media coverage analysis on the mexican conflict
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The love affair between the Catholic Church and Central American Migrants: Challenges of Media Coverage on the Mexican ConflictTRANSCRIPT
" Migrants are the famous people. They're confronting the obstacles, we're here to accompany
them." NormaRomero,coordinatorofthegroupknownasLas Patronas
supportedbytheMexicanbishops'humanmobilityministry
TheloveaffairbetweentheCatholicChurchandCentralAmericanMigrants:
challengesofmediacoverageontheMexicanconflict
“Migrants are transforming everything and one of the institutions overcoming most changes is the
Catholic Church. They are questioning strongly the high hierarchy with just its presence”
FatherAlejandroSolalinde,migrant’sadvocatelistedinAmnesty’sInternationallistofpeopleatrisk
MaríaXimenaPlaza
TheNewSchool
Thisistheopeningimageofa2011NationalCatholic
Reporterarticle.Thephotography’scaptionreads:
“migrantcarriesawoodencrossontheoutskirtsof
MexicoCity,duringasymbolicpilgrimagetocelebrate
theMexicanSenate'spassageofnewimmigration
legislation.”
Thenewsreporttitled“MexicanCatholicsworkingwithundocumentedmigrantswelcome
newlaw”startsbyexplaininghowthelawconstitutesanefforttoimprovethetreatmentofmigrants
transitingnorthastheyhavebecometargetofkidnappingandransoms.Theimage,alongwiththe
article,isanexampleofhowU.S.andMexicancatholicmediacoveragehaspresentedstoriesabout
migrants,usuallyCentralAmericanbornmigrants,bymakinglinksbetweenthefigureoftheCatholic
Church and this vulnerable population. These links are repeatedly found as well across U.S. and
Mexican mainstream media. This paper aims at analyzing the prominence of the figure of the
CatholicChurchinnewsreportsaboutmigrantstransitingMexicointhemidstofthecurrentarmed
conflict.BydrawingonMexicanhistoryand2011mediacoverageonthetopic,Iaimtodemonstrate
thattheCatholicChurchhasbeenarecurrentmediasourceastheinstitutionupholdsapredominant
roleinthenation’ssocialandpoliticalspheres.However,thisrolehasgainedgreatervisibilityduring
thecurrentcivilconflict.Infact,theCatholicChurchandsomeofitsrepresentativeshaverisenasa
recurrentmedia sourceon theabuses facedbymigrants inMexico,denunciationsofGovernment
performanceandrecommendationsforpolicymakingimprovingthelivelihoodsofthispopulation.
Inmyview,thisportrayalofmigrationandconflictinthecountrypresentschallengesto
enable media as a tool for peace building through dialogue among the different parties of the
conflict,giventhatitperpetuatesthesamerelationsamongactors:theCatholicchurchcontinuesto
be a direct and recognizable speaker to theGovernment throughmedia,while voices ofmigrants
remain under the church’s discourse and ideology. Thus, migrants are represented as “victims”,
insteadof citizenswhobearhuman rights andhavepolitical agency tomakediscernible claims to
Governmentsthroughpublicopinion.Anotherkindofmediarepresentationwouldallowmigrantsto
escape fromnavigating through thedifferentmotivationsandactionscarriedbyactors influencing
theconflict.CentralAmericanmigrantswouldceasetobean“easytarget”intheconflictthankstoa
greatervisibilityinpublicdiscourse.
Migrants as victims of the Mexican armed conflict
InordertounderstandhowmigrantsgottrappedintothedynamicsoftheMexicanarmed
conflict, it is necessary to explain the character and evolution of this war. Carpenter (2010)
contends that Mexico is undergoing a factional‐ economic conflict. Maill et al (2005) clearly
explains this concept: “a factional‐economic conflict consists on fighting solely about the
competing interests or power‐struggles of political or criminal factionswhose aim is to usurp,
seize or retain state powermerely to further particular interests.” In the case of theMexican
conflict,DrugTraffickingOrganizations(DTO)spreadthroughoutthecountrytocontrolsignificant
territory.Howeverthesegroupsarenotdrivenbyaspecificpoliticalideologyoraimatusingthis
territorial control to legitimate governance. Instead the driving force is the interest to control
smugglingroutes,sources,marketsandalliances.Carpenter(2010)clarifiesthat“drugtrafficking
organizationsarenotanearlyautonomousspecializedsocialgroup,ratheranewclassofoutlaws
that depended closely on political and police protection.” There are cases reported through
mediaofthecloserelationshipsbetweentheseorganizationsandpoliticiansaswellasofficials,
whohavebeenaccusedofcorruptpracticesbribery,nepotism,andtheftforpublicmoney.Until
2000 these crimes were committed in the context of a state party system: the Institutional
RevolutionaryParty(PRI),whohadcontroloverjudicial,legislativeandexecutivebranches.Asit
iswelldocumented,formanydecadesMexicohadinplaceahighlycentralizedpowerstructure
thatwasnotonlypermissive,butalsoprotectiveoforganizedcriminalactivities(Cornell,2007).
DTOshaveusedtheserelationshipswiththestatetoexpandtheirmonopolisticbehavior
correlatedwithruthlessnessandexploitation(Schelling)ofpopulationssuchasCentralAmerican
migrants. TheZetas, agroupbornoutof “CarteldelGolfo”DTOasamilitaryor “enforcement
enterprise” specializing in kidnapping, extortion and human trafficking have been repeatedly
accused of targeting Central American Migrants. Alongside these allegations, human rights
nonprofits and migrants themselves have referred to the complicity of police force and local
authorities (Carpenter,2010).According to the2011HumanRightsWatchReport,hundredsof
thousandsofmigrantspassthroughMexicoeachyearandmanyaresubjectedtograveabuses
en route including physical and sexual assault, extortion, and theft. Approximately 18,000
migrantsarekidnappedannually,oftenwiththeaimofextortingpaymentsfromtheirrelativesin
theUnitedStates.AroundhalfofthemareCentralAmericanMigrants.Acasegeneratinggreat
commotioninthecountrywastheexecutionofseventy‐twokidnappedmigrantsoriginatingfrom
CentralandSouthAmericabyarmedgangsfromTamaulipas inAugust2010(MexicanNational
Commission of Human Rights, 2009.) The HRW report adds, “Authorities have not taken
adequate steps to protect migrants, or to investigate and prosecute those who abuse them.
