oru paper issue 238
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khh;r; 20 Vg;uy; 02, 20154
pg
The very fact that no Indian Prime Minister before Mr Modi hitherto cared to visit Jaffna
shows the long-offensive foreign
policy attitude of New Delhi towards
the nation of Eezham Tamils, located
at the closest proximity to India. This
should be read along with another
foreign policy fact that it was in the
case of Eezham Tamils India for the
first time in its history was involved
in the crime of genocide outside
of its country. Both stemmed from
an adamantly practised policy of
New Delhi viewing Eezham Tamils
through the prism of Sri Lanka
and the establishment in Colombo.
Whether China or the USA, or both
whatever may be the ultimate foreign
policy concern of India, the times are
such that New Delhi should learn to
approach Eezham Tamils as a nation
of its own right.
Mr Narendra Modis current visit
to Jaffna and Trincomalee through
Colombo is part of a larger Indian
Ocean agenda of countering Chinese
influence rather than showing justice
to Eezham Tamils affected by the
long injustices of New Delhi.
It is time for New
Delhi to think of an
alternative foreign
policy that recognises
the nation of natural
ally in the island
and patch up with it,
before deeply offended
sentiments of this nation
in the internationalised
atmosphere of today
count India out for
generations.
It is obvious what would be the
priority in the bargain and shopping
list. It wont be the removal of the
occupying genocidal military or
allowing international justice to reach
Tamils, or it wont even be Tamils
getting their international airport
back at Palaali for their worldwide
diaspora to directly interact, but
Trincomalee to become a petroleum
hub. Tamils have no say, even on
what hub Trincomalee should be.
Colomos cabinet minister
Champika Ranawaka has already
spoken to The Hindu on Tuesday,
that Dont look at Sri Lanka through
Tamil prism, and that we have
created a unique, organic culture
here. Probably he was referring to the
genocidal culture and its preservation
for the usual, blackmailing bargain of
the Sinhala States China policy.
It is time for New Delhi to think
of an alternative foreign policy that
recognises the nation of natural ally
in the island and patch up with it,
before deeply offended sentiments
of this nation in the internationalised
atmosphere of today count India out
for generations.
So far New Delhis foreign policy
attitude towards Eezham Tamils was
either that of a dog that missed the
squirrel (A'nil ea'ravidda naay) or
that of a dog in the manger (Vaikkal
paddadai naay).
New Delhi should no more block or
hijack any international justice coming
to Eezham Tamils for the international
crimes committed on them.
There should be an end to the
policy that committed war crimes
in the country of Eezham Tamils
and built memorial for the IPKF in
Colombo.
Mr Narendra Modis
current visit to Jaffna
and Trincomalee
through Colombo is part
of a larger Indian Ocean
agenda of countering
Chinese influence rather
than showing justice to
Eezham Tamils affected
by the long injustices of
New Delhi.
The current Foreign Secretary of
New Delhi was in Colombo as political
work diplomat of the IPKF in the late
1980s, and he should know.
Tamil polity should never abandon
internationalising the process of
justice, until the justice is delivered
to its righteous satisfaction and to the
benefit of entire humanity.
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New Delhi should stop looking at Eezham Tamils through Colombo
Courtsy: Tamilnet
-
5MARCH 20 - APRIL 02, 2015
pg
O G . . .
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.
What is the difference between a changing context and a paradigm shift?
The anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa spanned most of the last century. A paradigm shift, enabled by a vast political process of struggle, was required to make the radical change from minority white oppressive rule, to the majority, black people, being included in government. The repressive mechanisms that had tried to crush activists, human rights defenders and all who struggled for civil rights and justice were notorious. The methods included systematic violence, torture and killings. I remember clearly that fateful day when Ruth First was killedby a parcel bomb in 1982. Her daughterspoke on BBC Radio recently.
Many factors eventually led to those in power, who maintained an unjust oppressive system for decades, accepting a completely transformed situation where they no longer held the power alone but shared it with all citizens. Many had asserted that change was impossible. They lacked vision, compassion and political will. But the movement of peoples and systems which favoured change, in the end succeeded in overturning the Nothing-can-ever-change brigade.
In South Africa, the change was stark and liberating. A friend of mine, in his 30s, doing post-graduate study in the UK, returned to his country, South Africa, in 1994 to vote for the first time in his life. It was a moving experience a sense of being liberated from shackles of oppression.
A crucial component of the change process was the country facing up to the violent deeds and effects of the past. Truth had long been a casualty and victim and while the real facts were buried, there could be no reconciliation. There has to be a sense of collective remorse for violations committed for the healing power of reconciliation to work.
It is at best laughable, as worst cruel and calculating, to say reconciliation can happen while the oppressed are continually exploited and down-trodden and when there has been
no meaningful change.
Of course promise of change can go
on and on without ever materialising
in anything worth the paper it is
written on.
