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    NEW IMMIGRANTS IN THE NEW SOUTH:

    A Bibliographical Essay

    by Patrick Reed

    In an earlier essay, the author disputed conclusions of John Higham and Rowland !Berthoff on the nati"ist sentiments of late nineteenth century #outherners! heintense antipathy #outherners directed toward outsiders after $%$& was not theresult of 'an astonishing re"olution in the early twentieth century,' as Highamargued!$ (or was Berthoff correct in concluding that contrary opinions coe)isted inthe #outh before $%**, with pro+immigrant industrial and planter interests opposedby a per"asi"e popular )enophobia! Instead, the author found e"idence of a southernconsensus- e"en among those most acti"ely promoting immigration, a consistent set of.ualifications was applied to the type of immigrant sought!/

    A student of the ideas of a pre+0allop population must be cautious in his choice andinterpretation of sources! (ew #outh newspapers and periodicals peddled the partyline, while the opinions of politicians, if sub1ect to some popular pressure, might notmatch their constituents2! he historian2s task is complicated further by the factthat relati"ely few immigrants answered the region2s carefully .ualified in"itation, sothat southern suspicions of outsiders were seldom acted upon!

    Potentially more debilitating to a student of southern nati"ism than scarce orsuspect sources is the uncertainty of the sub1ect2s significance! he southernstates2 latent late nineteenth century nati"ism may say more about the region2sinternal economic and social uncertainties than about the immigration debate, thefate of those who came later, or the state of those already arri"ed! Althoughimportant as a symptom of southern idiosyncrasies, the nati"ist impulse can bee)amined more profitably within the conte)t of the interaction or anticipatedinteraction of cultures! #ince the sine .ua non for the student of immigration to the

    (ew #outh was the disinclination of outsiders to settle there, before assessing thee)periences of those did, one must account for the refusal of the rest to tie theirdestiny to that of the region!

    Proponents of industrial e)pansion tirelessly e)pounded the region2s attractionswhile denying its deficiencies! he most influential ad"ocate of southern progress wasthe 3anufacturers2 Record, published bi+weekly in Baltimore beginning in $44, but

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    e.ually ardent were most southern city newspapers! he needs for both industrial andagricultural labor were stressed, the latter to supplement or e"en supplant thatfurnished by blacks, who seemed unable to satisfy the spokesmen for former mastersand their successors! 5rustrated by their failure to seduce suitable settlerssouthward, such sources usually saddled responsibility on an unspecified 'pre1udice

    against the #outh!'6

    7hen se"eral southern state go"ernments renewed organi8ed efforts to attractimmigrants around $%*6, a number of northern+based philanthropic and public affairsperiodicals furnished a forum for those fearful of the foreigners still flooding intothe (orth! Between $%*& and $%*%, articles appeared in he American 3onthlyRe"iew of Re"iews, Atlantic 3onthly, 9harities, he (ation, he :utlook, Public:pinion, he #ur"ey, 7orld2s 7ork, and he 7orld o+day, all agreeing that the#outh should absorb a larger share of the immigrants and perhaps accept some of the

    surplus population of northern cities as well!

    In their e)planations of the #outh2s failure to attract immigrants to date, thesesources were far more indulgent than northerners of the pre"ious decade, which hadbeen .uick to cite southern 2lawlessness,' 'Bourbonism,' and 'short+sightedbigotry!'& In order not to insult their potential benefactors, more innocuouse)planations were offered, such as the southern climate, immigrants2 predilection fore)isting communities of their compatriots, and their disinclination to li"e near andcompete with blacks! #e"eral of these sources saw great promise in the $%*& tour of

    Italian agricultural communities in e)as, Arkansas, 3ississippi, and ;ouisiana byItalian Ambassador Baron Edmondo 3ayor des Planches, whose kind words to therailway officials sponsoring his trip were interpreted as e"idence of une.ui"ocalendorsement of such coloni8ation efforts! he periodic "iolence "isited upon se"eralof these colonies was glossed o"er in the desire to find, as one author subtitled hisarticle, 'A (ew #olution for the Immigration Problem!' A further sop to the #outhwas the certainty that an immigrant influ) would not only answer southern economicneeds, it would also prompt a complementary e)odus of blacks from the region!/,

    the same year innerstein and Palsson reprinted the Bernsteins2 article, Rabbi 3yronBerman, recently arri"ed to fill a 9onser"ati"e Richmond pulpit, boldly confronted the.uestion of Richmond Jewry2s internal dissension! His dissertation on 'he Attitudeof American Jewry towards East European Immigration, $44$+$%$6,' completed forthe history department at 9olumbia @ni"ersity in $%/ article for the American Jewish Historical =uarterly, 'Rabbi Edward(athan 9alisch and the ebate o"er Kionism in Richmond, ?irginia,' Berman succinctlye)plained the 9alisch mysti.ue-