Authorities rarely inform migrants of their rights, such as the right to seek asylum, and the
authoritiesthemselvesareoftentheperpetratorsofabuses.”Since2007,theNationalMigration
Institutehasfired15percentofitstotalforceforsuspectedlinkswithorganizedcrimeandcrimes
suchashumantrafficking.TheirvulnerabilityisincreasedbythefactthattheFederalPopulation
Law requires public officials to demand that foreign citizens show proof of their legal status
before offering any service, such as providing medical care and registering human rights
complaints.Althoughanewlawonmigrantswaspassed,thosewhosufferabusesoftenchoose
nottoreportcrimesoutoffearofdeportation.(HumanRightsWatch,2011)
During the lastdecadetheMexicanGovernment,especiallyunder the leadershipof the
National Action Party (PAN) President Felipe Calderón, has pushed for the arrest of key drug
lords,strainingtherelationsbetweenDTO’sandstate. Intheabsenceofthearrestedorkilled
druglords,aleadershipvacuumhastakeplaceandthestablerelationshipswithintheorganized
crimechainhavefracturedintoincreasingcompetitionforpowerandterritory.Previoustothese
measures, “narcos” avoideddirect confrontationwith lawenforcement by trading social order
(refraining from actions of wide‐scale violence) for relative impunity to operate. As the
competitionamongDTOsandnarcoshas increased, theyhavepassed from intercartel rivalries
over routes and resources towinning the right to start or continue trafficking to “hurting the
other”. In this struggle for survival, the “cartels” seek to preserve their illicit power structure
alongside the state (Osorio, 2011). Their motivations to continue this factional conflict have
becomegreaterasthedrugtradebrings$23billioninrevenueannually,whichmakesupfor20%
ofMexico’sGDPin2007(U.S.GAO,2007).InthisscenarionotonlyDTOsareprofiting,butalso
groups such as Los Zetas who will continue to expand its military power as its business will
increasingly become the conflict itself. (Cornell, 2007) Furthermore, recently they have found
newwaysof sustainability suchas extortions tomigrant families andhuman traffickingof this
populationforprostitutionorsaletoDTOs,amongotherpurposes(ElUniversal,2011).
The political and social influence of the Catholic Church in Mexico
Hagopian (2006) posits that in the last years “theMexican church has assumed amore
assertive tone on public policy than at any time in nearly a century.” The author adds that
catholic representatives suchasCardinalNorbertoRiveraofMexicoCity in the last yearshave
activelydenouncedtheplightofmigrantsinthemidstoftheconflict,amongothertopicsrelated
to social justice and democracy. This growing influence on public policy and politics has been
possibleafterthe1992constitutionalreformwhichrelaxedthesharpconstitutionalseparationof
churchandstatethathadprohibitedtheChurchfromowningpropertyandpriestsfromvoting
since the revolution, though the clergy still cannot speak about politics or proselytize for or
againstanypoliticalpartyorcandidates(Hagopian,2006).Thoughthelatterhasnotrefrainedthe
church to support certain candidates or parties. Why would the church cease to have direct
actionsaffectingthepoliticalspherewhenthe internationalcatholicestablishmentexhorted its
members to increase its influence in political actions? In 1992Pope JohnPaul II proposed the
“new evangelization project” aimed at “deepening church influence over civil society, and
organizingthepublicsphereontheprinciplesoffaith”(Hagopian2006)Tahar(2010)positsthat
theprojectnecessarilyrequiredthechurchtoadoptpositionsonquestionsofpublicmoralityand
social justice and to mobilize the believers for political action. In 1992, the Latin American
CatholicBishopsConference(CELAM)embracedthisproposal(Hagopian,2006).
However authors such as Jean‐PierreBastian (1997) have insisted that secularization in
theLatinAmericahasalwayshadformalandjurisdictionalexpressions,butnotrealandpractical
ones.Hagopian(2010)addsthattherewasanimplicitpactbetweentheMexicanstateandthe
church, respectively responsible for thepublicorderand theprivateorder. Inotherwords the
churchhadbeenaccumulatedlegitimacyasmoralauthority,whichwouldbefurtherreflectedin
the public sphere after the 1992 reform. This idea is further explained throughout the 2010
surveyandresearchcarriedoutbyMancilla(2010)tominorityreligiousgroupsinMexico.Some
of the interviewed groups argued that the 1992 reformwas thought for the Catholic Church,
followingthe“noticeablepreferenceofthestateforthischurch.”Mancilla(2010)saysthatthese
appreciationsshedlightontheperceptionsonthenexusbetweenpublicspaceandCatholicism
inMexicoacrossseveralaspects:politicalparticipation,massmediaandineducation.Sheadds
thatitisdifficulttodenythatthenewconstitutiondidnotbringagreateropennessinthepublic
space for all religious groups, however the reform allowed small steps for minority religious
groupscomparedtothosealreadytakenandbeingadvancedbytheCatholicChurch (Mancilla,
2010). Loaeza (1996) recalls thatwhen theMexicanPresidentCarlosSalinasdeGortariwon in
1988 presidential elections, his opening speech covered “the modernization of the relations
betweenstateandchurches.”Theauthorsays,“Despitereferringtoallreligiousinstitutions,the
main recipient of the elected president’s proposal was the Roman Catholic Church.” These
historical processes lead Hagopian (2006) to say that the Mexican state has continuously
accommodatedverywelltheintegratingeffectofthefoundationmythofthecatholicnation.
