

international organizations considerably raises its

level. This meeting may well mean nothing to the

Kremlin, but the Chechen side has once again

proved that it is sincere in its search for ways

toward peace and has shown that it will continue

this search, using all levers of influence on the

Putin administration, including popular diplomacy.

And the soldiers' mothers have reaffirmed that quite a different attitude to the Russian-Chechen

war has taken shape in Russian society than the

official Kremlin one. Nevertheless, so long as

representatives of the Kremlin administration do

not take part in talks with the representatives of

the Chechen Resistance movement instead of

Russian soldiers' mothers, and the presidents of

the warring sides do not meet on a personal

level, all that remains is the good will of people

and good intentions, and the Russian-Chechen

war will carry on indefinitely. When it comes to a

matter of stupid actions by his colleagues, the

incumbent in the Kremlin reminds one of a

novice surgeon who is trying to remove tonsils

by cutting through the intestines.

It is common knowledge that the pointless

bullying actions of the Kremlin in Chechnya have

taken the situation to the stage where it is out of

control throughout the Caucasus. If things

continue as they are, the Caucasian tragedy will

start to directly affect all the Russian people. I believe they can sense this already and it is

precisely because of this that the great majority

of the Russian population are starting to take

part in the movement against the destructive war

in Chechnya. The first to realise and evaluate this

simple truth were the soldiers' mothers, headed

by Valentina Melnikova. The personal courage of

these women is truly amazing.

[Correspondent] What can you say about the

specific proposals of the Chechen side that were

recorded in the London memorandum?

[Khanbiyev] These proposals are simple and clear

because, in the main, they have been based on

the principles of the concept of conditional

independence drawn up under the leadership of

the CRI Foreign Minister Ilyas Akhmadov and

supported by CRI President Aslan Maskhadov

back in 2003. And the positions of the

government and the president of the CRI in

relation to these principles have been voiced on

a number of occasions and have also been

supported by many leading politicians in the

West.

[Correspondent] How do you explain the fact

that among the signatories of the memorandum

was the author of the "round table meeting,"

Andreas Gross, whose activities are seen by our

side as pro-Russian and harmful to the Chechen

people?

[Khanbiyev] I think it has finally dawned on Gross

that if the representatives of the legitimate CRI

President Aslan Maskhadov do not take part in

this "round-table" farce, then this farce will

become too obvious and he will then have to do

everything he can to find a "realistic" Chechen

politician who will rise to his bait. Evidently, he is counting on inviting the "soldiers' mothers" who


~ 82 ~

should serve as bait for us to his "round table

meeting." Gross may even promise to change the

format of the "round table meeting," but I am

sure that he will deceive those who agree to it.

The fact is that I know this man very well. A year

ago, when we met, I handed him a video cassette

where the CRI president, in a personal address

to Gross, went through in detail the points of

withdrawal from Chechnya and warned that any

other attempts would fail. The CRI president

persistently warned him not to go along the road

of his predecessor Lord Judd, who unwittingly

became the guilty party of the continuation of the

Russian-Chechen war because of his erroneous

appraisal of the situation in Chechnya. Despite

this, Gross, deliberately ignoring the wise advice

of CRI President Aslan Maskhadov -- who better

than anyone knows the situation in Chechnya --

chose the path of farce and confrontation. I do

not believe the sudden transformation of Gross'

former ignorance into his respect for our side. Here he is acting on the principle: "by hook or by

crook."

Returning to the question of the Chechen side's

participation in Gross' "round table meeting," I

would like to recall that CRI President Aslan

Maskhadov instructed the CRI Foreign Ministry

to examine the question of a complete freeze on

contacts between official representatives of the

Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and the PACE. The

head of the CRI Foreign Ministry Ilyas Akhmadov

stated in his protest that the leadership of the

CRI also reserves the right to assess the actions

of the initiative group headed by PACE's

rapporteur for Chechnya Andreas Gross as

actions unfriendly toward the Chechen people

and leading to a protraction of this bloodiest and

most tragic conflict in modern Europe. The

positions of the president, government, and

parliament of the CRI are the same.

[Correspondent] A trial was held in Strasbourg

recently on cases brought by citizens of the CRI

who had suffered from the tyranny of the Russian

occupation forces at the very beginning of the

second Russian-Chechen war. What significance

does the verdict of this trial have for the

Chechen state?

[Khanbiyev] Yes, the European Court of Human

Rights in Strasbourg came to the conclusion that

the Russian authorities had seriously contravened

human rights in the CRI in relation to civilians.

Six cases -- this, of course, is nothing compared

to what is happening in Chechnya. But this is just

the beginning. Therefore the positive verdict of

the court in Strasbourg based on the cases

brought by the six Chechen citizens, who lost

their relatives as a result of the actions of the

Russian aggressors in 1999-2000 is encouraging for those Chechens who still have faith that there

is justice somewhere. I am sure that the material

responsibility of the Russian leadership for the

brutalities in relation to the peaceful citizens of

Chechnya will prove to be more effective than

any other censures of European human rights

institutions. Moreover, the Strasbourg verdict is

further juridical acknowledgements of the

violation of human rights in Chechnya with all the

moral and political consequences resulting from

it. Despite the fact that there are still certain

obstacles, created by Russia, which, apparently, is

planning to appeal to the upper chamber of the

court, it is virtually impossible to halt the flow of

cases brought by Chechens to the federal

authorities (at the present moment there are

about 120 cases on the Russian-Chechen war in

Strasbourg).

It is a pity that our press has given little coverage

to this important and everyday subject. This must

be talked about constantly, and all the details of these cases must be brought to the mind of

every Chechen. It is true, that many citizens of

the CRI today fear for the lives of their closest

relatives who are on the territory of the

occupied republic, and for this reason they

refrain from appealing to the legal authorities.

But still fresh in our minds are the examples of

the murders of people because they were bold

enough to complain about the "federals" in the

Strasbourg court. I believe that there are also

quite a few people in Chechen society who have

nothing to lose and who realize that the

European Court of Human Rights is the last place

where it is possible to get justice in connection

with the bloody tyranny caused by the Russian

barbarians against the Chechen people.

I would also like to report that the damage

caused by the Russian Federation against the

Chechen Republic of Ichkeria during the last two

Russian-Chechen wars -- according to the most

modest assessments -- amounts to about $200

billion. Sooner or later Moscow will have to

compensate for this damage cause by the

Kremlin's criminal war against the Chechen state.

This will today become the most effective lesson

for Russia, and will in the future serve as a factor

of restraining it from murdering people in the

ardor of their imperial ambitions. The Chechens

will do everything expected of them to save their

people who by will of fate have found themselves

a part of Russia as a result of its colonialist

claims. [Passage omitted: correspondent and

Khanbiyev exchange pleasantries to conclude]

Do the Russians want war

Kavkaz-Centre

2005-03-01 00:44:03

As it was expected, the Russian authorities have ignored the peace initiative of the Chechen side


~ 83 ~

that once again gave an exhaustive answer to the

sacramental question: “Do the Russians want

war?”. Nevertheless, the peace initiative launched

by the President of the Chechen Republic

Ichkeria cannot be considered goalless.

A great value of the mentioned initiative is that it

has become an effective litmus paper dropped

into the mix of the Western diplomacy. The

Chechen president, officially offering the

Kremlin's rascal to stop the bloodshed,

undoubtedly, did not have any illusions.

However, this step gave an ample opportunity to

the Western politicians to use the weighty

arguments in controversy with Moscow

concerning the adequacy of continuation of the

genocidal war and the Kremlin's anti-Chechen

propaganda.

To all appearances, the Western politicians have

also made up their minds to disregard the goodwill of the Chechen leadership and to stage

the so-called “round table” farce instead of taking

real steps to end the war that has been suggested

by the Chechen President's peace moratorium.

From now on, not only the war in Chechnya lies

on the conscience of the West. Even the

irremediable optimist will acknowledge the fact

of expansion of military actions throughout the

North Caucasus territory. The reports of

Nurghaliev and Patrushev sent to Putin about the

“successfully carried out special operations” in

the cities of the Northern Caucasus is a direct

evidence of the expansion of war zone, and not

of the success as the Kremlin tries to present it.

How can the appearance of the units of

Resistance and armed underground organizations

in the North Caucasus republics be considered a

success of Putin's regime if such organizations did

not exist 5 years ago?.!

Therefore, the New Caucasus War will weigh on

the conscience of the Western countries, which,

having all levers to influence Moscow and able to

stop the genocide of the Chechen people have

decided to give one more chance to Putin and his

gang to punish the Chechen nation.

Having obviously connived with the Kremlin

junta, Secretary General of the Council of

Europe Terry Davis made his special contribution

to the expansion of military actions on the

territory of the Northern Caucasus .

It was noted that the Western politicians have a

strange tradition of whipping the cat after their

retirement. Today we hear that Madelyn

Albright, Lord Judd and other ex-officials grieve

over their lack of foresight, and make painful

confessions that they have failed to bend every effort to peace resolution of the Russian-

Chechen conflict.