    !!! Richmond Jewry placed a high premium on communal acceptability and assimilationinto the traditions of a historic #outhern community! Because of the limited economicopportunities within the city, Jewish immigration !!! was rather limited! herefore,the influence of the more Kionistically and traditionally oriented East European Jewin this city e"ol"ed rather slowly! It was not so much the e)istence of anti+#emitismthat was a factor in de"eloping communal attitudes but an e)aggerated fear of itspossible implications that affected the thinking of Richmond2s Jewish establishment!In fact, both Jewish and 0entile leadership often went to the opposite e)treme ofdenying the e)istence of anti+Jewish feeling within the community L an attitude whichinhibited their dealing with realistic problems ofcommunal tensions!6/

    '#habbat in #hockoe,' Berman subtitled his history of Richmond2s Jewry, $>%! Although his scope was wider than the Hebrew sabbath in

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    the old section of the city, his subheading was appropriate, as Berman sought toe)plain the sur"i"al of the weekly obser"ance o"er two centuries, despite the e.uallydangerous forces of philo+ and anti+#emitism! aking ad"antage of a wealth of unusedsources from archi"es across the country, Berman also made use of the $%$> E8ekiel+;ichtenstein and the $%&6 0reenberg studies without their cut+and+paste efforts to

    account for each prominent indi"idual and organi8ation in the community! Berman2schronologically+ordered narrati"e flowed with a grace rare in such a study!

    E"en more impressi"e were the insights Berman pro"ided by means of his access tothe community2s best sources, at least for the second half of the story- thememories, diaries, letters, and other documents belonging to li"ing Richmonders! :fcourse, not without risk to the reputations of their relati"es did they open suchsources to the researcher, but their trust in Berman was well+placed! E"en thoughreaders learned that Berman2s predecessor as historian, Herbert ! E8ekiel, was once

    accused of 'Jewish anti+#emitism' for his 'preconcei"ed pre1udices' toward EastEuropeans e"en though his predecessor as rabbi, Edward (! 9alisch, once a candidatefor 'ecumenical canoni8ation,' was critici8ed for his anti+Kionism what Emerged fromBerman2s research was a community both southern and Jewish, sur"i"ing by and withthe strengths and weaknesses of each tradition!66 old with a sensiti"ity thatneither e)cused nor accused, this story might ser"e as a model for ethnic historianswho hope to reach scholarly and popular audiences with an appraisal of the positi"epotential and the pitfalls of regional and ethnic consciousness!

    Almost as thoroughly researched was Isaac 5ein2s he 3aking of an AmericanJewish 9ommunity- he History of Baltimore Jewry from $>>/to $%*, published in$%>$, but 5ein failed to find a framework capable of sustaining his wealth ofinformation! Instead, his facts for the final forty+one year period were filed underforty+se"en separate subheadings, some in small letters, some capitali8ed, someitalici8ed in no apparent pattern!6& Better organi8ed and therefore more accessiblewere the musings of Eli (! E"ans, who in $%>/ published he Pro"incials- A PersonalHistory of Jews in the #outh! 9alled 'graceful, entertaining, informati"e' by are"iewer for the American Jewish Historical=uarterly, E"ans2s book posed a number

    of important .uestions about southern Jews, but the undocumented answers, basedon secondary sources, inter"iews, and personal e)perience, were found ultimatelyinade.uate! 5urthermore, re"iewer #te"en Hert8berg hoped the historian ofsouthern Jews would ask about more than the pre1udice they faced and how theyconfronted it! (eeded were statistical analyses of east European in+migration, oftheobstacles to occupational and social mobility, and of their success in o"ercoming them!And what of the comple) relationship between blacks and JewsC 9omparati"e

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    residential and mobility patterns might be indicati"e of immigrants2 assimilati"eefforts and successes!6> Actually, in a $%>/ article in the same publication,Hert8berg himself demonstrated a determination to address 1ust such e"idenceabout the Jews of Atlanta!

    he reason these issues remained for Hert8berg to raise was simple- they re.uireda patience and an e)pertise earlier students of the sub1ect were unwilling or unableto bring to their research! E"en 3yron Berman, who e)plored the European origins ofthe most prominent of Richmond2s Jewish families, offered only impressionistice"idence about the e)periences brought by the East Europeans! And e"en if mostimmigrants adopted the mobility dreams of their predecessors, still unaccounted forwere those who ga"e up, left, or left heirs unable or not inclined to tell of theirfailures!