The Mexican church’s political influence became even more visible during the 2000
elections,when the Episcopal Conference gave its support to thePAN candidateVicente Fox.
Through written documents, the Conference advocated for a “democratic change” implicitly
supporting PANover PRI,whichhadbeen in office duringmore than80 years. Fox answered
withadocumentcalled“Projecttobuildanation:religiouslibertyandrelationsChurch‐State”
in which he proposed to include unsatisfied demands by the church within the Mexican
jurisdictional frameworkandalsopositedopeningmassmedia spaces for theCatholicChurch
(Pérez ‐ Rayon, 2010). Authors such as Perez Rayon defend that the catholic hierarchymade
indirectanddirectexhortationstothepopulations,speciallylocatedinruralandpopularurban
areas,forthesupporttoFox.NotsurprisinglyFoxwontheelections,astherewere88percentof
Catholicsinthecountryby2000(ElUniversal,2011)Tahar(2010)positsthat“withthepolitical
change in 2000, the Catholic Church recovers positions, aiming at taking advantage of the
democratic processes for its own purposes.” The 2000 elections were very symbolic also for
publicrepresentationofchurchandpolitics.Theelectedpresident’scampaignusedtheVirginof
Guadalupeasoneofitsmainimages.Ayearaftertheelections,newsreportsshowedpresident
VicenteFoxgreetingPopeJohnPaulIIwhilekneelingdownandkissingthepapalring(seephoto
below), which was considered as a an act of submissiveness toward the Vatican’s authority
(Pérez‐Rayón,2010).Thereforeinthelastdecadethesymbiosisbetweentherepresentationof
politicsandCatholicchurchhasincreasedandisarecurrentelementthroughoutmediastories
about the current armed conflict and civilian populations threatened by violent acts such as
CentralAmericanMigrantsasIwillexplaininthefollowingpages.
Catholic Church and media in Mexico
Aviolentactcatapultedfurthermorethechurchasadeservingactorofmediaattention,
speciallyregardingtheMexicancivilconflict. In1993hitmenkilledthecardinalofGuadalajara,
Juan JesúsPosada.Thehitmenallegedlyconfused theprelate’swhiteGrandMarquiswith the
onedrivenby“ElChapo”,adrugtraffickerthathadgottenintroublewithbusinessassociates.
The visibility of the fatal event beyond locating the church at the center of the news setting
agenda also enabled the institution to a position of scrutiny. Local newspapers printed the
statement of one drug lord, who suggested that the cardinal had a relationship with his
organization. Some argued that these organizations funded projects of the Tijuana dioceses.
(Ugarte, 1997). Themystery of the death of the cardinal remains unresolved,withmedia and
Government bodies turning the page and starting a new chapter in the thriller of crimes and
deathsleftbytheconflict.
As the drug war has unfolded the use of media by the religious institution and its
construction of narratives draws on elements of the “Cristero” conflict, as it will be further
demonstrated in themedia analysis below. The “Cristero” conflict is known as themoment in
Mexicanhistorywhencatholic factionsdecided to fightagainst theGovernmentestablished in
1917asaresultoftheMexicanRevolution.Atthistimesuspicionsregardingchurchsupportfor
therevokedregimeledbyautocratPorfirioDíazdrovetherevolutionaryGovernmenttocreate
legal dispositions concerning catholic practices. The reaction of the catholic hierarchy was to
suspendmasses and an armed conflict was born in 1926 (López, 2011). During the “Cristero”
conflicttherewasanon‐goinguseofmediabythechurchinordertoclaimreligiouspersecution
andalsotonarrateadifferentversiononthehappeningsoftheconflict.Beyondlibels,magazines
and letters, theCatholic Churchmadeuseofmainstreammedia as the institutionhad greater
support than the revolutionary government. As censorship increased, information about the
catholic persecution was sent to foreign media outlets. Serna posits that catholic media
messagingwasframedusingthetoneofbiblicaltextsandthecatholicledpublicationsbecomea
“diaryofmartyr.”Sheaddsthatthisnarrativeconsistedin:
“Bloody stories and images aiming at capturing the attention of readers. In this way, victims are
covered by a saint aura… Journalists and Catholic Journalists achieve greater effectiveness in several fields:
agitate the consciences of their followers to gain more supporters in the struggle against the state. At the
same time it allowed to strengthen arguments against the Government’s crimes.” (Serna, 2007)
The conflict lasted three years and culminated with a negotiation between state and
church,whichendedstateinterventioninreligiouspractices,butdidnotopenthechurchtohave
a juridical status. As I mentioned before, it was until the 1992 constitutional reform that the
churchgainedthisstatus.RayónPérez(2010)highlightsthatsincethen“thechurchiscompletely
integratedtothepoliticalfora,hasalargepresenceinmediaandhasbecomeadirectandopen
speaker to theGovernment”, allowing the institution to recur toCristerowarmediapractices:
the use of local and international catholic media and the institution’s representation in
mainstreammediaaswellwiththeaimofshowingpersecutionofcatholicrepresentativesbythe
Government, focusingonmartyrsandvictimssuchas thesamepersecutedpriestsormigrants
anddenunciationsofGovernmentcrimes.