The position of the US deserves to be mentioned

separately. In this connection, we do not have

even to think of any kind of participation on the

part of the US in peacekeeping mission in the

Caucasus, at any rate, until the master of the

White House id the man who has unleashed the

analogous war in Iraq, and making impudent

statements about the appearance of young

democracy in the war-worn country, word for

word repeating Putin's “irreversibility of peace

process in Chechnya”.

What can be expected of Bush, making no note

of the genocide in Chechnya and considering

Europe (the same PACE, Council of Europe ,

OSCE, etc.), which allowed the genocide of the

Chechen people, to be “the powerful partner in

the cause of championing peace all over the

world”.

As to the UN headed by the embezzlers of public

funds, bribe takers and adulterers, there is no use

of speaking about them. It should be reminded

that this brood of Stalin, which has not stirred a

finger to exert influence on the Kremlin rascals,

was subjected to the annihilating criticism in

many directions at once.

Hardly had the investigation of corruption in the

UN humanitarian program “Oil in exchange for

food” been completed – the case concerning

Saddam Hussein's business with the son of the

Secretary General of this scandalous

organization, as its “peacekeepers” in Congo

became the object of investigation.

One more similar surprise has been recently

presented by the High Commissioner Ruud

Lubbers for Refigees to the UN. A scandal

caused by the accusations of sexual solicitations

brought against him is in the process of buildup

and he is threatened to resignation. The former

Prime Minister of the Netherlands following the

example of his people in Congo has turned out

to be a sexual pervert and violator. And it's he

who is commissioned with the problems of the

refugees!

Question – Is there anyone in the wild West for

the Chechens to rely on? It is clear that there is

no one, if only the Chechens do not give up their

own principles, and having become the

participants of these shameful orgies of

international hypocrisy, call for help, appealing to

the entire “civilized world” – Help us – We are

the ones just like you!

It is clear the Chechens do not need such

“civilization”. Therefore, they have to seek another path.


~ 84 ~

It is not unlikely they have to change the strategy

and reject the attempts of carrying out

negotiations with the war criminal in the

Kremlin, especially as there are signs of such talks

at all. The experience of the centuries-old war

with the Russian empire shows that until the

Chechen army breaks the backbone of the

occupants, Putin and his company will cherish

hopes for weakening and destruction of the

Chechen Resistance.

Perhaps there is another, more productive and

already tested approach to the conflict. For

example, to initiate direct contacts with the

direct performers of criminal orders locally, i.e.

in occupied Chechnya , taking into consideration

that after declaration of the moratorium by the

Chechen side, the officers and soldiers of the

occupation army are fully confident that the

Chechen military command is in full control of the situation.

Unlike the local puppets, the occupants accepted

the offer of ceasefire with great satisfaction. At

least 300 – 400 Russian soldiers and officers

escaped injuries and deaths thanks to the

armistice. They are tired of fighting, and the

sources in Chechnya testify to the truth of this

statement.

It is quite possible that time has come to

negotiate about armistice with the enemy that is

on the front line, i.e. the commanders of the

Russian occupation forces, and explain them the

real situation, the more so as the overwhelming

majority of them are well aware of inanity of this

war.

The soldiers' mothers, undoubtedly, can cope

with the similar task, if they really want to bring

the war to the end. They ought to seek meeting

with the Chechen side, and, having surmounted

obstacles, they have to go to Chechnya and take

their sons from there. Who can deplore their

unwillingness to get back their sons in the form

of the freight – 200? To take the son from the

criminal war is quite a legal action.

Besides that the situation in the Russian army is

critical. It is not excluded that a “revolutionary

general” will appear among them, who, having

united the political enemies of Putin, will lead

them against the dictatorship of the chekist who

has obtained quick promotion. Perhaps it will be

possible to speak with such leader about peace

and mutual interests.

Putin, Bush, Davis, Schroeder and Blair as well as

the others like them do not want and beware of

such development of the situation. The war in the Northern Caucasus , so far, is advantageous

to them for different reasons.

Akhmad Ichkeriisky

Analysis: Is It Too Late For Peace Talks In

Chechnya?

by Liz Fuller

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

February 11, 2005

ON 3 FEBRUARY, THE CHECHEN

RESISTANCE WEBSITE CHECHENPRESS.COM

POSTED A STATEMENT BY PRESIDENT

ASLAN MASKHADOV'S ENVOY UMAR

KHAMBIEV ANNOUNCING THAT

MASKHADOV ISSUED INSTRUCTIONS TO

HIS FORCES ON 14 JANUARY TO OBSERVE

A UNILATERAL CEASE-FIRE UNTIL THE END

OF FEBRUARY. ACCORDING TO KHAMBIEV,

THAT COMMAND WAS INTENDED AS A

GOODWILL GESTURE THAT COULD PAVE THE WAY FOR UNCONDITIONAL TALKS

AIMED AT ENDING MORE THAN FIVE YEARS

OF FIGHTING.

Four days later, on 7 February, "Kommersant-

Daily" published an interview with Maskhadov in

which he repeated his call for negotiations. Also

on 7 February, chechenpress.info posted a

statement by Maskhadov in which he called on

the United Nations, the European Union, and the

Council of Europe to play a more active role in

mediating a settlement of the Chechen conflict.

But Russian officials have not responded to that

initiative, while senior members of the pro-

Moscow Chechen leadership have argued that

Maskhadov does not qualify as a negotiating

partner as he no longer has any authority among

the resistance. Moreover, they allege, Maskhadov

bears responsibility, together with radical field

commander Shamil Basaev, for a string of

terrorist acts against Russian civilians, including

the Beslan hostage taking in September 2004.

Moscow, too, earlier discounted the possibility of

talks with Maskhadov on the pretext of his

alleged involvement in terrorist acts against

Russian civilians. In mid- September, in the wake

of the Beslan hostage crisis, Russian Foreign

Minister Sergei Lavrov compared calls for

Moscow to embark on negotiations with

Maskhadov with the suggestion that Europe

should conduct such talks with Osama bin Laden.

(This despite Maskhadov's repeated insistence

both before and after Beslan that his men strictly

observe the Geneva Conventions and desist both

from attacks on Russian civilians and on Russian

military targets outside Chechnya.)

This is by no means Maskhadov's first attempt to offer the Russian leadership a face-saving way out


~ 85 ~

of a conflict that has since 1999 claimed the lives

of thousands of Russian servicemen and sapped

the national budget. In an earlier interview with

"Kommersant-Daily" in April 2000, weeks after

the fall of Grozny, Maskhadov similarly declared a

unilateral cease-fire and called for peace talks and

the dispatch to Chechnya of a fact-finding mission

from the Organization for Security and

Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). Russian military

officials wrote off that offer as an indirect

admission of defeat, claiming that Maskhadov's

men did not have the weaponry to continue

resistance, according to Interfax on 21 April

2000, while then acting Russian President

Vladimir Putin's aide Sergei Yastrzhembskii said

Maskhadov had not responded to unspecified

counterproposals (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 21

April 2000).

Maskhadov issued three further calls in 2000 for

unconditional peace talks: in an interview in July with an Azerbaijani news agency, in a second

interview with "Kommersant-Daily" (see "RFE/RL

Newsline," 25 September 2000), and in an

interview with "Moscow News" in November.

Yastrzhembskii rejected the latter offer, saying it

contained "nothing new" and that it was due to

Maskhadov's "inactivity" that Chechnya had

degenerated into "an enclave of terrorism and

Wahhabism" and a permanent threat to Russia's

security (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 22 November

2000).

Maskhadov broadcast calls for unconditional

peace talks on a clandestine radio station in

January 2001, and on the official Chechen

television channel three months later. Then in

June 2002, on the eve of the Group of Eight (G-

8) summit in Canada, he sent an open letter to

the participants, calling for a cease-fire in

Chechnya and asking for their assistance in

resuming contacts between his envoy, Akhmed

Zakaev, and then presidential envoy to the

Southern Federal District Viktor Kazantsev. That

initiative coincided with an appeal to Russian

President Vladimir Putin by former Russian

Security Council Secretary Ivan Rybkin (see


Both Rybkin and former Russian Supreme Soviet

speaker Ruslan Khasbulatov met with Zakaev

during the summer of 2002 to discuss various

blueprints for resolving the Chechen conflict (see


But Maskhadov subsequently announced that he

was again coordinating resistance activities with

radical field commander Shamil Basaev, who

publicly claimed responsibility for the deadly

hostage taking in a Moscow theater in October

2002. That incident furnished the Russian

authorities with a cast-iron excuse to brand Maskhadov a terrorist, and demolished his

credibility with the United States. The "Los

Angeles Times" on 31 October 2002 quoted an

unnamed U.S. official as saying Maskhadov has

"forfeited any legitimacy he had.... He's either

unwilling to stand up to terrorists or incapable of

it."

In the wake of the Moscow hostage taking,

Maskhadov switched tactics and began calling not

for direct talks with Moscow but for the

international community to pressure the Russian

authorities to agree to such talks. He told

RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service in May 2003

that "it has become obvious today that it is

impossible to seek peace directly with the

Russian leadership," because those leaders rose

to power thanks to the war in Chechnya. He

said: "The Russian authorities that have brought

so much violence to the Chechen people could

not end this war peacefully, even if they wanted

to." He said the only way to bring the fighting to an end is through the United Nations, the OSCE,

the Council of Europe, and other organizations

that protect human rights. Maskhadov reiterated

in that interview that "I have never given orders

to blow up buildings or to kill innocent people. I

have even given orders to my mujahedin...to be

careful not to kill Chechens, not to carry out

terrorist attacks that could hurt innocent people"

(see "RFE/RL Newsline," 21 May 2003).