    In his first published e)amination of 'he Jewish 9ommunity of Atlanta from theEnd of the 9i"il 7ar until the E"e of the 5rank 9ase,' Hert8berg hinted at hisintention to gauge the trials and determination of the immigrants as well as theestablished! Internal di"ersity was measured by more than the organi8ational datesof Atlanta2s fi"e Jewish congregations, but by obser"ing the city2s changingdemographic and residential patterns! 7hile not yet "alidating his claims for theHigham hypothesis, that social anti+#emitism resulted from 'a society "e)ed by itsown asserti"eness,' Hert8berg2s statistics 1ustified his assertion that socialdiscrimination appeared only with the arri"al of Russian Jews, and that established

    0erman Jews were no less ambiguous toward the newcomers than were gentileAtlantans!64 9ould a deeper analysis of the statistical e"idence gi"e new shades ofmeaning to this outlineC6%

    Indeed, a $%>> article, abstracted from Hert8berg2s recently completed@ni"ersity of 9hicago dissertation, answered this .uestion affirmati"ely! In'@nsettled Jews- 0eographic 3obility in a (ineteenth 9entury 9ity,' he used federaland city census as well as congregational records to identify and test for thepersistence of adult, male, foreign+born Jews in Atlanta between $4>*, $44*, $4%*+$44* cohort registered a high rate of persistence relati"e to theremarkable geographic mobility re"ealed among immigrants in se"eral othernineteenth century American cities!&* his was not surprising since older, moresettled 0erman+born Jews predominated! But the e.ually high persistence of the$4%< group, which featured a ma1ority of younger, less skilled immigrants, demandeddeeper analysis! Hert8berg found that the Russians were && more likely than theearlier+arri"ing 0ermans to be married on their arri"al in the city, indicating thatAtlanta2s new immigrants were a highly selecti"e group! @nlike the greenhorns pouring

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    fearing further retribution, the latter, '"e)ed by MtheirN own asserti"eness,'pro1ecting their guilt upon an outsider!

    Hert8berg himself was labeled an 'outsider' by Eli (! E"ans! Perhaps the former2slukewarm reception of E"ans2s book he Pro"incials predisposed the latter to

    disparage Hert8berg2s 'coldly professional eye' despite his 'careful, definiti"e,meticulous' research!&/ But while #trangers within the 0ate 9ity could bestrengthened by the insiders2 insights a"ailable to Richmond2s 3yron Berman, or e"enby E"ans2s engaging style, Hert8berg set the standard by which future students ofsouthern ethnics must be 1udged! :nly after erecting an analytical framework can theethnic e)perience be e"aluated! :nly after identifying the immigrants in the conte)tof their original and adopted cultures can their indi"idual efforts be appreciated,their community concerns understood! espite the e)plosi"e pre1udice they ha"eoccasionally known, despite the persistent pressures passi"ely to accept pre"ailing

    social patterns, southern Jews ha"e played an increasingly outspoken role in therecent social, economic, and political resurgence of the region! As they add to theirimpressi"e contributions to the #outh, one cannot doubt that they will continueearnestly to e)plore their past, e"en the picture pro"ided by the occasional outsider,who must also consider their story worth knowing!

    Italians, at times, may ha"e been more numerous than Jews in the (ew #outh, but

    their story has been seldom told! he earliest attention gi"en them followed a seriesof atrocities in ;ouisiana and 3ississippi in the $4%*s! he worst was the lynching in$4%$ of ele"en Italians, ac.uitted of charges that they had killed a (ew :rleanspoliceman! #outhern reaction was typified by the Richmond #tate, which applaudedthe lynchings and concluded, 'it certainly was terrible that an organi8ed band ofmurderers should e)ist in a ci"ili8ed community,' which 'was 1ustified in ridding itselfof them!'&6 Italian go"ernment protests were answered by #enator Henry 9abot;odge, who used the incidents to renew his call for immigration restriction!&& he"iolence was renewed in $%*>, when a crippled Italian shoemaker in #umrall,3ississippi, was beaten for protesting discrimination against immigrant children in thepublic schools! Indignant Italian officials were 1oined by a few northern periodicals inprotesting, but unrecorded were the reactions of the immigrant community!& Fet a decadelater, after the immigration schemes had been abandoned, a representati"e of theItalian go"ernment "isited the community and disco"ered a 'medie"al' Italian town,totally isolated from both old and new worlds!&4

    :ne of the most reliable contemporary sources on the Italian settlements wasreported to be Baron Edmondo 3ayor des Planches2 Attra"erso 0li #tati @niti, amemoir of the former Italian ambassador2s tra"els through America! According toRobert ;! Brandon, who used the book in writing he 9otton ingdom of the (ew#outh, 3ayor des Planches was an astute obser"er, noting, for e)ample, that to theowners, 'the Italian at #unnyside is a human machine of production! Better than the(egro, a more perfect machine Mthan the (egroN but beside him a machinene"ertheless!

    he best first+hand reports in English were the e)tensi"e studies for theillingham Immigration 9ommission in $%*%+$*! espite the final abstract2s ad"ocacyof immigration restriction, the information collected in the field became the singlemost impressi"e if still seldom cited source on the new immigrants, those in the#outh, for once, included! A weakness in the work was the willingness of agents torely on published accounts of settlements whene"er a"ailable! hus on #unnyside andontitown, the report .uoted and confirmed the findings of Alfred Holt #tone andother planter interests!

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    presented in tables, charts, and maps, as well as narrati"e reports! Also included wasa brief history of each immigrant community, while summary sections often detailedemployers2 opinions on the ad"antages or shortcomings of the "arious immigrantgroups and e"aluated the impact of each on the industrial or agricultural conditions inthe "icinity!