Thenewcharactersofthesemediapracticesareundocumentedmigrants.Regardingthe
interest of the church inmigrants, it is undeniable thework of the institution to improve the
livelihoods of this population. In fact, since 1999 the institution created a network ofmigrant
shelters,whichareclose to50andareextended in thenorthernandsouthern frontiersof the
countryaswellasthecapital(Alvarado,2009).Howeverthishumanitarianismandthedemands
of the church for changes in policymaking in the name ofmigrants acrossmedia outlets has
implicationsintheconflict,whichthisanalysisalsoaimsatexploring.Whydidthechurchtakeon
migrants plight and why has media been driven to focus greater attention to this aspect to
represent the institution in themidstof theconflict?Thesearequestionsnoteasilyanswered,
nonetheless Alvarado offers a possible answer by pointing out that under the theology of
liberation, proposed in the 70’s, Mexican catholic church has increased its actions for the
“unprotected”andalsohaspushedforapoliticalincidenceoverstateandgovernanceregarding
what should be done with Central American migrants threatened by violence. She adds that
catholic advocacy (Iwould addmedia advocacy) also has the potential of surpassing frontiers.
This is further achievedwith the figure ofmigrants and their international dimensions.While
government’s actions are limited to concepts of sovereignty and state boundaries, the
transnationalcharacterofthechurchallowsagreaterpresenceininternationalandlocalpublic
forums,whileadvocatingfortherespectofmigrants’humanrights(Alvarado,2009).
Mediaadvocacy ledby theCatholicChurchwasencouraged in2004byMexicanbishops,
whoarguedthattheinstitutionshould“promotereligiouseducationinvarioussettingsandhave
greatermediapresence”(Hagopian,2006).Inordertofollowthisgoal,theinstitutionpublishes
printanddigitalmediasuchastheweeklies“Desdelafé”or“Semanario,amongothers,which
have become accessible to Mexicans and foreign readers through the Mexican Catholic
Episcopate Informational System.1Some editions of Desde la fé” are cited and analyzed in
mainstreammedia.Though thechurch isnotallowedtoownamediacompany inMexico, the
awakening in theuseof technology, especially Internet, by religious groups in this decadehas
allowedreligiousmediasuchastheCatholicmediatoreachbroaderaudiences.Atthesametime
theemergenceof religiousonlineplatformshascomealongwitha reneweduseofmarketing,
branding and public relations to further the church’s position in public spheres and has also
provided avenues for the institution to provide an alternative discourse on Mexico and the
conflictbothlocallyandinternationally(Moors,2010).
News Reports on the Catholic Church and Central American Migrants
Thefollowingmediaanalysisincludes2011newsreportspublishedinUScatholicmedia.I
chosetostudytheNationalCatholicReporterandtheCatholicNewsServicesgiventheirconstant
references to theMexicanconflict, alongwithCentralAmericanmigrants.Thesemediaoutlets
also quote information originally created for Mexican mainstream media. News stories in
MexicancatholicmediasuchasDesde La FéandEl Semanarioaswellasmainstreammediasuch
asLa JornadaandExcelsior areakeycomponentofthisanalyticalexercise.ThoughIhadsome
difficultiestoaccesscatholicmediasuchas“DesdelaFe”onlineeditions.Infactitwaseasierto
access fragments of articles published in Desde la Fé through U.S. Catholic media as well as
Mexicanmainstreammedia. The average ofMexicanmainstream articles onmigrants, church
andconflictis1‐2newsreportspermonth.InitiallyIwillusetheCristerowarmediapracticesasa
frameworktoassess2011mediacoverage,followedbyotherspecificaspectsofCatholicmedia
advocacy such as the case of Catholic Priest Alejandro Solalinde, and some criticisms to the
church’sroleasanmigrantadvocateandwithintheconflict.Eachofthesetopicswillbefollowed
withexamplesfoundinthenews.
BothAmericanandMexicancatholicmediaandMexicanCatholicmediastartmanynews
reportseitherbyexplainingastatementmadebyachurchrepresentative,narratingthearduous
journeyofCentralAmericanMigrantsinMexicoor/andthecriminalactionsagainstmigrantsby
criminal gangs such as Los Zetas or even state bodies. However quotations of migrants
1 This is the link to the Information System of the Mexican Episcopate : http://www.siame.mx/apps/aspxnsmn/templates/?a=7&z=58
themselvesarefewerandhave lessspacethanthosededicatedtoCatholicrepresentatives.An
August2011NationalCatholicReporter(NCR)onlinearticleinformsthattwopoliceofficerswere
arrestedafterdetainingaGuatemalanmigrantandhandinghim to individuals accusinghimof
assault.CitingtheMexicannewspaperReforma,NCRadds,“Migrant JulioCardonaAgustínwas
beaten, struck with stones and was found dead” near St. Diego Migrant Shelter House.
AfterwardsFatherHugoMontoya,whorunsanothermigrantshelterinthearea,explainsthatthe
situation tookplacedue to xenophobia.Thearticle continueswithFatherMontoya’snarration
aboutCardona’spreviousdaystohisfatalend.ItremainsunclearwhytheFatherknewaboutthe
details of the case and the news report is only based on this version. In a December, 2011
Excelsior news report points out that boatman transporting migrants across San Pedro de
Tenosique, in theGuatemalan‐Mexican frontier, havealliedwithorganized crimenetworks to
kidnap,stealandphysicallyassaultundocumentedCentralAmericans.Thenewsreportincludes
thetestimoniesoftwomigrants,whonarrateindetailhowtheseboatmenthreatenedthemand
howtheyachievedtoescape.ItalsohighlightstheprotectionprovidedbytheMigrantShelterled
bymonkTomásGonzález.ThesetwoexamplesshowhowbothCatholicChurchandmigrantsare
taken into account when sharing this population’s drama and therefore their figure can be
consideredasthe“victims”oftheconflict.
While Catholic representatives arewitnesses of the horrors lived by
migrants,theyarealsoportrayedthroughtheirlifeofsacrificeand,in
some cases, of state persecution. Father Pedro Pantoja’s life and
contributions is narrated in a June 2011 Excelsior article, which
includes theportrait in the side,which is not a commonelement in
the visual media narratives. Usually journalistic photos on site are
used; instead this image follows the tradition of recent portraits of
martyrs and saints. (Though this is my intuition after searching for
MexicanmartyrsportraitsinInternet)2.