One year later, in early June 2004, Maskhadov

appeared to have abandoned any hope of peace

talks, telling RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service:

"We tried to approach the Russian government

with our [peace] proposal several times. We told

them, 'Let's stop this war ourselves without

involving anyone into this process.'" Maskhadov

vowed that "we will not stop our struggle, and

we will not back off as long as the enemy

tramples our soil. We'll keep fighting until he

leaves our country. We won't accept anything

short of this." But at the same time, Maskhadov

made clear that he does not seek independence

for Chechnya, but would accept a peace

settlement that would preserve Russia's

territorial integrity. He said: "We are prepared

to do whatever [the Russian leadership] want us

to do, whatever they find advantageous. We can

jointly manage our economy, defenses. We can

jointly guard our borders. We can create a

common currency and conduct our diplomatic

affairs together. We can think of common

investment programs. We are prepared to sign

agreements on collective security and join the

fight against terrorism. That is what we are telling

the Russians. But they don't want that.... In this

situation, we are compelled to seek friends

elsewhere simply because Russians don't want

friendship with us."


~ 86 ~

But by mid-2004, two military operations

masterminded by Basaev had transformed the

political landscape in the North Caucasus. The

first was the bomb that killed Chechen

administration head Akhmed-hadji Kadyrov in

May. Instead of reappraising its strategy of

offloading to the pro-Moscow Chechen

leadership the responsibility for neutralizing the

resistance and "normalizing" the political situation

in Chechnya, the Kremlin sought to placate, co-

opt and promote Kadyrov's son Ramzan, whom

many observers believe will replace Kadyrov's

interim successor Alu Alkhanov as soon as he

reaches the age of 30. The second operation,

staged just days after Maskhadov's interview with

RFE/RL, was the raid launched on Interior

Ministry targets in Ingushetia in which some 80

people were killed (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 22

and 23 June 2004). Ingushetiya.ru quoted a

young Ingush participant in that raid as explaining

that he "and hundreds like me" left home and joined Basaev's militants after federal security or

police personnel randomly detained their

relatives, who subsequently disappeared without

a trace.

Since June, bands of militants reporting to Basaev

have surfaced elsewhere in the North Caucasus -

- in Kabardino-Balkaria, where they raided the

local headquarters of the Federal Antinarcotics

Service in December, and in Daghestan, where

Interior Ministry troops and special forces have

launched at least two operations to apprehend

them in recent weeks. The fact that the war in

Chechnya has spilled over the borders of that

republic could be adduced to substantiate the

Russian authorities' repeated argument that

Maskhadov has become irrelevant, and that there

is no point in negotiating with him -- especially in

light of the differences in the military tactics

favored by Maskhadov, who says he abhors

targeting innocent civilians, and Basaev, who

seemingly considers all Russian citizens legitimate

targets. In other words, a "point of no return"

may already have been reached, beyond which,

Russian officials may argue, the only effective

strategy is to continue current efforts to

eradicate all militant bands perceived as posing

potential threats to security and stability in the

North Caucasus.

On the other hand, as Maskhadov himself has

frequently pointed out, all wars have to end, and

most end at the negotiating table. "Nezavisimaya

gazeta" suggested on 9 February that as a man of

"considerable political experience," Maskhadov

can hardly have anticipated that, this time

around, he would receive a positive response

from the Russian authorities to his cease-fire

declaration and call for unconditional peace talks.

If that is the case, then it is reasonable to assume that Maskhadov's intention may have been to

induce the international community, and above all

U.S. President George W. Bush, to take a

tougher line with Moscow over the need for a

swift and negotiated solution to the Chechen

stalemate before the situation in neighboring

North Caucasus republics deteriorates even

further.

Appendix A. Maskhadov's Kommersant

Interview, Feb 2005

Aslan Maskhadov: An Appeal to the

Russian President

// The leader of Ichkeria tells Kommersant why

he ordered peace


Testimonial Evidence

At the end of last week, news of a ceasefire in Chechnya had a powerful impact on Russia and

the world. It was commented on with pleasure

by politicians and law-enforcement officials. The

essence of the reaction of Russian officials was

that all such announcements are nothing more

than cheap PR. Many even said that the ceasefire

declaration was a forgery. In light of this,

Kommersant considered it possible to ask the

author of the order himself, Aslan Maskhadov,

for commentary, presenting the questions to and

receiving the answers from his general

representative Umar Khambiev. Maskhadov has

confirmed the authenticity of this document.

What was the goal of your ceasefire declaration?

It is a gesture of goodwill, an attempt to show a

commitment to peace and to bring the Russian

leadership to its senses. In my view, the

processes that are taking place today in the

Caucasus are leading to catastrophe. In this

situation, I consider it my duty to make

maximum efforts to avoid the real threat faced

not only by my people, but by the Russian people

and all the peoples of the Caucasus. In addition, I

am not sure that President Vladimir Putin is being

reliably informed about the deep abyss of

catastrophe that Russia and the whole of the

Caucasus are being dragged into. I believe that

the political will of the presidents of Russia and

Ichkeria can put an end to this bloodbath.

Therefore, my appeal is first of all to the

president of Russia, and then, of course, to

everyone whose conscience has not degraded

hopelessly.

Why in February?

There is no symbolic reason here. It could have

been December or January. But February is the last month of winter and the battle usually heats


~ 87 ~

up with new force in spring.

Is the ceasefire connected with the desire to free

your relatives, whom your supporters claim have

been kidnapped by Russian law-enforcement

bodies?

No. Many citizens of Chechnya have been

kidnapped and killed in the last six years.

Therefore, I do not feel that my familial

sensibilities should prevail over my sense of duty

to my people.

Which European politicians did you discuss the

idea of a unilateral ceasefire with?

Similar suggestions had come from a number of

human rights institutions and leading politicians. I

refused them, because there are no independent

organizations inside Chechnya at present that

could monitor the ceasefire. That is bad for us,

but we have taken that step any way. I repeat that the goal of the ceasefire is not an attempt to

show anyone our soundness. It is a gesture of

goodwill. It is the latest invitation to the other

side to come to the negotiation table.

What kind of reaction from the Russian

authorities are you counting on?

I am hoping for an adequate reaction. Therefore,

right after issuing the order for a temporary halt

to offensive combat action, I issued instructions

for the appointment of a delegation for contact

with the Russian side. I appointed Umar

Khambiev, the minister of public health of

Ichkeria and my general representative abroad,

to head the delegation.

What will happen when the ceasefire ends?

Everything is in the will of the Almighty, and His

mercy is boundless. If the sober minds of our

Kremlin opponents are ascendant, we will end

the war at the negotiation table. Otherwise,

most likely, blood flow for a long time still, but

we will not bear the responsibility for this

insanity.

Immediately after your order, rumor arose of the

death of field commander Shamil Basaev. What

would you say about that?

I believe that it is his fifth of sixth death in the

last six years.

After the [terrorist act in Moscow in October

2003 at a performance of the musical] Nord-Ost,

Basaev stated that he would no longer be

subordinate to you. What would you say about

that?

Shamil Basaev has not been part of the structure

of the armed forces of Ichkeria since that time. It

is no secret from anybody that we have

disagreements, mainly due to his choosing

combat methods that are unacceptable to the

Chechen people. Basaev considers himself to

have the right to use such methods, to which I

am unable to agree to on principle. I have said it

many times and will not repeat myself now. After

the terrible, tragic events in Beslan, I declared to

the world that, after the end of the war, we will

officially hand over to the International Tribunal

all persons involved in crimes against humanity,

including Basaev, who is suspected in the seizure

of the theater in Dubrovka [where Nord-Ost

was playing] and the school in Beslan. Until then,

I will resist attempts by him and other

commanders to take action against the civilian

population of Russia. If Basaev abides by my

ceasefire order, I will consider myself to have had

great success in avoiding many terrorist acts that

are not acceptable to our side.

At the end of last week, again, immediately after

the declaration of a ceasefire, the Office of the

Prosecutor General of Russia announced new

accusations against you, including for Beslan. Can

you respond to them?

The accusations of a procuracy that well-known

for its infallibility do not worry me. When I think

of those tragic events, I often ask myself if I had

not waited for an answer from the Russian side

to my suggestion that I come to Beslan, but had

made some independent attempt to make my

way to the school, would I have been able to

prevent the cold-blooded and cynical murder of

the completely innocent children who were

sacrificed for the ambitions of monsters. I haven't

found the answer to my question yet.

They Don't Trust Aslan Maskhadov

Chechen President Alu Alkhanov has called

Maskhadov's ceasefire a bluff. “We have no basis

for taking his [Maskhadov's] latest

pronouncement about an end to the terror as

the whole truth,” Alkhanov said at a press

conference in Moscow on Saturday, noting that

“if Maskhadov and Basaev are really ready to stop

the terror, they don't need to set conditions, but

must give themselves up to law-enforcement

organs.” Alkhanov did, however, acknowledge

the possibility that the terrorist Basaev is dead.