Unfortunately this is the case in Sri
Lanka. There has been a change of
government, but the real underlying
injustices are still as firmly in place
as ever. Messages and speeches for
international consumption are cleverly
constructed to give a cosmetic image
of real change. But nothing could
be further from the truth. It was the
Tamils in the North and East firmly
supporting the new President, who
were the kingmakers ensuring his
success. Without them he couldnt
have become President. They were
hoping for real change. Yet there was
nothing in Sirisenas election pledges
about their future at all. Despite Sri
Lanka saying in international forums
for decades that the government is
working on a political solution for
the Tamils no fruit has ever been
produced.
Sri Lanka managed to garner
support from many countries when
the informal discussions on the UN
resolution took place in Geneva in
March 2014 during the Human Rights
Council HRC. Attempts were made
to water it down, to remove mention
of the 13th Amendment, remove any
reference to demilitarisation in the
North and East, and so on. Fortunately
these efforts were not successful.
It has long been established that
militarisation of society leads to
increased human rights violations
and increased persecution of human
rights defenders. But Sri Lanka
has strong paid lobby to support its
dissemination of its perspective.
It is very important to realise that
when a government is committing
genocide, it will do anything it
possibly can, including violent
repression, torture and victimisation,
to ensure that no other State interferes
in its genocidal programme. This is
critical. No one can justify or accept
genocide. So at all cost the reality has
to be kept from the understanding of
the international community.
In reality, Tamils in Sri Lanka have
been, and are, victims of genocide. I
do not have space here to go through
the well-established arguments. But
they are crystal clear and indisputable.
The Tamils are a people. The Sri
Lankan state has, over decades,
calculatedly used state apparatus
to conduct systematic massacres of
genocidal proportions. This has been
well documented by the highest and
most objective of international human
rights organisations. Representations
have been made to UN human
rights mechanisms since 1987, our
organisation has been working on this
since 1990.
Genocide has eight stages. The
final one is denial. A book could be
written on each of these stages with
regard to the suffering of the Tamils
of Sri Lanka.
Do not let the fact that the Tamils
rose up in a liberation movement to
defend themselves having been put
in a position where they were forced
to wage an armed struggle as last
resort cloud your understanding of
cause and effect. Yes, once war was
all-out, there were killings on both
sides.
However we must never forget that
the armed forces of the state were
responsible for the vast majority of
the killings of Sinhalese civilians
through the actions of homeguards
and paramilitary forces. As said
earlier, the Sri Lankan armed and
security forces wielded a horrific
level of persecution against the
Tamil people. Victims were tortured,
disappeared, killed, women were
gang-raped and murdered, the
whole population starved by a cruel
economic embargo for years, mass
displacements of civilians who
languish in IDP camps for decades,
continuing even now, bombing and
artillery shelling of Tamil areas since
the 1980s the list goes on.
We all know the culmination
of the killings in 2009. The war
crimes committed by the Sri
Lanka government since the 1980s
grotesquely became a heinous final
solution and the rest is history. See
the Channel 4 documentary Killing
Fields, Read the report of the Panel
of UN Experts and many other
documents available.
All this, the Sri Lankan governments
(previous and present) would like the
international community to ignore,
sweep under the carpet. They would
like the world to think that all the
past problems can be resolved by
a domestic process of inquiry and
reconciliation. But that is impossible.
The same authorities believing in the
justified oppression and killing of
Tamils, will be in charge, and create
yet another smokescreen to try to
hide the brutal reality.
Foreign Minister Mangala
Samaraweeras statement to the
HRC was excellent for consumption
by the international community.
The commitment to the LLRC
which lacks by far the rigour and
vision needed in the situation, his
reference to the re-introduction of
17th amendment and repeal of the
18th are all intended to make
the international community feel
the government is committed to
positive change to human rights,
reconciliation, accountability and
co-operation.
But he should, and could, have
spoken about commitment to real
political change, to the devolution
of political authority, to the 13th
amendment, long referred to in
speeches to foreign audiences. But it is
put on and off the government agenda
like a hot potato. Such devolution is
integral to reconciliation and the full
enjoyment of human rights by all the
population, as the UNHRC resolution
articulates.
Predictably, he talked about
South Africa and the government
so-called commitment to a Truth and
Reconciliation process. But South
Africa must not be fooled. There is
not even a whisper of a mention of
a solution to the real deep-rooted
problems and endemic injustice.
There are many possible templates
for a solution to the problem, the
world over, where peoples in areas
colonised have won recognised self-
determination rights or autonomy.
But even these possibilities have
never been considered by the
successive governments, let alone the
recognition of the real aspirations of
the Tamil people for self-rule, voted
for overwhelmingly way back in
1977, and again in 2004. In the latter
election the Tamil people exercised
their right to self- determination
to take part in the then unfolding
Peace Process of the early 2000s, as
partners for peace.
Consider this question: Would there
have been a Truth and Reconciliation
process set in motion by the UN
in Indonesia if East Timor had not
been on the pathway to becoming
independent? Can you imagine the
whole of the East Timorese liberation
movement massacred, followed
by the instigation of a Truth and
Reconciliation Commission, working
with Indonesians and the remaining
East Timorese people insisting they
be called Indonesians! This is pure
fantasy.