The article describes howFather Pantoja overcamea childhood and youth in poverty, howhe
assistedprisonerswithhismotherandalsohispreparationasapriest.Finallythereportnarrates
hisworkwithmigrants,theestablishmentofashelterunderhisleadershipandhisassessmenton
2 The Internet search carried for this media analysis can be found here: http://bit.ly/sI7rXh
anewmodalityofkidnapsofmigrants.SeveralUScatholicmediaandMexicanmediareporton
the detention of Father Alejandro Solalinde, a renown activist for Central Americanmigrants,
while leading the caravan “ A step towards peace” with more than 500 hundred migrants.
ReportsarguethatSolalindewasdetainedunderthesuspicionthatoneofhisbodyguardshada
longweapon.BothAmnesty Internationaland theMobilityPastoralof theMexicanEpiscopate
denounced the arrest. Solalindewas arrestedone afternoonand shortly after local authorities
apologized to Solalinde for the inconvenience. Other news reports refer to threats and
persecution of criminal parties to catholic representatives. In a September, 2011 La Jornada
article, the Executive Secretary of Human Mobility Pastoral of the Mexican Episcopate
Conference states, “despite the increase in intimidation acts and threats against defenders of
migrant rights, “pastoralagentsarestill standingandarenotgoing to takeastepback. In this
way, these representativesare representedasmartyrs for their lifeof sacrifice to thecauseof
migrants.”
Pantoja,Solalinde,Montoya,amongotherpriests,alsodenounceGovernmentandDTOs
actions.Theyalsoproposechangesingovernmentbodiesandtheiractionsaswellaspoliciesand
laws concerningmigrants.A July, 2011National Catholic Reporter article informed that Father
PantojaquestionedthenewMexicanimmigrationlaw“wouldmakemuchofdifferenceandifthe
federalgovernmenttrulywantedtofixthemigrationissue.”Whilea2011Excelsiornewsreport
focused on Solalinde’s argument against the Mexican National Institute of Migration (INM),
because“ithadbeenthebestallyof theorganizedcrimegroupLosZetas in thekidnappingof
undocumented inthesouthernstatesofthecountry. Inthe lightofcasesofcorruptionof INM
staff,thepriestarguedthattheorganizationhadlostprestigeinthefaceofcitizensandmigrants;
therefore it was better for the INM to disappear. Another July 2011 Excelsior article includes
Solalinde’spetitions toCongressoneliminatingvisas forCentralAmericanandSouthAmerican
born family members of disappeared migrants in Mexico. The same newspaper published in
January a report based on the Catholicweekly “Desde la Fé”,which pointed out omissions of
Mexicanauthorities“whoshineduetotheirirresponsibleabsence”regardingjusticetomigrants
who have been victims of kidnappings and extortions. The common elements between the
“Cristerowar”andthecurrentarmedconflictsuchasmediaportrayalofvictims,martyrsandthe
denunciations of the church regarding Government actions can also be explained through the
conceptoftrinityproposedbyNietzsche.Infact,Gonzalez(1999)usesthisconcepttoanalyzethe
current state of Mexican Catholic Church (In this analysis we will use the trinity to further
understandtherepresentationsembeddedinmediadiscourseontheCatholicChurch,migrants
and theconflict.According toNietzsche’s view, the trinity stands foragod thatactsas tyrant,
victimandsavior.Thetrinity isavictim,because itcarriesotherssins;tyrant,because itpoints
outother’ssins;andsavior,becausesavesothersfromtheirfaults.Followingthislineofthought,
media’s portrayal sheds light on how the Catholic Church by advocating for migrants and
providingthemshelterscarriesthefaultsorconsequencesoftheactsthatGovernmentofficials
andDTOshavecommittedagainst thispopulation,holding thepositionof“victim”or“martyr”
(González). The church is a tyrant because it denounces the faults of state and criminal
organizations against migrants, assesses when Government actions are working or not and
proposeshowthestatecanchange itsbehavior through institutional changesorpolicymaking.
Finally the institution acts as savior becausenomatter the grievances caused tomigrants, the
churchstillworkstoimprovethesituationofviolenceinwhichstateandDTOstakepart.Alsothe
churchissourceofasanctifiedworld,whileoutsidetheMexicanterritorylivesinchaos.AJune
2011CatholicNewsAgencyarticlereportsthattheXalapaArchidioceseinMexicowarnsthatthe
abuse suffered by Central AmericanMigrants traveling throughMexico is “an evident sign of
societaldecay”.Theagencyaddsthatthearchdiocesethankedthepriests,religiousandlaitywho
“asgoodSamaritans,”offerfood,shelterandclothing“tothosemostinneed.”Toconclude,the
holy trinity concept allows us to notice that the ideological thought of the Catholic Church
underlies Catholic and mainstream media coverage on Central American migrants and the
conflict.
ThecaseofAlejandroSolalinde
ThemostoutstandingcatholicfigureinmediacoverageisFatherAlejandroSolalinde,who
isusuallyincludedonreportsaboutCentralAmericanmigrants.HeistheDirectoroftheShelter
Brothers in the Road located in Ixtepec,Oaxaca and Coordinator of the Catholic Pastoral Care
CentreforMigrantsinsouthwesternMexico.Solalindeispartofthelistof“individualsatrisk”by
AmnestyInternational,giventhat“gangs,officialsandintolerantcommunityhavethreatenedhis
life” (Amnesty International, 2011). Solalinde’s portrayal differs between catholic media and
mainstream media. The former just referring to his contributions and claims toward the
Government, instead the latter refers to Solalinde’s controversial criticisms to the Catholic
Church itself, theU.S.,politicalparties, amongothers.A July2011Excelsiorarticle isbasedon
Solalinde’s considerations about the Catholic Church and its role to helpmigrants. He says, “
Referring to the Catholic Church, with its honorable exceptions, the institution has not really
caredaboutthesituationofmigrants,thatisthesadreality.Theinstitutions,dedicatedtoserve
thehumanbeing,havebecomeindifferenttopeople,theyarenotinterestedinanything,onlyin
political favoritism.” Instead in a September 2011 Jornada report the priest’s opinion on U.S.