“According to information we received seven or

eight months ago [when Alkhanov was head of

the Ministry of the Interior of Chechnya], Basaev

had problems with his kidneys and his leg that

had been operated on,” Alkhanov said, hinting

that the terrorist may have died of his illnesses.

Representatives of the command of Russian military groups in Chechnya immediately began


~ 88 ~

to deny Maskhadov's intentions, and even the

authenticity of the rebel leader's statement. “Law

enforcement organs know for certain that the

information posted on the extremist sites by the

ideologues of the illegal armed formations has to

relationship to the statements purportedly made

by Maskhadov and Basaev,” Kommersant was

told at the Regional Operational Headquarters

for administering the counterterrorist operation

in the North Caucasus. A representative of that

office stated that 12 terrorist acts were

committed on the territory of the republic

between January 10 and February 3 (Maskhadov's

ceasefire went into effect on February 1).

The claims of the Russian and Chechen official

representatives are, in turn, denied by Umar

Khambiev, the general representative of the

Ichkerian president. “That simply want to present

us as irreconcilable bandits,” Khambiev told

Kommersant yesterday. He added that there were no grounds to doubt the authenticity of the

Ichkerian president's order to cease combat

activities. “I have spoken to him [Maskhadov]

personally about this matter,” Khambiev said.

“And the resistance fighter will strictly adhere to

the requirements of the presidential order on a

unilateral halt to combat activities. As of

February 1, there has not been a single attack

from our side. That has been acknowledged by all

who are observing events in Chechnya.”

by Musa Muradov

MASKHADOV FOLLOWS UP

CEASEFIRE WITH AN INTERVIEW





On February 7, just four days after the Chechen

separatist Kavkazcenter website reported that

Aslan Maskhadov had ordered rebel fighters to

lay down their weapons for one month,

Kommersant published an interview with the

separatist leader. The newspaper reported that it

had transmitted its questions to Maskhadov

through his general representative abroad, Umar

Khambiev.

Asked why he had announced a ceasefire,

Maskahdov called it a "goodwill gesture" and "an

attempt to demonstrate devotion to peace and

call upon the Russian leadership to see reason."

"In my view, the processes taking place today in

the Caucasus are leading to catastrophe,"

Maskhadov said. "In this situation I consider it my

duty to undertake maximum efforts to avert the

real threat not only to my people, but to all the

people of Russia and the Caucasus. At the same time, I am not sure that President Vladimir Putin

is for certain informed about what a deep chasm

of catastrophe Russia and the whole Caucasus

are falling into. I believe that the political wills of

the presidents of Russian and Ichkeria are

capable of putting an end to this carnage.

Therefore my appeal above all was directed

precisely at the president of Russia, and then, of

course, to all whose consciences have not

degraded once and for all."

Maskhadov indicted there was no significance to

the fact that the ceasefire was announced for

February. (Some media gave significance to the

fact that rebel warlord Shamil Basaev, in his

February 3 order calling on separatist fighters to

obey Maskhadov's ceasefire, had announced the

ceasefire would last until February 22 – one day

before the 61st anniversary of Stalin's

deportation of the Chechen and Ingush people.)

Maskhadov also denied the ceasefire was

connected to the abduction of his relatives. "Many citizens of Chechnya are being kidnapped

and murdered already for the sixth year," he said.

"Therefore I do not believe that my family

feelings should prevail over the feeling of duty to

my people." He also denied that the ceasefire

was a demonstration of "strength": some

observers have speculated that in announcing the

ceasefire, Maskhadov was attempting to dispel

the view that he has no control over the rebel

movement's various field commanders.

Maskhadov said that in addition to ordering a

temporary cessation of all offensive military

actions, he also signed a decree naming "a

delegation for contacts with the Russian side,"

which will be headed by Umar Khambiev.

Noting that following the Dubrovka theater

hostage-taking in October 2002, Shamil Basaev

announced he was no longer taking orders from

Maskhadov, Kommersant asked Maskhadov

whether Basaev had again become his

subordinate. "Shamil Basaev has not been part of

the structures of the armed forces of Ichkeria

since that time," Maskhadov answered. "Our

differences, based above all on his choice of

methods of warfare that are unacceptable to the

Chechen side, are not a secret to anyone. Basaev

believes he has the right to use methods that I

cannot, on principle, agree with. I have

repeatedly spoken about this and therefore will

not repeat myself. After the terrible, tragic

events in Beslan, I told the world that after the

end of the war we will officially hand over to the

International Criminal Tribunal all individuals

involved in crimes against humanity, including

Basaev, who is suspected in the seizure of the

Dubrovka theater and the school in Beslan. And

until then, I will in every way possible [try to

prevent] both him and other commanders from carrying out any attacks against Russian civilians.


~ 89 ~

If Basaev obeys my truce order, I will consider

that I have succeeded in averting many terrorist

acts, which are unacceptable for our side."

Asked about rumor over the past week that

Basaev had been killed, Maskhadov said it was

"the fifth or sixth time in the past six years that

Shamil's ‘death' has been reported."

Not surprisingly, Chechen President Alu

Alkhanov dismissed both Maskhadov's reiteration

of his call for talks and his ceasefire

announcement. "Maskhadov's statement about

the one-sided cease-fire is a lie from the

beginning to the end," Alkhanov said, Ekho

Moskvy radio reported on February 8.

"Maskhadov is still expected at the prosecutor's

office." Chechen State Council Chairman Taus

Dzhabrailov told Interfax on February 7: "The

stand of the national administration is unwavering

– there will be no political contacts with Maskhadov and his circle." Earlier, Dzhabrailov

rejected Maskhadov's ceasefire as a "bluff."

While the Kremlin has not directly responded to

Maskhadov's unilateral ceasefire and offer to

negotiate, a close ally of President Vladimir Putin,

Federal Council Chairman Sergei Mironov, told

reporters on February 8 that he saw no basis for

"Russian power structures" to react in any way

to Maskhadov's recent statements. Like other

officials, Mironov questioned whether Maskhadov

"really controls anything in Chechnya," Yufo.ru

reported. On February 3, immediately after

Maskhadov's ceasefire announcement was made

public, the Prosecutor General's Office

announced that he was being charged with

complicity in organizing Beslan school hostage

seizure, for which Basaev claimed responsibility.

Despite the uniformly negative public reactions

by Russian officials, some observers say other

processes may be taking place behind the scenes.

"There are people around Putin who are

suggesting it is time to end the Chechen war,"

Aleksei Malashenko, a security analyst from the

Carnegie Center, told Reuters on February 3.

"Maskhadov and Basaev could see this is a

favorable time for such an approach."

Kommersant reported on February 8 that Umar

Khambiev had told the paper that Maskhadov's

initiatives had sparked the interest of "influential

European politicians" who are determined to

promote a resolution of the Chechen conflict.

"For the moment I cannot be any more specific

about this, but you will soon hear all about it,"

Khambiev told the newspaper. He also said: "We

have not received any proposals from the

Russian side, but we are hoping that it will

happen."

Meanwhile, Reuters on February 8 quoted a

source in the Russian government's media

supervisory service as saying that Kommersant

had been officially warned for publishing the

interview with Maskhadov. The interview, the

source told Interfax, "provided a terrorist

wanted by the federal authorities and Interpol

with an opportunity to publicly justify terrorism

and threaten continued terrorist activity."

According to Russian law, if a media outlet

receives three such warnings, the government

can seek a court order to close it down.

Hot-Shot

// Kommersant Warned Anonymously


Russia’s Federal Service for the Enforcement of

Media Legislation has issued an official warning to

Kommersant on inadmissibility of the RF laws’

violation.

The warning was released in respect of the

interview with Aslan Maskhadov published early

this week (Moscow Kommersant of February 7,

2005), Interfax cited yesterday night an

unidentified source with the above service as

saying. However, Kommersant has received no

official document to-time, when this issue was

sanctioned for press.

Kommersant will be keeping an eye on further

development of the situation.

Authorities issue warning to newspaper

over Chechnya interview

Committee to Protect Journalists

New York, February 9, 2005—Federal

authorities in Moscow have issued an official

warning to the independent Moscow daily

Kommersant for publishing a February 7

interview with Chechen rebel leader Aslan

Maskhadov, according to local and international

press reports.

The Federal Service for Oversight of Compliance

with Media Laws issued the warning Tuesday

under the Media Law and the Law Against

Extremist Activities, which bans the distribution

of information that supports "extremist

activities," according to the Russian news agency

Interfax.

By law, authorities can shut down media outlets

that receive three warnings in a year. This is

Kommersant's first warning in 2005. The

newspaper has yet to receive official notice of

the warning, but an unidentified official at the

regulatory agency said it would be sent later this

week, the Moscow radio station Ekho Moskvy reported.


~ 90 ~

Georgii Ivanov, head of the legal department at

the Kommersant Publishing House, said the

publisher was planning to challenge the validity of

the warning in court, Ekho Moskvy reported.

Ivanov said the newspaper succeeded in having a

court strike down an April 2000 warning issued

after Kommersant published a similar interview

with Maskhadov.