    A few specific findings for Italians, to demonstrate further the "alue of thesereports, included the following- despite the oft+stated southern preference fornorthern Italians, 4* of the foreign farm laborers in ;ouisiana were from southernItaly!

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    in black ma1ority parishes! emocrats, dethroned in the state legislature by Populist+Republican fusion in $4%, sought black disfranchisement through constitutionalamendment in $4%*

    he last cited source was Jean Ann #carpaci, now Jean ?incen8a #carpaci, whose

    'Immigrants in the (ew #outh- Italians in ;ouisianaDs #ugar Parishes, $44*+$%$*'displayed great promise! he article originated as a paper read before the AmericanHistorical Association in (ew :rleans in $%>, and was published in $%>% in American7orkingclass 9ulture- E)plorations in American ;abor and #ocial History, edited by3ilton 9antor! #urprising was #carpaci2s failure to cite the rich illingham9ommission sur"eys, but she did unco"er se"eral other insightful sources- sur"i"ingimmigrants to the sugar parishes, whom she inter"iewed in $%

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    Italian periodicals and go"ernment reports were also consulted, emphasi8ing#carpaci2s capacity and willingness to e)plore the cultures immigrants brought as wellas those encountered, an essential step in any serious ethnic study!

    #carpaci2s brief study also emphasi8ed the cultural integrity of each group, and it

    was this that may e)plain the ultimate failure of the effort to persuade Italianimmigrants to continue their contributions to the creation of a (ew #outh! Asindicated, the Italians .uickly ad1usted to the new e)perience of working and li"ing inpro)imity to blacks! But as one Italian later reported, 'he and his family were madeto li"e among the (egroes and were treated in the same manner!' In the beginning,'he did not mind because he did not know any difference, but when he learned theposition that (egroes occupied in this country, he demanded that his family be mo"edto a different house and be gi"en better treatment!'>$ Here was the key, for ifneutrality had been the keynote in Italians2 relationship with blacks, neutrality with

    whites was ultimately impossible! Both the Italian and the planter had an interest inimmigration, and for a time each ad1usted himself to en1oy the benefits offered bythe other! he Italians2 seasonal immigration patterns + working the cane in winter,returning to northern cities or e"en Italy in summer + allowed some time for psychicscars to heal, but they would swallow only so much of their pride! 7hite #outhernerstook great pride in the black+white social system they had been able to maintain e"enafter emancipation! 5or all their economic potential, foreigners would not be allowedto undermine the foundation of southern society! 5inally reali8ing the limits ofcultural fle)ibility, both groups backed off! he Italians sought their destinies

    elsewhere, while planters reali8ed anew that theirs remained anchored to those ofblacks!

    E"en though her e"idence indicated the accessibility of such an argument, #carpacihad no ambition to engage it in her article! Perhaps in her other papers, presented toa wide "ariety of professional organi8ations, she has done or plans to do so!#cheduled for publication in January $%4$, by Arno Press, is a reprint of her Rutgers@ni"ersity dissertation of $%>, 'Italian Immigrants in ;ouisiana2s #ugar Parishes-Recruitment, ;abor 9onditions, and 9ommunity Relations, $44*+$%$*,' and a

    'somewhat more analytical "ersion will appear in the new Journal of American EthnicHistory!'> 3ore than likely her impressi"e insights into the (ew #outh immigrante)perience will be e"ident here!

    If Italians refused the proffered place as cotton pickers and cane cutters,another immigrant group to the 3ississippi elta found a gap in the southerneconomic system that permitted a gradual social and e"en a racial realignment! hisbreakthrough was captured in a .uote, used to introduce the only study done to date

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    of this group, taken from an inter"iew with a white Baptist minister in 9larksdale,3ississippi- 'Fou2re either a white man or a nigger, here! (ow, that2s the whole story!7hen I first came to the elta, the 9hinese were classed as nigras!' MAnd now theyare classed whitesCN 'hat2s right'>/

    James 7! ;oewen2s he 3ississippi 9hinese- Between Black and 7hite, publishedby Har"ard @ni"ersity in $%>$, described the rapid economic progress of a few do8en9hinese immigrants, who .uickly deserted the cotton fields they had been importedto culti"ate for the retail grocery business! But for the $4/ elta 9hinese in $%**and the $** in $%>*, their position in southern society remained ambiguous! ;oewenhoped that a study of the 9hinese struggle to escape segregation and discriminationwould demonstrate the system2s comple)ity as well as its fle)ibility!