policyishighlighted:“WeareoutragedregardinghowtheDEA,PentagonandCIAarehavingtheir
wayhere(Mexico),thisisnotanovelty;buttheMexicanNationalInstituteofMigration,through
the Mérida Plan, is completely being used as an instrument for Washington in detriment of
national sovereignty, but also in prejudice of our transmigrant brothers,who are cornered by
Washington, who considers them as a danger and as persons unwanted in the U.S.” He has
becomesuchaprominentsourcethatMexicanmainstreammediaaskforhisopinionregarding
political issues not directly related to his cause. An October 2011 Jornada report is based on
Solalinde’sperspectivesonthe2012presidentialelections.Heproposesanationalcandidacyfor
thePresidency,howeveritshouldbeisolatedofpoliticalparties,whohavelostcredibility.
Solalinde’s apology to los Zetas was the news that caused most polemic. A July 2011
Jornadaarticlequotesthefatheraskingforgivenessto“LosZetas,criminalsandallthebrothers
whowehavefailedandthatarevictimsofasicksocietythatdidnotknowhowtoprovidethem
support, did not teach themvalues.” In a July 2011 Excelsior report, Solalinde argues that Los
Zetas are “marginalized and victims of a corruption system.” In the article, the Government
Subsecretary of Population, Migration and Religious Issues expressed his concern regarding
Solalinde’s statements, which in his opinion give the impression of exalting violators and
assassins,making them look as victimswhen they are criminals.” In this samemonth, another
newsreportwaspublishedbyExcelsiorinwhichmembersoftheSenatepointedoutthatthere
are thousands and thousands of victims left by Los Zetas, who carry the guilt of mutilating
families, thereforeCongressdoesnotconsider that these familieswouldagreewithSolalinde’s
statement.
SuchistheinfluenceofpriestslikeSolalindethattheirconstantmeetingswithofficialsare
alsoreported.AnAugust,2011NationalCatholicReporterarticle informedthatChurchofficials
haddiscussionswithTultitlanandMexicostategovernmentstofindlandforanewshelter.While
a July 2011 Excelsior report informs that Solalinde will not continue to participate in the
negotiations table carried by poet Javier Sicilia and businessmen AlejandroMarti, whose sons
weremurderedaspart of the conflict, andMexicanPresident, FelipeCalderón.His reasons to
leavethenegotiationtableconsistinthedenialoftheGovernmentregardingthefactsand,that“
instead of helping, the Government is undermining the persons defending human rights.” An
August2011Excelsior article reports that Senatorsof theopposition receivedmembersof the
caravan“Stepbysteptowardpeace”.Despitethatthearticlementionsaneventparticipatingall
caravan members, the claims made by Sicilia and Solalinde to the Senate are the only ones
included. Another August 2011 Jornada article reports the agreement between the Migrant
Secretary of the State of Michoacán and the Civil Association Brothers in the Road, led by
Solalinde,topromotetherespectformigrants’rightsandtransformingtheirrealitybythemeans
ofjustice,opportunitiesandequality.
ThenationalsectionofnewspaperReformaincludesanarticleabouttheInternationalDetentionCoalitions,alongwith
anupdateontheencounterwithmothersofdisappearedCentralAmericanMigrants.
CriticismstotheRoleoftheCatholicChurchintheConflict
Inthe2011mediaanalysis,thereweresomecriticismstotheroleoftheCatholicChurch
in theconflict.Writtenby theauthorof thebookThe Last Narco: Inside the Hunt for El Chapo
MalcolmBeith, the World’s Most Wanted Drug Lord, aJanuary2011NCRarticlepointsoutthat
thechurchhierarchyadmittedthatsomeofthe“dirtiestandbloodiest”moneyinMexicocould
well have been used to build chapels and other facilities. This was “immoral,” the church
declared.“Nothingcanjustifyallowingthissortofsituationtooccur.”However,Beithsays,the
papalMexican nuncio did not denounce drug trafficker Ramón Arellano, who had visited the
nunciotoreceivehisblessing.ThepriestneverconsideredturningArellanoin,because“thiswas
amatterofconscience,myworkasapriest isonething,buttoactasanauthorityisanother.”
WrittenbyRicardoAlemán,aSeptember2011ExcelsiorOp‐edquestionshowthechurchdefends
itsparticularinterestsinthecontextoftheconflict.Heasks,“WhatdoesitmeanfortheMexican
EpiscopateConferencetorequireDTOsatruceinorderfortheparishionerstoveneratetherelics
ofPopeJohnPaulII?”
Regarding controversies related to the destination of public resources for activities
related to the Catholic Church, the President of the Center of Studies of Religion in Mexico,
BernardoBarranco,warnedinJornadathatthecommissionofofficialstravellingtoassisttothe
beatificationoflaicJuandePalafoxandMendozacarriedinBorgaofOsma,Spainmisusedpublic
resources and Government time for this event. In a July 2011 Excelsior article senators are
quotedsayingthattheyareawarethatthedecisiontoclosetheshelterofSanLuísdePotosíwas
madebytheCatholicChurchduetolackofspaceandaneedforrenovation.Stilltheycontend
thatthestateshouldnothaveacceptedthisdecisionand,insteadhadtheobligationofproviding
therequiredresources.