In the recent interview, Maskhadaov called on

President Vladimir Putin to open peace talks with

the rebels in response to their unilateral

ceasefire, something Putin has refused to do.

Recent polls show that about half of Russians

support some form of official contact between

the government and the rebels, Agence France-

Presse reported.

Russian law enforcement officials placed a $10

million bounty on Maskhadov and a second rebel leader, Shamil Basayev, after a string of deadly

attacks against Russian forces and civilians.

Under Putin, the Kremlin has intensified its

efforts to block news coverage of rebel views.

The Foreign Ministry pressured several

neighboring countries to shut down the pro-

rebel news Web site Kavkazcenter last year, and

it strongly criticized British authorities last week

for allowing Channel 4 independent television to

broadcast an interview with Basayev, according

to press reports.

Kommersant will be presented with official

warning - media supervision service

MOSCOW. Feb 9, 2005 (Interfax) - The Russian

federal media supervision service will present

Kommersant daily with an official warning that

was issued to it on Tuesday for publishing an

interview with Chechen separatist leader Aslan

Maskhadov earlier this week.

"This warning will be delivered directly to the

Kommersant editorial office this week, most

likely on Thursday," the secretariat of the service

chief, Boris Boyarskov, told Interfax on

Wednesday.

Service experts concluded that the interview

with Maskhadov titled 'Aslan Maskhadov: My Call

is Addressed to the President of Russia' and

published in Kommersant on February 7 contains

information excusing and justifying the need to

pursue extremist activities.

"Publishing the interview, the newspaper

provided a terrorist placed on federal and

Interpol wanted lists for criminally punished

deeds with the opportunity to publicly justify terrorism and threaten continued terrorist

activities," the source said.

The Kommersant management said the

newspaper will contest the warning in court.

Warning to Kommersant Over Maskhadov

Interview Deemed Counterproductive

Moscow Politkom.ru WWW-Text in Russian 09

Feb 05

[Article by Dmitriy Bagiro: "Technology of

Terror"]

Against the backdrop of demagoguery about the

fight against international terrorism the world

mass media are eagerly engaging in PR for the

gunmen. Respectable Western TV channels are

not only quoting the Bin Ladin statements

planted by the Arab mass media but also

interviewing the ringleaders of the Chechen

gunmen on their own initiative. Moreover, The Times, which gave a detailed account of Basayev's

threats and accusations against the Russian

authorities, does not even think it necessary to

conceal that the dissemination of this information

is aimed at undermining the prestige of the

Russian president.

An even more unpleasant impression is created

by the media orgy in certain Russian mass media

that rapturously circulate the harshest

expressions of Basayev and Maskhadov -- first

citing the gunmen's websites, then in the form of

selected passages from Western newspapers, and

then as reports on the British TV company's

program. The upshot of this propaganda

onslaught is notions foisted on society

concerning the "criminal Russian regime," which

did not spare even children, and also the idea

that Basayev has every right to stage actions like

Beslan as long as Russian citizens support the

"criminal regime."

It looks as though the best-known separatist

leaders decided their roles in advance in

ostentatiously announcing a "truce," which is not

being observed, incidentally, and attempting for

the umpteenth time to mobilize Russian society

for the struggle against Putin under the slogan of

the "need to begin peace talks with Maskhadov."

Basayev, who is threatening a "repetition of

Beslan," assumed the role of "bad cop," and

Maskhadov, who is promising to hand over

Basayev for trial and addressing his calls for peace

talks directly to Putin, is playing the part of "good

cop."

The "bad" Basayev is articulating his propaganda

on Chechen websites and in the Western mass

media, while the "good" Maskhadov invites the

Russian president to sit down at the negotiating table in an interview with Russia's Kommersant.


~ 91 ~

However, the point of this game is quite obvious:

It is paving the way so that, after Basayev's next

high-profile terrorist act, Maskhadov can declare

that he gave due warning but was not heeded and

again demand peace talks, this time under the

patronage of international observers.

And we can be confident that the mass media will

again circulate with pleasure the next calls for

talks and criticisms of the Russian authorities,

quite unabashed by the fact that the lives of

Russian citizens are always used as weighty

arguments in such scenarios for "forcing peace."

This vicious circle can be broken only by

neutralizing the gunmen's leaders, but it

transpires that this task is too difficult.

It is far easier to read the riot act to the

Kommersant editorial office, which published an

interview with Aslan Maskhadov 7 February.

However, this interview, which is devoted to the peace initiatives of the former president of

independent Ichkeria, looks totally innocent

compared with Basayev's statements.

Nevertheless the Federal Service for Monitoring

the Observance of Legislation in the Sphere of

Mass Communication deemed it possible to issue

an official warning to the Kommersant editorial

office.

Judging by agency reports, the Federal Service

saw the publication of the Maskhadov interview

as a violation of the provisions of the law "on the

Mass Media" (Article 4) and the law "On

Countering Extremist Activity" (Article 11),

which prohibit the use of the mass media for

extremist activity and also the dissemination via

the mass media of material establishing or

justifying the need for such activity.

However, the text of Maskhadov's interview

contains neither propaganda for extremist

activity nor justification of the need for it.

Moreover, Maskhadov condemns Basayev and

calls on the Russian authorities to "end the war

around the negotiating table." Basically it must be

admitted that the people who prepared the final

text of the interview were careful not to violate

the letter of the law.

As a result the impression is created that the

staffers of the Federal Service either simply did

not peruse the text of Maskhadov's interview, or

confused him with Basayev, or, unable to punish

the British TV channel for circulating truly

extremist remarks, decided to take it out on

Russia's Kommersant. However, it will be difficult

to do this, provided that the court considers the

substance of the matter without taking into

account the newspaper's possible role in playing

out the aforementioned "good cop-bad cop" scenario.

It was for this reason that Andrey Vasilyev,

Kommersant's general director, and Georgiy

Ivanov, the head of the publication's legal service,

immediately stated that they intend to protest

the warning in court and expressed confidence

that they will win the case, especially as there

have been similar precedents before. Moreover,

the court hearing will readily provide another

media excuse for another wave of publicity for

the statements of Maskhadov and Basayev in the

other mass media.

It appears that the Russian authorities are not

only losing the media war foisted upon them, but

also creating favorable conditions for its

continuation. This is despite the fact that it is

totally clear to any impartial observer that today,

as on the eve of Nord-Ost, the preconditions are

being created for the next terrorist act to make a

particularly loud splash after the end of the "truce."

Russian Media Behavior Viewed With New

Twist

Moscow Compromat.ru WWW-Text in Russian

10 Feb 05

[Article by Valentin Rakitin: Berezovskiy Wants

His Media to Die. Kommersant, Ekho Moskvy

Will Be Closed Down Soon]

The Russian government could close down media

outlets controlled by Boris Berezovskiy in the

near future. Everyone except the state would

stand to gain from the sensational closing down

of Kommersant and the radio station Ekho

Moskvy. There is nothing surprising about that.

After all, Boris Berezovskiy would stand to gain

from it.

In this connection it is interesting to see how the

course of the development of future events can

easily be miscalculated. The behavior of the

"Berezovskian" media has already clearly assumed

the character of informational masochism.

Give me pain

It is not only Boris Abramovich who is known for

his inclination toward masochism. Generally

speaking, this frequently happens with members

of the opposition: Come on, boss, beat me, beat

me. Why are you not beating me? Does this

mean you will not beat me? A-a-a, you hit me,

you asshole! Well try one more time -- don't

laugh. Come on. Ah ... so good. Just once more.

You would not dare to do it again. ..."

Vladimir Gusinskiy was the first member of the

Russian opposition to take the path of business masochism. He made a bad bet and he lost. After


~ 92 ~

his loss it was necessary, as the stock market

players say, to fix the mistakes -- to make a clean

break of it, to weigh his chances, and, finally, to

return to the gaming table.

As we know, things did not work out for

Gusinskiy. Vladimir Aleksandrovich had so little

understanding of the rules of the genre of

political dramaturgy that he was wiped out. He

does not get to Moscow much anymore. He

wanders along the fringes. No eating in

restaurants on Tverskaya, no more hearing the

Kremlin clock strike the hours, no more making

money on elections. There is no fun in Goosy's

life. The only thing left of his life is the past. Lost

business, lost influence, gray hair, and an order

for his arrest.

Another well-known member of the opposition

is Mikhail Khodorkovskiy. There is no doubt that

he is an intelligent chap -- a cut above Gusinskiy. His exceptional talent as a businessman

protected Khodorkovskiy from the turmoil and

hardship of more than one five-year plan of

work. Even during the crisis of 1998 when the

largest business empires built up around the

commercial banks crashed, Khodorkovskiy

managed to earn money. Menatep Investors

received their devalued deposits with a delay of

several months or even years, and they were

even glad to get that because many depositors

did not receive their savings back at all. I recall

that in 1990 people were saying in all seriousness

that the only decent banker was Khodorkovskiy.

They said he almost did not rob them at all.

Perhaps that was when Mikhail Borisovich

recognized the great magic of receiving

forgiveness from the humbled. If you take

something away from people and then, after the

people's indignation is replaced by hopelessness,

you return half of it, you can win the hearts of

those who have been robbed ... But

Khodorkovskiy too was defeated by masochism.