    ;oewen2s sociological orientation and primary reliance on the recollections of elta

    residents resulted in a focus on the second half of the century of 9hinese presence in3ississippi, but a con"incing picture of 9hinese immigration and enterprise in theearly years emerged! he similarities between Italian, 9hinese, and Jewishimmigrants + the first and second originally so1ourners to elta plantations, thesecond and third with similar retailing talents + did not occur to ;oewen! (or did hetake ad"antage of the easy identification of the 9hinese in census and ta) recordsdefiniti"ely to document their economic achie"ements! But he was careful to e)aminethe 9hinese e)perience within the conte)t of culture, caste, and class in 3ississippi!Although ;oewen2s sources on 9hinese emigration could not be connected with

    certainty to the elta immigrants, the e)tended family structure and the competiti"eurge among 9hinese were demonstrated keys to their rapid economic success! heob"erse of these strengths obtained among elta blacks, and whites offered littlecompetition for blacks2 business, lea"ing the opening 9hinese merchants e)ploited!heir small numbers, .uiet acceptance of southern social strictures, economicmobility, and geographic stability allowed the 9hinese to break their identificationwith blacks in white minds!>6 7hile ;oewen2s work was an impressi"e, scholarlyaddition to the history of southern ethnics, the 9hinese e)perience was too uni.ue toser"e as the model he sought for blacks as the bonds of segregation were broken in

    the $%& 9roats were reportedly recruited for railroad constructionbecause they worked hard and spent freely in company commissaries!>< Polishagricultural communities in Arkansas were 'fully Americani8ed' e)cept for the

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    sur"i"al of the nati"e language among older settlers!>> espite published praise forthe two hundred Poles settled near 7ilmington, (orth 9arolina, commission agentslocated 'no MPolishN colonies of importance !!! in the #outh east of the 3ississippiRi"er,' while 'a MBohemianN colony in the "icinity of Petersberg, ?irginia, was notstudied!'>4 5ortunately, these o"ersights were corrected in $%% with the

    publication of Immigrant 5armers and their 9hildren, edited by Edmund de#! Brunner!

    9oncei"ed as an answer to the allegations against new immigrants2 intellectual andassimilati"e abilities, this "olume was produced by he Institute of #ocial andReligious #tudies, organi8ed in $%$ 'to combine the scientific method with thereligious moti"e!' Included were in"estigations of four rural immigrant communities,two of them in the #outh, and whether or not they afforded 'practical help to the !!!rural church men, educators, and social workers' at whom the editor aimed, thestudies became in"aluable for a subse.uent generation of historians!>%

    An early description of se"eral immigrant colonies near 7ilmington, (orth 9arolina,distinguished them not at all from the do8ens doomed to a rapid demise in otherparts of the #outh! he la"ish praise for promoter Hugh 3acRae, and his e)perimentsseemed typical of the genre, down to the old world names chosen for the immigrants2new homes- a '#t! Helena' for northern Italians, a '(ew Berlin' for the 0ermans, an'Artesia' for the English, and a '3arathon' for the 0reeks!4* According to Robert7! 3c9ulloch, the settlements suffered many of the setbacks that made most such"entures mere curiosities on southern roadmaps- the uncleared land re.uired more

    stamina than some immigrants possessed bachelors brought from England and 0reecebecame bored in the boondocks and drifted away prohibition, which might ha"e madetheir product e"en more profitable, prompted Italians to abandon their "ineyards andthe colony! But the 3! I! !+trained 3acRae refused to submit- utchmen wererecruited to replace the English, Poles and Hungarians the Italians and 0reeks, andalthough the original plan called for strict segregation by nationality, an inad"ertentlyintegrated community called 9astle Hayne became the e)periment2s showplace,described in 3c9ulloch2s contribution to the Institute2s study!

    If less suspect than the colony2s earliest publicist, 3c9ulloch was a recruit to3acRae2s latest cause! '9hambers of commerce and other organi8ations' in si)southern states had been mobili8ed by 3acRae to study the feasibility of a generalcoloni8ation plan, modeled on 9astle Hayne and designed to halt a wholesale e)odusform the rural #outh! A @! #! epartment of the Interior+sanctioned commissionfound the colony worthy of emulation, preliminary efforts at which continued as3c9ulloch completed his study in $%>! But if his purpose was to promote and hisreportage impressionistic, 3c9ulloch2s message maintained an authoritati"e and

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    sensiti"e tone! His account of the .uick acclimation of immigrants at 9astle Hayne +cultural as well as economic + seemed a con"incing contrast to the settlements withsingle nationalities, which 'remained strangers to American ways!'4$

    :ne such settlement was the sub1ect on (els Anderson2s 'Petersberg- A #tudy of

    a 9olony of 98echo+#lo"akian 5armers in ?irginia,' also for he Institute of #ocialand Religious #tudies! espite substantial internal di"ersification, the 98echs + called'Bohemians' locally + remained remo"ed from nati"e society forty years and twogenerations after their arri"al! Anderson, who later wrote widely on migrant workersand other labor+related issues, brought a trained sociologist2s eye to his efforts toe)plain the continuing isolation! And although the Institute2s impulse was openlyreligious, Anderson2s ob1ecti"ity was affirmed by his holding area e"angelicalsresponsible for fragmentation within the 98ech community! 7here Protestants and9atholics had once been cordial, ;utheran, Baptist, and Presbyterian proselyti8ing had

    produced 'a strained feeling!' Prohibition added to the internal dissent, whileProtestant anti+dancing propaganda undermined e"en the strong ties within 98echfamilies!4