ThemostrecentcaseofcriticismcamefromCongressregardinganeditorialpublishedin
Desde La Fé against the actions of the legislative branch. Congress members asked the
Governmenttoinitiateaprocessagainstthepublicationduetoitsdenigratingdiscourseagainst
oneofthestate’smainbodies.APRIsenator,EnoéUranga,claimsthelackofpowerofthelaic
state in Mexico. He goes further to say that the Catholic Church and followers among other
religious groups, hidden in its moral hypocrisy, are open to pressure and challenge elected
powersbythepeople.
Implications of media coverage of church and migrants for the conflict
ThemediaanalysisshowshowtheMexicanCatholicChurchisleveragingitsprominence
asasource,stemmedonitshistoricalsocialandpoliticalpositioninthecountry,tospeakabout
migrantsfrequentlyundergoinghumanrightsabuses.TheCatholicChurchportrayalhasemerged
as the expert and the advocate of Central Americanmigrants asmost of the articles refer to
representatives of the Catholic Church. The institution speaks out in order to engage in
policymaking for migrant’s wellbeing, however there are no recognizable voices coming from
migrantsthemselves.Thelackoftheirvoicemightbeexplainedbythefactthatmigrantsusually
areundocumentedandareprecisely the targetofviolentacts.However recentmigration laws
include the right to medical services, judicial bodies and also recognize the jurisdictional
personalityoflegalmigrants,accordingtointernationaltreatiessignedbyMexico(Secretaríade
Gobernación, 2011). Though there is a large amount of undocumented Central American
migrantsinMexico,thepassingofthislawwouldmakethesemigrantsentitledtoavoicegiven
thatbylawtheirjurisdictionalpersonalitymustberespected.Theapprovalofthisnewlawtook
placeby theendofApril, thereforea larger time frameof its applicationwouldbeneeded to
furtherevaluatewhethermigrantsaresteppingasadvocatesacrossmediaoutlets.Inthemean
timeorganizedcrimewillcontinuetorefrainfromcommittingviolentattackstotheinsitution’s
representatives thanks to their image of “sanctity”, opening a door for them to be quoted by
media.Butonecanwonderifthechurchweretobestricterwiththeactionsofitsparishionersby
turning in people allied to the organized crime chain, the institution would have the same
position of privilege to freely speak about currentmigration issues. An argument against this
thought would be that the church’s representation in the public discourse consists in a civil
societyorganizationdeepeningandfurtheringtheprotections formigrants, insteadofhavinga
direct judicialorpolitical involvement in the conflict.Many civil organizations in conflictprone
areas draw this line and continue to keep a strong influence in the country, even when the
conflictpersistsandillegalactorsapproachtheseorganizations,withoutnecessarilycontributing
financiallytothesecivilsocietymembers.Butthisrepresentationforthechurchandothercivil
societyorganizationsisalwaysproblematic.
Atthispoint,thequestionregardingwhethertheCatholicChurchcanbeportrayedascivil
society arises. Walzer (1992) defines civil society as "dense network of civil associations
promoting the stability and effectiveness of the democratic polity through both the effects of
associationoncitizens'habitsoftheheartandtheabilityofassociationstomobilizecitizenson
behalfofpubliccauses.”InthissenseFoley(1996)questionswhetherinterestgroupsorreligious
bodies shouldbe included in thedefinition,due to their intermittentmobilization inpursuitof
politicalgoals.InmyviewtheCatholicChurchinMexicoshouldnotbeportrayedaspartofcivil
society, because it is currently not promotingmigrants as citizens bearing political agency and
andit’sauthoritydoesnotcomefrombottomup.But,ingeneral,civilsocietyischaracterizedto
beaheterogeneouslandscape,allowingaweaveoforganizationstocallthemselvesinmediaor
forjournaliststocallthemassuch.Basedontheconceptof“holytrinity”proposedbyNietzsche,
fellowadvocatesorfollowersofthecatholicmigrantcausewouldrelyonthoughtsonthematter
andwhethertheinstitutionagreestheirmessagerelevanttobeincludedinpublicdiscourse.At
thesametimegiventhehighlycatholiccultureinMexico,theconsiderationsofthechurchhave
to be prioritized than those ofmigrants and even advocates from other religious groups. The
portrayalasacivilsocietyactorisalsoasourceofdilemmaswhentherearepublicresourcesin
between.As Ipreviouslyshowed,there isapublicunderstanding,exceptfromonearticle, that
the state must support financially catholic related events and the church’s work towards
migrants. But one could wonder whether other religious groups or civil society organiations
receivethesamemediatreatment,whentheyareinneedoffinancialsupport.
Ifthechurchisconsideredaspartofcivilsociety,thisstatusalsoimpliesanothersetof
challenges in terms of media advocacy. Luyendick proposes that NGOs frame their messages
throughmediainwaysinwhichtheycanmanagetokeepsupportfrominternationaldonors.In
the case of the Catholic Church in Mexico, the church requires to uphold its public moral
authorityandsupportamongitsparishioners.A“positivepublic image”andhavinggoodpublic
relationshasbecomeincreasinglyimportant,asrecentscandalssuchaspriests’pedophiliacases,
useofcondomandaids,amongothers,havesurfacedonmedia.Thereforethechurchwillnot
enablemedia spaces toquestion theclosingofmigrant shelters, corruptionand itsnexuswith
the institution and the dilemma about its moral role to support all people, including drug
traffickers,withoutbringingthemtojustice.Thisispredictableforanycivilsocietyorganization,
however in the caseof theCatholic Church journalists refrain fromdoing tough critics as they
follow traditionalmedia practices inMexico, established through historicalmilestones such as
theCristeroWar.Also,becausecommercialandmainstreammediacompanies,duetoeconomic
interests,willnotportrayapointofviewthatcanbeunpopularamong90%ofcatholicbelievers
andeventhePANGovernment,electedfortwoconsecutivetermswithsupportbytheCatholic
Church.