After all, he brought it on himself. It would seem

that if you have a delicate relationship with the

Tax Code you should sit quietly. The more so

since the history of oil and all kinds of apatite

acquisitions is filled with events which it is

unpleasant to contemplate, but then it is

impossible to forget them. Yes, others may buy

the independent press and you may too, but like

the others you should keep your nose clean.

If you are going to earn money in Russia, then

think about Russia's interests. But no, the man

has been separated from the land. Perhaps with

his endless string of meetings with the West

European and American establishment, Mikhail

Borisovich became befuddled. There are many

countries in the world whose governments are prepared to "protect private property"

(especially if it is located in somnolent, uncivilized

Russia) without paying attention to how this

property was acquired, and, it seems,

Khodorkovskiy seriously believed that the

Russian laws did not apply to him. But when the

government sent out the signal -- "what are you

doing, Mish?" -- the masochist also awakened in

the intelligent Khodorkovskiy. Well, beat me.

No, do not laugh -- my protector will not

approve of you. What, have you nothing to say?

Well, try ... The more densely the clouds

gathered around Khodorkovskiy's head, the

more loudly the shriek of usurped freedom could

be heard. It seemed to the oilman's PR people

that it was advantageous to suffer the blows;

each kick would bring supporters to

Khodorkovskiy.

And then suddenly it became clear that, in the

first place, the Yukos company and Mikhail

Borisovich himself and his comrades were under Russian jurisdiction, and, in the second place,

histrionics did not help. It all turned out to be a

bad business and in especially large amounts! But,

after all, everything necessary was there -- to

remember the past and to know honor. The

lucky businessman, who had traveled the path

from a Soviet citizen making money off of

foreigners to the owner of a giant oil holding

company, became rich, but was still a convict.

Boris Berezovskiy did not become a convict -- a

reliable protector makes it possible for

disgraceful wolves to get hooked up with an

upright citizen. But still, as we recently learned,

masochism is no stranger to Boris Abramovich

either.

Losing in order to win

Berezovskiy wants pain. He has a presence in

Russia in the form of a number of media outlets

that depend on him in a certain way. That means

things will be painful for them. The process is

already underway.

The newspaper Kommersant has published an

interview with the leader of the Chechen

terrorists, Aslan Maskhadov. It is generally

known that the failed separatist has blood on his

hands and that he is on the federal wanted list

and the Interpol wanted list. Finally, the Kremlin's

attitude toward him is generally known.

Nevertheless, Kommersant published a lengthy

interview with him, from which it appears that

the noble bandit is tired of killing. Maskhadov

wants to negotiate.

And how! This is the only means of legalization

for Maskhadov. After all, so far the only

government representatives who want to speak with him are the FSB and the Prosecutor's Office.


~ 93 ~

He is a terrorist. As soon as the federal

government sits down at the negotiating table

with him he becomes a politician. This is the kind

of transformation that once took place with Yasir

Arafat. Quite reasonably the Kremlin does not

want to bring Maskhadov-Arafat trouble down

upon its own head, and so it refuses to recognize

the terrorist as a politician. The publication of an

interview with the president of the self-

proclaimed state in Kommersant changes the

playing field: Maskhadov is made into a political

figure, who for some reason the Kremlin does

not want to listen to.

Clearly, the government could not like this.

Naturally, the government warned the

newspaper about the unacceptability of such a

game "on the foul line."

And something else is clear as well. Such a thing

will be repeated -- Kommersant will be playing on the foul line until the very end. Because it is

advantageous. A newspaper is an intangible thing;

it cannot be destroyed. The government can only

appeal to the court and revoke its license. The

newspaper's shareholders will pour their

resources into a private account beforehand

(Boris Abramovich knows how this is done -- he

ran Aeroflot) so that their physical property will

not be threatened. The journalistic collective will

still be intact, especially if they are not cheated

on their wages. It is no problem to obtain a

license for a new newspaper. (Incidentally, this

pertains to Novaya Gazeta as well.) It will be the

same Kommersant, with the same logo, and the

same readership. But all that will be enhanced by

the aura of martyrdom, of a champion

publication. Putin's totalitarian regime will

pressure them in all kinds of ways, but the

intrepid bulwark of freedom of speech will live

and emerge victorious. The government's closing

down of Berezovskiy's newspapers is

advantageous to the out-of-favor oligarch.

The radio station Ekho Moskvy is also

experiencing something similar. Anti-Putinism has

practically become the foundation of editorial

rhetoric recently, and it would seem that the

observers have forgotten that the claptrap about

the terrible Putin regime gives their programs an

extremely marginal coloration. Any PR specialist

knows that in order for propaganda to be

effective what is targeted to the negative must be

actively mixed with neutral information or, even

better, an opposing opinion once in a while. But

what we hear on the air sounds like barely

restrained hysteria. Sometimes you want to say:

Well all right, I understand how Yuliya Latynina

feels; soon that damned Putin will have polished

off all employers, but what about the rest of the

people?

At the level of slander Ekho Moskvy is giving out

information about plans "to become a victim of

the regime" following Kommersant's scenario.

That would not be difficult. A couple of

telephone interviews with that same Maskhadov

and goodbye license. The entire world would

shout: Oh what is going on here?! Ekho's leaders

would throw up their hands: Our civic

conscience would not allow us to reject an

interview with a separatist; after all, Chechnya is

our pain, but look at the regime we have in our

country ... Boris Berezovskiy is raising his voice in

defense of freedom of speech. Vladimir Putin is

becoming a Milosevic.

The scenario is unbeatable. As in the case with

Kommersant, the leadership of the information

publication has nothing to lose -- the entire

collective will transfer to the bridge company --

radio Arsenal, which belongs to the "labor

collective." Arsenal is ready for battle and is already broadcasting with the same voices as

Ekho used.

Ekho's situation has an interesting aspect. They

say that the credit funds of Gazprom, to which

the radio station belongs, have been used to

purchase apartments for Ekho management

personnel. The credit is long-term, the rate is

preferential, and everything is in order. The

credit documents are being prepared, but if the

shop is closed down too quickly the heads of the

independent journalists will not receive their

inexpensive housing. Therefore a move beyond

the "foul line" was scheduled for the time after

the collective had moved in. And it was right.

They can suffer for human causes a little later,

but for now let the state-owned Gazprom cough

up some money for the crusaders against the

regime.

But the leaders' monetary affairs are trivial

compared to the earmarked "Berezovskiy

revolution." Boris Abramovich himself thinks

globally and understands the peculiarities of the

media business. Back in 2001 when Vladimir

Gusinskiy transferred the NTV collective from

Gazprom to Channel TV-6, which belongs to

Berezovskiy, the latter resolutely kicked the

company's old personnel out of the offices and

studios -- the employees were ordered to

"vacate the premises" for new people. Nobody

even heard about the human tragedies of the

young people who were fired -- meanwhile the

sensational demarche of the titans of freedom

crusading against the regime was being discussed

all over the world. Why not shake up your own

media one more time?

The closing down of Berezovskiy's PR

instruments by the hand of the Kremlin regime is advantageous to the out-of-favor oligarch. Based


~ 94 ~

on that, we can assume that the scandalous

interviews promoting Chechen terrorists will

continue in the corresponding media outlets.

Paper Hopes 'Warning' Over Interview

With Terrorist Will Be Dropped

Moscow Izvestiya (Moscow Edition) in Russian 10

Feb 05 p 3

[Report by Nadezhda Stepanova: "Maskhadov

Compromises Kommersant"]

The Kommersant publishing house is in trouble

again. In the very near future the paper will be

issued with an official warning by the Federal

Service for Oversight of the Observance of

Legislation in the Sphere of Mass

Communications and the Protection of Cultural

Heritage. The state agency did not like the

interview with Aslan Maskhadov published on 7

February in which the rebel leader appealed for a truce in Chechnya. In the words of a Service

staffer who wished to remain anonymous, the

piece entitled "Aslan Maskhadov: My Appeal is

Addressed to the President of Russia" "seeks to

establish and to justify the need to carry out

extremist activity."

In a report carried by news agencies a Federal

Service spokesperson stated that the publication

of the interview with Maskhadov "violated the

provisions of Article 4 of the law 'On the Media'

and Article 11 of the law 'On Countering

Extremist Activity,' which prohibit the use of the

media to propagandize extremist activity as well

as the dissemination via the media of material

seeking to establish or justify the need to engage

in such activity."

The news that the warning was being issued

came as a surprise. Never before has the Federal

Service voiced its complaints against a specific

media outlet out loud. "We will be announcing

that we have issued a warning to someone. Is

that suddenly going to damage the business

reputation of the media," department staffers

asked in support of their refusal to say who

precisely, in their view, was breaking the law. In

the era of the Press Ministry, the issuance of

warnings to the media was open information.