    E"en the e"angelical inroads opened few opportunities for 98echs outside their owncircles! he missionary effort of a Petersburg Presbyterian congregation consisted ofprayers for unpronouncable names on slips of paper, passed to parishoners each#unday! According to Anderson, 'the effort failed somehow, no personal contactswere made, and the church dropped back to the old custom of contributing money and

    lea"ing the details to MitsN missionary society!' Although Anderson2s arguments werebolstered by statistical analyses of county ta) and "oting records and school aptitudetests, such astute obser"ations remained his article2s chief strength! 5or e)ample, henoted that immigrants were initially critici8ed for a supposed intimacy with blacks +they were 'reported to ha"e eaten with them and to ha"e shaken their hands, e"en toha"e called them 23isterD!' But by the twenties, nati"e farmers2 dependence on blacklabor had 'earned !!! the contempt of Bohemian farmers! :n the other hand, the?irginians, satisfied with their, economic relationship with' blacks, looked 'withcontempt upon Bohemian farmers who allow their women and children to sla"e in the

    fields!'4/

    he sources described in this paper by no means pro"ide a comprehensi"e historyof newcomers to the (ew #outh! 5or e)ample, the Immigration 9ommission reportsmentioned communities of Japanese pineapple growers, 0reek sponge fishermen, and9uban cigar makers, all in 5lorida, none of which ha"e attracted scholarly attention!46Fet despite the insensiti"ity which often awaited its immigrants, and despite theblack+and+white picture often painted of the (ew #outh, the region featured a far

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    more colorful and di"erse population than pre"iously imagined, a fact emphasi8ed by a3ethodist missions report of $%6! In a recent fifteen+sermon tour of 3ississippi,the #yrian+born Re"erend 9harles Assaf reputedly con"erted, in addition to one blackand twenty+si) 9onfederate "eterans, 'eight 9hinese, eight 3e)icans, one Italian, one#yrian, !!! and one 3ohammedan!'4& Each of these nationalities and other immigrants

    in the (ew #outh deser"e the professional attention and personal sensiti"ity that(els Anderson brought to his study of the 'Bohemians' of Petersburg more than halfa century ago! 5uture students can bring no more important .ualifications to theirtask!

    (otes

    $! John Higham, #trangers in the ;and- Patterns of American (ati"ism,

    $4

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    (ation, ;QQQ G$%*&, 'Immigration and the #outh,' he (ation, ;QQQII G$%*4+>%'Italians in the #outh,' he :utlook, ;QQQ?II G$%*>, && 'he #outh 7antsItalians,' he :utlook, ;QQQ?II G$%*>, &&>+&4 Alice Bennett, 'Italians as 5armersand 5ruit 0rowers,' he :utlook, Q9 G$%*4, 4>+44 5rederick Boyd #te"enson,

    'Italian 9olonies in the @riited #tates, A (ew #olution for the Immigration Problem,'Public :pinion, QQQIQ G$%*&, 6&/+&! Alfred Holt #tone, 'he Italian 9otton 0rower- he (egro2s Problem,' #outhAtlantic =uarterly, I? G$%*&, 6+6> Emily 5ogg 3eade, 'Italian Immigration intothe #outh,' #outh Atlantic =uarterly, I? G$%*&, $>+/ ;ee J! ;angley, 'Italians in

    the 9otton 5ields,' #outhern 5arm 3aga8ine, QII G$%*6, 4+%!

    4! 0! E! i Palma 9astiglione, 'Italian Immigration into the @nited #tates, $%*$+6,'he American Journal of #ociology, QI G$%*&, $4/+*!

    %! 'Italians in the #outh,' he :utlook, ;QQQ?II G$%*>, && 'he #outh 7antsItalians,' he :utlook, ;QQQ?II G$%*>, &&>+&4! :n the $%*> anti+Italiangubernatorial campaign of Jeff ruly, see Albert ! irwan , Re"olt of the Rednecks-3ississippi Politics, $4>

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    and upon the turpentine farms, lumber camps, and railway camps in the !!! southern#tates!'

    $$! 9aroline E! 3ac0ill, 'Immigration into the #outhern #tates,' in he #outh in theBuilding of the (ationGRichmond- he #outhern Historical Publication #ociety, $%*%,

    ?I, &%!