Ontheotherhand,migrantsalsofollowthecatholicdiscoursebecausethereisdefinitely
atradeoffforthemwiththevisibilityoftheCatholicChurch.Migrantscanuseelementsofthe
catholicimaginarysuchasmigrantscarryingacrossandthequotationsofmigrantsinCatholic–
ranshelters,amongotherexamples.Ididnotfindalternativemediaranbymigrants,asIdidwith
the caseofNepalimigrantworkers in theMiddle East. Therefore theremightbepotential for
bothmigrantsand theCatholicChurch to leadmigrantnewsoutlets,with thechurchhavinga
special role in endorsing migrant’s voices. In the light of security issues, their names and
identities could not be revealed, but if they are part of the advocacy led by the church, their
opinionscouldbereferredasamigrantofacivilsocietygroup.Thoughsecurityconcernsmight
stillrefrainmigrantstohaveanincreasedvisibilityasmigrantworkersintheMiddleEast.Inthis
scenario, diaspora media from sending countries such as Guatemala, Honduras could be
supportedbycivilsocietyand,inthissense;theCatholicChurchcouldalsotakeapartofit.U.S.
catholicmediahavealsocontributedtoraiseawarenessontheissue,whileIonlyfoundTheNew
YorkTimesandAlJazeeraonlypublishedonearticleregardingviolenceagainstCentralAmerican
migrants. Nonetheless, US catholic media refer and repeat the stories already covered by
Mexicanmainstreammedia.
MediacoverageontheCatholicChurch,migrantsandtheconflictisnotclear‐cutand,in
fact,manycontradictionscanbefound.First,mainstreammediaaswellascatholicmediafollow
thediscourseofthe“holytrinity”,butnotinallcircumstances.WhenFatherAlejandroSolalinde
asksforgivenesstoLosZetas,criticismsfromofficialsandCongressmenarise.Still forthemit is
unrecognizablethatthechurchisactingbothasvictimandtyrant,becauseitiscarryingwiththe
DTOs faults and asking for forgiveness, and at the same time it is pointing out the corrupted
governmentandthesystemastheonestoblame.Secondly,itisverypossiblethatGovernment
officials meeting with Solalinde and other prominent figures such as business man Alejandro
Martíareawarethattheseconversationswillbepartofmediacoverage.Implicitlythesepublic
actsareendorsingthefigureoftheCatholicChurchasagovernancepoleaboveotheractorsand
havingadirectinterventioninpolicymaking.Nonetheless,atthesametime,editorialsofDesdela
Féarecriticizedduetoclaimsagainstthelegislativebranch.Ifthechurchhasbeenacknowledged
publicly as a permanent actor contributing to Mexican state governance, how can the
Governmentrefrainthe institutionfromhavingasay inhowgovernance isworking inMexico?
Thirdly, media reports have focused on mass events advocating for migrants’ rights, such as
caravans,at thesametime thesehave reinforced theneed forpersonalities throughoutmedia
coverage of the conflict. New Yorker writer and author of the book “The Years we were not
happy:chroniclesabouttheMexicantransition”AlmaGuillermoprietofurtherexplainsthis ina
2010 New Yorker article when she points out that “Mexican drug clans and organizations
responsibleforsomuchbloodshedhaveacquireda likingforpublicattention”,sheadds,“and
thestory, likethemurders, isendlesslyrepetitiveandconfusing:therearethedouble‐barreled
familynames, theshiftingalliances, thedouble‐crossingarmygenerals, thecapobetrayedbya
closeassociatewhointurnkilledbyanotherbetrayerinasmalltownwithanimpossiblename,
followedbyanother capowithadouble‐barreled lastnamewho isbetrayedbyahigh‐ranking
armyofficerwho iskilled in turn.”Fromthisquote, Iunderstandthatmediastorieshavebeen
framedaccordingtocertainpersonalities;accordinglytherepresentativesofthechurchhavenot
beentheexception.
All these entangled contradictions seem conflicting when thinking whether media can
contribute toward peace building. A plethora of characters are included and each one plays
separate roles. Luyendickargues thatbeyondcontrasting theversionof contendingparties, an
article should include pro‐peace organizations and opponents to government policies. In this
sense,thechurchwouldachievetoperformasthelatter.Inmyperspective,foralldimensionsof
anissuerelatedtotheconflict,suchasCentralAmericanmigrants,tobecoveredinmedia,there
is a need for media to become a platform for dialogue among all parties, not only the
personalities, but those who have been marginalized and can have a crucial effect in the
outcomesoftheconflict.This“fairplay”amongsourcesisnoteasilyattainedwithinastatewith
aweakgovernmentandanationwithhighlytensepowerrelations. If thisdialogueweretobe
possible,itwouldleadtocreatingopenpublicspacesformediaadvocacyformigrants,insteadof
onlyregisteringthemeetingsbetweenofficialsandcatholicrepresentatives.AtthispointIshould
clarify thatmothers of disappeared Central Americanmigrants have started to become other
sourceofmediaattention,duetotheirpublicactssuchascaravansandalsowiththesupportof
internationalnon‐profitorganizations.Thisisdefinitelyasigntowardsamoreinclusiveapproach
bymedia.Greatervisibilityofmigrantsaspoliticalagentswithaccesstojusticeandprosecution
processes(illegalmigrantscanalsobearpoliticalagencyduetotheircategorizationasvulnerable
populationbymembersoftheinternationalcommunity)isrequiredinorderforthemtonotbe
subjectedtothewillandactionsofanyoftheactorsinfluencingtheconflict.Finally,analyzedasa
crisis,theconflicthasallowedthereinforcementofrelationsamongvisibleactorssuchasstate
and the Catholic Church, while the opportunity of challenging relations between state and
migrantsinthemidstoftheMexicanconflictissomethingIhopemediaexploresinanearfuture.
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