The news about Kommersant spread like wildfire

-- even before the text of the warning has arrived

on the editor's desk. "We do want to appeal

against the warning, but first we need to see it --

it is a matter of the specific wording,"

Kommersant Chief Editor Aleksandr Stukalin has

announced. "You need to have a sophisticated

kind of awareness to assess an appeal for peace

as propagandizing extremism," Kommersant legal

service chief Georgiy Ivanov added. The source in the Federal Service confirmed that the warning

has not yet been sent, because the text has not

yet been edited. "The report of the warning was

leaked. We were not planning to release it to the

press," Izvestiya's interlocutor stressed.

The question can arise of halting a media outlet's

operations if it is issued with two or more

warnings in a year. The Federal Service has the

right if it so wishes to hand over documentation

to the courts, which then decide what to do with

the offending outlet.

The warning now being drawn up could be

anulled, though. In 2000 the Ministry for the

Press, Radio and Television Broadcasting, and

Mass Communications issued a warning to

Kommersant, declaring that the publication had

broken the law. That incident was also linked to

an interview with Maskhadov, but the newspaper

was reproached not with extremism but with

propagandizing terrorist activity. The warning was challenged in court, and the court ruled in

Kommersant's favor. Since then, not a single

warning has been issued to the newspaper.

Russian media warned against reporting on

Chechen rebels

Reporter: Emma Griffiths

Australian Broadcasting Corporation

ABC Local Radio

PM - Friday, 11 February , 2005 18:38:00

PAUL LOCKYER: Russian authorities have

slapped another warning on the country's media,

this time over an interview with a Chechen rebel

leader. The interview was published on the front

page of Russia's business daily, Kommersant.

Moscow Correspondent Emma Griffiths reports

that this warning is the latest attempt by the

Kremlin to force an information black-out on the

Chechen rebels.

(Sound of news theme)

EMMA GRIFFITHS: Occasionally news from

Chechnya is shown on Russian television, but

more often than not it features the Kremlin-

favourite – the region's President, Alu Alhanov.

(Sound of Alu Alhanov speaking)

Here he is, talking in response to rumours that

the Chechen rebel responsible for the Beslan

school siege was dead.

"I tend to believe it was caused by his kidney

disease and the consequences of an operation,"

he says.

There's been no official confirmation that Shamil Basayev is dead or alive, but a video statement


~ 95 ~

from the man himself has appeared on Chechen

website kavkaz centre.com. In it he says his

kidneys are fine, and stabs a knife into his

wooden leg.

The website has repeatedly run afoul of the

Russian authorities, who say it's a notorious

mouthpiece for Chechen terrorists. The site has

been forced to move between several European

countries, as each one in turn has come under

pressure to shut it down.

This month, Shamil Basayev has also appeared on

British television's Channel 4 News, revealing he

was planning more attacks similar to Beslan.

Russia described the report as "irresponsible"

and demanded the British Government block the

broadcast, to no avail.

But Russian authorities have had more success

limiting coverage of Chechnya at home – most recently they've turned on the daily business

broadsheet, Kommersant. This week, it published

an interview with another key Chechen leader,

former President Aslan Maskhadov.

In the interview he confirms that he's called a

ceasefire in the region and says it's a gesture of

goodwill that runs out later this month. He

warns when the ceasefire ends, blood will flow

for a long time.

The Russian media supervision service has

presented Kommersant with an official warning

about the interview, claiming it contains

information excusing and justifying extremist

activities. Under government regulations, a media

outlet is allowed three warnings every year, then

it can be shut down. This is Kommersant's first

for the year.

Editor in Chief, Alexander Stukalin.

"Kommersant faced a very simple task," he says.

"When last week we were informed about

Maskhadov's order for a ceasefire, the authorities

stated that Maskhadov controls nothing. Our

task was to find out the truth – there was no

other way but to approach him. It was our job as

journalists."

Kommersant plans to fight the warning in court,

something they successfully did five years ago.

But first the court must agree to hear the case,

and analysts warn these days such agreement is

increasingly rare.

This is Emma Griffiths in Moscow for PM.

Russian Paper Cautioned for Publishing

Interview With Chechen Separatist Moscow Ekho Moskvy Radio in Russian 1400

GMT 11 Feb 05

[Excerpt] [Announcer] A supervisory service has

once again reminded the Kommersant

newspaper that it was given a caution three days

ago over the publication of an interview with

[Chechen separatist leader] Aslan Maskhadov.

Yevgeniya Ten reports.

[Correspondent Yevgeniya Ten] The caution

from the federal service controlling the

observation of the law in the sphere of mass

communications has not yet reached the

Kommersant editorial office although the

newspaper's legal department was notified that

the document would be faxed and mailed to it.

I will remind you that the reason for the caution

was the publication in the 7 February edition of

an interview with the Chechen separatists' leader

Aslan Maskhadov. According to experts in the service, and I quote, by publishing the interview

the newspaper's editorial office gave the terrorist

an opportunity to justify terrorism in public and

to threaten to continue terrorist activities. The

newspaper's management is planning to file a legal

appeal against the caution. [passage omitted:

Kommersant has received similar warnings from

the authorities in the past]

Paper To Be Warned Over Rebel

Interview

By Anatoly Medetsky

STAFF WRITER

St. Petersburg Times

#1044, Tuesday, February 15, 2005

MOSCOW - The government plans to issue a

warning to Kommersant for violating an anti-

extremism law by publishing an interview with

Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov, a

government spokesman said Wednesday. Under

the law, the government may ask a court to close

a publication after two warnings in a one-year

period.

The newspaper denied any wrongdoing and said

it ran the interview Feb. 7 to provide a first-

person account of Maskhadov's cease-fire order

and his call for peace talks. Some government

officials called the order "a lie" after it was

announced on rebel web sites.

The Federal Service for Media Law Compliance

and Cultural Heritage is having experts analyze

the interview and is working on the text of the

warning that will formally appear "in the near

future," said a spokesman for the service, who

asked not to be named.

By publishing the interview, Kommersant violated Article 4 of the 1991 Law on Mass Media and


~ 96 ~

Article 11 of the 2002 Law on Counteracting

Extremist Activity, the spokesman said.

The media law prohibits a publication from

promoting or assisting "extremist activity," while

the anti-extremism law prohibits the media from

disseminating "materials that support or justify

extremist activity." The anti-extremist law states

that a court may close a publication after it

receives two warnings within 12 months. The

law, however, does not force the government to

take legal action, so a publication may be allowed

to stay open even after receiving a second

warning, the spokesman said.

Georgy Ivanov, head of Kommersant's legal

department, denied that the interview justified

terrorism. "It calls for peace, if you read it," he

said by telephone Wednesday. If the warning is

issued, Kommersant will most likely dispute it in

court, Ivanov said.

In one of his most aggressive statements in the

interview, Maskhadov is quoted as saying, "If the

sober mind of our Kremlin opponents prevails,

we'll end the war at the negotiating table. If not,

the bloodshed will likely continue for a long

time."

Kommersant relayed questions and received

answers through a Maskhadov envoy, whose

whereabouts the newspaper did not disclose.

Andrei Richter, director of Moscow's Media Law

and Policy Institute, said the warning could be

intended to give Kommersant, a Boris

Berezovsky-owned daily, a "cold shower" and

discourage other media from giving space or

airtime to people the Kremlin does not like.

Kommersant's prospects of disputing a warning

in court are likely very slim, as in 90 percent of

cases courts refuse to consider such complaints,

Richter said. But if a court agrees to hear the

case, Kommersant could easily win, he said.

In 2000, the government warned Kommersant

for publishing an interview with Maskhadov, but a

court overturned the warning, Kommersant

general director Andrei Vasilyev said Feb. 8,

Interfax reported.

"It was an exception, not the rule," Richter said

about the court's willingness to hear the case.

Three Russian newspapers - the National

Bolshevik Party's Limonka newspaper, Den and

Gubernskiye Vesti - have been closed after

warnings, but those were over inciting ethnic

hatred, Richter said.

Warning Letter KOMMERSANT Documents, FEBRUARY 24,

2005

Federal Service for supervision of observing the

law in the sphere of mass communication and

cultural heritage protection within the limits of

the authorities in the stated line considered the

subject matter of the Aslan Maskhadov’s

interview, published under the headline “Aslan

Maskhadov: my call is for the President” in the

Kommersant newspaper n.20 [3104] as of

February 7, 2005.

Kommersant newspaper office

Building 1

4, Vrubel street

Mosocw

123308

Ministry of Culture and Mass Communication of

the Russian Federation



cultural heritage protection

12, Malaya Nikitskaya street

Moscow

121069

Tel: 290-5207 Fax:291-9911

To № ____ of

WARNING LETTER



cultural heritage protection within the limits of

the authorities in the stated line considered the

subject matter of the Aslan Maskhadov’s

interview, published under the headline “Aslan

Maskhadov: my call is for the President” in the

Kommersant newspaper n.20 [3104] as of

February 7, 2005.

It’s ascertained that introducing the article, the

newspaper said that the interview was a

possibility for Maskhadov to comment on his order to wrap up a truce and cease fire that he

had supposedly issued.

Answering the newspaper question “what will

happen after the truce?”, Maskhadov replies: “If

the sober mind of our Kremlin opponents

prevail, we will stop the war at the negotiating

table; if it doesn’t, then it’s more likely that the

blood will carry on running, but we will abdicate

all responsibility for this madness.”