    $! Annual Report of the 9ommissioner+0eneral of Immigration, $%*4 G7ashington-0P:, $%*4, $/! Robert ;! Brandfon, 9otton ingdom of the (ew #outh- A History of the Fa8oo3ississippi elta from Reconstruction to the wentieth 9enturyG9ambridge, 3ass!-Har"ard @ni"ersity Press, $%, $&%+

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    ! #tanley 5! 9hyet, ';udwig ;ewisohn in 9harleston G$4%+$%*/,' American JewishHistorical =uarterly, ;I? G$%GRichmond- H! ! E8ekiel, l%$>, >, $! #ee also Barnett

    A! El8as, he Jews of #outh 9arolinaGPhiladelphia- J! B! ;ippincott, $%*& IsidorBlum, he Jews of BaltimoreGBaltimore- Historical Re"iew Publishing 9o!, $%$* Rabbia"id 3ar), 'History of the Jews of Atlanta,' Reform Ad"ocate, (o"ember 6, $%$$;eo #hpall, he Jews of ;ouisiana G(ew :rleans- #teeg Printing and Publishing 9o!,$%/

    he ?irginia 3aga8ine of History and Biography, ;Q?I G$%&4, 6&%+! Harry ;! 0olden, Jewish Roots in the 9arolinas- A Pattern of American Philo+#emitismG0reensboro, (! 9!, $%&&, &

    4! Harry ;! 0olden, 'he Jews of the #outh,' 9ongress 7eekly, Q?III Gecember/$, $%&$, >+$$ 'Jew and 0entile in the (ew #outh- #egregation at #undown,'9ommentary, QQ G$%&&, 6*/+$!

    %! 9! Be8alel #herman, '9harleston, #! 9! $>&*+$%&*,' Jewish 5rontier, Q?III G$%&$,$6+$

    /*! John Higham, '#ocial iscrimination against Jews, $4/*+$%/*,' #end hese to3e- Jews and :ther Immigrants in @rban AmericaG(ew Fork- Atheneum, $%>&, $, $+//!homas ! 9lark, then 9hairman of the History epartment at the @ni"ersity ofentucky, recapitulated these arguments in a poorly organi8ed address on 'he Post+

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    9i"il 7ar Economy in the #outh,' deli"ered to the American Jewish Historical #ocietyin $%/$! John Higham, 'Anti+#emitism and American 9ulture,' #end hese to 3e, $>

    /! John Higham, 'Another ;ook at (ati"ism,' #end hese to 3e, $$& originallypublished in 9atholic Historical Re"iew, Q;I? G$%&4 , $6>+&4!

    //! Harry ;! 0olden, A ;ittle 0irl is eadG9le"eland- 7orld Publishing 9o!, $%/,

    />! a"id and Adele Bernstein, '#low Re"olution in Richmond, ?a!- A (ew Pattern inthe 3aking,' Jews in the #outh, &6 originally published in 9ommentary, ?III G$%6%,&/%+6

    /4! Richmond ispatch, #eptember /*, $4%>, >!

    /%! Bernsteins, '#low Re"olution in Richmond,' &&!

    6*! Ibid!, &>, &&!

    6$! 3yron Berman, 'he Attitude of American Jewry towards East EuropeanImmigration, $44$+$%$6,' Gunpublished Ph! ! dissertation, 9olumbia @ni"ersity, $%%, )ii+)iii!

    6/! 3yron Berman, 'Rabbi Edward (athan 9alisch and the ebate o"er Kionism inRichmond, ?irginia,' American Jewish Historical :uarterly, ;QII G$%>/, /*6+*&!

    66! Berman, Richmond2s Jewry, 64, 6!

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    6&! Isaac 3! 5ein, he 3aking of an American Jewish 9ommunity- he History ofBaltimore Jewry, $>>/ to $%* GPhiladelphia- Jewish Publication #ociety, $%>$!

    6/!

    6>! #te"en Hert8berg, re"iew of he Pro"incials, American Jewish Historical=uarterly, ;QI? G$%>&, $!

    64! #te"en Hert8berg, 'he Jewish 9ommunity of Atlanta from the End of the 9i"il7ar @ntil the E"e of the 5rank 9ase,' American Jewish Historical =uarterly, ;QIIG$%>/, >$+>, >6!

    6%! Richard ;! Kweigenhaft2s $%>% article, 'wo 9ities in (orth 9arolina- A9omparati"e #tudy of Jews in the @pper 9lass,' made the self+e"ident point that thehistoric presence of economically prominent Jewish families inhibited the growth ofanti+#emitism in southern cities! #ince e"en Jewish communities as deeply rooted asthose of 9harleston and Richmond were sub1ect to some anti+#emitism,Kweigenhaft2s argument needed .uantifiable e"idence + of economic mobility rates,residential patterns, or analysis of elite club membership roles + to determine thedegree to which his "ariable operated! Jewish #ocial #tudies, Q?I G$%>%, %$+/**!

    &*! #ee #tephan hernstrom, Po"erty and Progress in a (ineteenth+9entury 9ityG9ambridge, 3ass!- Har"ard @ni"ersity Press, $% 9lyde 0riffen, '3aking It in America- #ocial 3obility in 3id+(ineteenth9entury Poughkeepsie,' (ew Fork History, ;I G$%>*, 6>%+%% ean R! Esslinger,Immigrants and the 9ity- Ethnicity and 3obility in a (ineteenth+9entury 3idwestern

    9ommunity GPort 7ashington, (! F!- ennikat, $%>&!

    &$! #te"en Hert8berg, '@nsettled Jews- 0eographic 3obility in a (ineteenth 9entury

    9ity,' American Jewish Historical =uarterly, ;Q?II G$%>>, $&+/%!

    &! #te"en Hert8berg, #trangers within the 0ate 9ity- he Jews of Atlanta, $46&+$%$& GPhiladelphia- Jewish Publication #ociety, $%>4, $&+/%!

    &/! Eli (! E"ans, re"iew of #trangers within the 0ate 9ity, American JewishHistorical =uarterly, ;Q?III G$%>4, $**+*&!

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    &6! Richmond #tate, April $%, $4%/, /!

    &&! Hon! Henry 9abot ;odge, ';ynch ;aw and @nrestricted Immigration,' (orthAmerican Re"iew, 9;II G$4%$, , &&, &&>+&4!

    &>! Brandfon, 9otton ingdom of the (ew #outh, $&%! Brandfon, 9otton ingdom of the (ew #outh, $

    the American RaceProblemG(ew Fork- oubleday, $%*4!

    ! '#outhern Peonage and Immigration,' he (ation, ;QQQ? G$%*>, &&>!

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    >*! Jean Ann #carpaci, 'Immigrants in the (ew #outh- Italians in ;ouisiana2s #ugarParishes, $44*+$%$*,' in 3ilton 9antor, ed!, American 7orkingclass 9ulture-E)plorations in American ;abor and #ocial History G7estport, 9onn!- 0reenwood

    Press, $%>%, /44+4%!

    >$! Ibid!, /4%!

    >! ;etter from Jean ?incen8a #carpaci, owson, 3aryland, (o"ember $/, $%4*!

    >/! 1ames 7! ;oewen, he 3ississippi- Between Black and 7hiteG9ambridge, 3ass!-Har"ard @ni"ersity Press, $%>$, introduction!

    >6! 5ailing to make the breakthrough were the 9hinese who intermarried with blacks!;oewen, he 3ississippi 9hinese, $/&+6!

    >&! 'Reports of the Immigration 9ommission,' #enate ocs!,

    >%! Edmund de#! Brunner, Immigrant 5armers and heir 9hildrenG0arden 9ity, (! F!-oubleday, $%%, foreword!

    4*! ?incent, '#uccessful Immigrants in the #outh,' $*%*4+$$!

    4$! Robert 7! 3c9ulloch, '9astle Hayne- A #tudy of an E)periment in the 9oloni8ationof 5oreign+born 5armers in (orth 9arolina,' in Brunner, ed!, Immigrant 5armers andheir 9hildren, $6&!

    4! (els Anderson, 'Petersburg- A #tudy of a 9olony of 98echo+#lo"akian 5armers in?irginia,' in Brunner, ed!, Immigrant 5armers and heir 9hildren, $%

    4/! Ibid!, $%4, $*!

    46! his last group did attract the attention of 3ethodist missionaries in the $%*s,although the effort was abandoned when it was found that, according to a missions

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    secretary, 'the saturation of their bodies with nicotine' made 'it difficult to bringthem to !!! 9hristianity!' Elmer ! 9lark, he ;atin Immigrant in the #outhG(ash"ille,enn!- 9okesbury Press, $%6, &!

    4&! Ibid!, &!

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    'Immigration to the #outh,' #outhern 5arm 3aga8ine, QII G$%*6, %+$*!

    ;eucht, I! ;! ':pportunities in the #outh for the Immigrant,' 9harities, QQ G$%*4 ,>&+ >>!

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    Berman, 3yron! Richmond2s Jewry, $>%!

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    Historical =uarterly, ;I? G$%/!

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    E8ekiel, Herbert ! and 0aston ;ichtenstein! he History of the Jews of Richmondfrom $>GRichmond- H! ! E8ekiel, $%$>!

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    5errero, 5elice! 'A (ew #t! Helena,' he #ur"ey, QQIII G$%*%, $>$+4*!

    5oerster, Robert 5! he Italian Emigration of :ur imesG9ambridge, 3ass!- Har"ard@ni"ersity Press, $%6!

    'Italians in the #outh,' he :utlook, ;QQQ?II G$%*>, &&!

    irwan, Albert ! Re"olt of the Rednecks- 3ississippi Politics, $4>%, />>+%&!

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    #te"enson, 5rederick Boyd! 'Italian 9olonies in the @nited #tates, A (ew #olution forthe Immigration Problem,' Public :pinion, QQQIQ G$%*&, 6&/+&

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    'he #outh 7ants Italians,' he :utlook, ;QQQ?II G$%*>, &&>+&4!

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    Brunner, Edmund de#! Immigrant 5armers and heir 9hildren G0arden 9ity, (! F!-oubleday, $%%!

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    $%6!

    ;oewen, James 7! he 3ississippi 9hinese- Between Black and 7hite G9ambridge,3ass!- Har"ard @ni"ersity Press, $%>$!