Once the editors published the interview, they

gave the possibility to the terrorist who was on

the wanted list of Russian MIA and Interpol, to

publicly justify terrorism and threaten with the


~ 97 ~

further terrorist activity.

The subject under discussion has the information

that grounds and justifies the necessity of the

extreme activity.

According to the section 4 of the Russian Act as

of 27.12.1991 n.2124-1 “About the Mass Media”,

it is prohibited to use the mass media for

operating any extreme activity. According to the

section 11 of the Federal act as of 15.07. 2002

n.114-F3 “About the opposition to extreme

activity”, it is prohibited to propagate the

materials grounding or justifying the necessity of

the extreme activity.

Thus, having published “Aslan Maskhadov: my call

is for the President” Maskhadov’s interview, the

editors of Kommersant broke the above stated

statutes of the Federal Laws.

According to the section 6.4 of the Regulations

of the Federal Service for supervision of

observing the law in the sphere of mass

communication and cultural heritage protection,

confirmed by the Russian Federation government

on June 17, 2004 n. 301, the Federal Service has

the right to apply measures of limitative,

restrictive or preventive character that are aimed

to exclusion and (or) liquidation of the aftermath

of the violations of the orders by a juridical

person and citizens within the limits of the

authorities.

By virtue of the above stated in accordance with

the authorities and following the section 16 of

the Russian Federation Act as of 27.12.1991

n.2124-1 “About the Mass Media” and sections 5

and 8 of the Federal Act as of 15.07.2002 n.114-

F3 “About the opposition to extreme activity”,

the Federal Service for supervision of observing

the law in the sphere of mass communication and

cultural heritage protection gives Kommersant a

written warning letter of inadmissibility of

breaking Russian Federation Law.

Chief Boris A. Boyarskov

Chief Editor Rejects Charges Cited in

Warning Over 7 Feb Maskhadov Interview

Moscow Kommersant in Russian 24 Feb 05

[Report by Kommersant Chief Editor Aleksandr

Stukalin: "Kommersant Is Also an Appellant Now.

Why Kommersant Is Going To Appeal Against

Warning for Aslan Maskhadov's Interview" --

taken from HTML version of source provided by

ISP]

Last Tuesday (22 February), the Kommersant

editorial office finally received the text of the official warning about inadmissibility of breaching

Russian legislation, which had been issued to the

newspaper by the Russian Federation Federal

Service for Monitoring Observance of Legislation

in the Sphere of Mass Communication and

Protection of Cultural Heritage. Document No

23/1-5/1-846 is dated 9 February and signed by

service head Boris Boyarskov. Kommersant was

suspected of breaching the Russian Federation's

legislation following an interview with Chechen

separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov speaking

about his unilateral suspension of military

operations in Chechnya, which was published on

7 February. Mr Boyarskov believes that it

"contained information justifying and defending

the need for carrying out extremist activities."

The editorial office categorically disagrees with

this kind of interpretation of the interview by the

functionary and is going to challenge the warning

in court. In view of the above, Kommersant

considers it necessary to explain to its readers its

reasoning behind the decision to publish the interview with Aslan Maskhadov.

The publishing of Aslan Maskhadov's interview

entitled "My Appeal Is Addressed to the Russian

President" had its pre-history. The Chechen

separatist Kavkaz-Tsentr website

(www.kavkaz.tv) reported in the evening of 2

February that Aslan Maskhadov had ordered his

subordinates "to suspend unilaterally offensive

military operations on entire ChRI (Chechen

Republic of Ichkeria -- Kommersant note)

territory and beyond its borders (see the 3

February issue of Kommersant). Kavkaz-Tsentr

pointed out that it did not have the text of

Maskhadov's order, but to corroborate its

statement, cited a similar order issued by

another Chechen gunmen leader -- Shamil

Basayev.

The piece of news did not pass unnoticed by the

Russian and foreign mass media. Over the

following several days Aslan Maskhadov's

initiative was actively discussed by many

politicians and functionaries at the media's

initiative. Most opinions boiled down to the

conclusion that did not aspire to be regarded as

in-depth analysis: The order issued by the leader

of the self-proclaimed Republic of Ichkeria was

nothing but a bluff and part of a PR campaign.

Viktor Ozerov, chairman of the Federation

Council Defense and Security Committee,

Vladimir Vasilyev, chairman of the State Duma

Security Committee, Chechen President Alu

Alkhanov, Chechen Prime Minister Sergey

Abramov, Ruslan Kasayev, chief of the Chechen

Ministry of Internal Affairs operational-

investigative unit, and many other people

commented on Aslan Maskhadov's words roughly

along these lines.

Basically, there was nothing unexpected in these


~ 98 ~

opinions. One has the right to interpret Aslan

Maskhadov's actions at one's own discretion.

After all, it was unlikely that any independent

observers seriously believed that the

aforementioned people representing the

authorities could seriously speculate about the

possibility of a similar reciprocal step on the

Kremlin's part or the prospects of peaceful

settlement of the confrontation with the

Ichkerian leader. However, one commentary did

stand out in that group.

It was not made by a Russian legislator or a

Chechen civil functionary; it was provided by a

structure that may not be authorized to hold

negotiations with Chechen gunmen, but at least

is always required to possess verified information

about Chechnya and knows how to tell a bluff

from objective reality. FSB Major General Ilya

Shabalkin representing the Regional Operational

Headquarters [ROSh] the counterterrorist operation in the North Caucasus, who in fact is

the only person authorized to express the

security department's official opinions, stated in

his interview with Kommersant on 3 February:

"Law enforcement organs know that information

posted by bandit formations' ideologists on the

extremist websites has no relation whatsoever to

the statements allegedly made by Maskhadov and

Basayev.... All references to the leaders of the

bandit clandestine movement are invented,

whereas the very texts of the statements are

fruits of Movladi Udugov's (one of Chechen

separatist ideologists -- Kommersant note) and

his associates' fantasy" (see the 4 February issue

of Kommersant). Similar statements were

disseminated on behalf of the ROSh by the ITAR-

TASS and RIA Novosti news agencies.

Therefore, it appeared from Mr Shabalkin's

words that the order to cease fire was a

fabrication and Udugov's canard and that the

mass media were purposelessly misleading their

audience, whereas politicians and functionaries

were wasting time commenting on something

that never existed in nature. We could have

simply accepted the authoritative opinion of the

ROSh representative and could have quietly

tackled other issues. However, Kommersant

decided to get to the bottom of the situation

ever more so since Article 77 of the Russian

Federation Law "On Mass Media" grants

journalists the right to verify the reliability of

information obtained regardless of whether it

comes from Chechen separatist websites or from

FSB generals. One can hardly assert that under

the circumstances the editorial office had any

other way to verify the facts than approach the

author of the allegedly nonexistent edict Aslan

Maskhadov himself, at least through an

intermediary. In this situation Maskhadov's general representative Umar Khambiyev acted in

this capacity (which Kommersant honestly

admitted to its readers in the editorial

introduction preceding the interview).

In essence, the interview with Aslan Maskhadov

had to give a clear-cut answer to the main

question asked by Kommersant's audience, which

undoubtedly includes FSB General Ilya Shabalkin,

too: "Did he or did he not issue the order on a

unilateral ceasefire?" Since nobody raised the

issue of "Movladi Udugov's fantasies" after the

publication of the interview, the editorial office

believes that it fulfilled its task and that it is

senseless to look for some hidden extremist

sense in it. We dare hope that the overwhelming

majority of our readers share our opinion. At

least none among our readers, who are often

oversensitive and excessively vigilant when these

kinds of issues are raised, did not notice any

justification of extremism in the interview (I

assure you that we do not have any problems with feedback -- take my word for it).

We can only regret that people at the Federal

Service for Monitoring Observance of Legislation

in the Sphere of Mass Communication and

Protection of Cultural Heritage interpreted the

publication along these very lines. It was stated

directly in the warning about inadmissibility of

"breaching the Russian Federation's legislation"

issued to Kommersant's editorial office on its

behalf and signed by service head Boris

Boyarskov that "the publication under discussion

contains information justifying and defending the

need for carrying out extremist activities."

Russian legislation does not provide a clear-cut

definition of this kind of information and

Kommersant will undoubtedly ask functionaries

from Mr Boyarskov's department to prove their

postulate in court (the newspaper can be closed

down if it receives another warning of this kind

within a year from the first one). Particularly

since we already have this kind of experience:

Kommersant received a warning five years ago.

Back then it was issued by the Russian Federation

Ministry of the Press. We were warned for an

interview with the selfsame Aslan Maskhadov

that had similar contents and was published

under a similar headline: "I Suspend Military

Operations" (see the 21 April 2000 issue of

Kommersant). Some time later, the Tverskoy

Inter-Municipal Court in Moscow's Central

Administrative District simply rescinded it

following the editorial office's complaint.


~ 99 ~

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In accordance with 17 U.S.C. 107, this material is

distributed without profit or payment to those

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maskhadov's cease-fire declaration and peace overtures, feb 2005

Documents

chechen leader maskhadov

chechen rebels maskhadov

chechen rebel ceasefire

chechen peace talks

chechen truce

chechen militants

chechen storm

chechen moderates