We need to look reality in the
face. Call a spade a spade. Call
genocide, genocide. This is the
only way forward. Then stop the
oppression. Solutions, internal
self-determination, external self-
determination, autonomous regions,
cantons like in Switzerland, devolved
power through regional states like in
India, or USA, and these are just a
few solutions. There are many more
possibilities.
But while the government is made
up of a Sinhalese people the majority
of whom have been fed since 1930s
with a racist ideology of Sinhala
chauvinism, in other words, ideas
of superiority of the Sinhalese who
can with impunity oppress Tamils,
and any other non-Buddhist people
there is no hope that the tweaks and
cosmetic fixes that the new President
and interim government speak about,
will produce any meaningful change.
A paradigm shift is needed.
Constructive and genuine work
for Human Rights both civil
and political rights and economic,
social and cultural rights, will lead
to solutions. Blindfolds need to be
removed, to enable clear vision, and
real freedom must be sought for all
the people of the island.
( The writer is the author of The Tamil Peoples Rights to self-Determination published in the Cambridge Review of International Affairs )
Change But No Change In Sri Lanka
By Deirdre McConnell
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khh;r; 20 Vg;uy; 02, 20156
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The Sri Lankan governments
decision to review, and in effect
suspend, the $US1.4 billion, Chinese-
backed Colombo Port City (CPC)
project has strained relations between
Beijing and Colombo. The review
was announced in January shortly
after Maithripala Sirisena defeated
President Mahinda Rajapakse in the
presidential election and formed a
new government led by the opposition
United National Party (UNP).
The agreement to build the port
facility was signed when Chinese
President Xi Jinping visited Sri
Lanka last September. The plan was
to construct a modern 500-acre (230
hectare) city, with hotels, apartments
and office buildings, on earth fill
near the seafront of Colombo harbor.
About 200 acres were to be held by
China Communications Construction
Company (CCCC), the main
contractor, on a 99-year lease. Another
50 acres were to be granted outright.
The project, which was sealed with
the Rajapakse government, is part of
Xis ambitious plan for a Maritime
Silk Route, involving substantial
investment in Asia and Africa aimed
at boosting trade and tourism. Beijing
is pushing the scheme as a means of
extending its influence in the Indo-
Pacific region and securing shipping
routes on which it relies for importing
energy and raw materials from Africa
and the Middle East.
In the course of the campaign for
the January presidential election,
Maithripala Sirisena and his backers
repeatedly criticised Chinese
investments in the country and
Rajapakses ties with Beijing, and
indicated a shift in foreign policy
towards the US and India.
The US was hostile to the Rajapakse
government and its ties with China.
US efforts to undermine Chinese
influence in Colombo are part of
the Obama administrations broader
pivot to Asiaa comprehensive
diplomatic, economic and military
strategy aimed at ensuring continued
American dominance.
Washington exploited the issue of
Sri Lankan war crimes during the civil
war against the separatist Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to put
pressure on Rajapakse. When that
failed, the US gave the green light for
what amounted to a regime-change
operation in the January election
worked out months in advance
with former president Chandrika
Kumaratunga and opposition UNP
leader Ranil Wickremesinghe.
Since coming to power, Sirisena
and the UNP-led government have
rapidly shifted foreign policy away
from Beijing and towards Washington
and New Delhi. High-level exchanges
have already taken place between
Sri Lanka and the US and India. The
governments decision in January to
review the port project was another
clear signal that it was distancing
itself from China.
The Chinese government sent
special envoy Liu Jianchao in early
February to discuss the possible
cancellation of the port project. After
the visit, Liu said The project will
continue only after being re-evaluated.
We respect the decision by Colombo.
His comments suggested that
the government confronted legal
problems in cancelling the contracts
for the construction.
The Sri Lankan government has based
its review on environmental issues,
alleged corruption and investment
figures that were supposedly inflated
by the Rajapakse government.
Moreover, the decision on the huge
project appears to have generated
differences within the government
over how to proceed.
An article in
mid-February in the
US-based Foreign
Policy noted that
Sirisena had appeared
to give approval
for the port project
so as to avoid a
misunderstanding with
China. That raised
eyebrows, because his
[Sirisenas] election
was widely seen as a
blow to Chinas budding
friendship with Sri
Lanka; former President
Mahinda Rajapakse
had steadily moved
Sri Lanka closer to
Beijing, it stated.
An article in mid-February in
the US-based Foreign Policy noted
that Sirisena had appeared to give
approval for the port project so as
to avoid a misunderstanding
with China. That raised eyebrows,
because his [Sirisenas] election was
widely seen as a blow to Chinas
budding friendship with Sri Lanka;
former President Mahinda Rajapakse
had steadily moved Sri Lanka closer
to Beijing, it stated.
At the same time, Foreign Policy
noted that Prime Minister
Wickremesinghe attempted to walk
back Sirisenas approval in comments
to parliament. The fact that the fate of
the project was being closely followed
in the US makes clear that the Sri Lankan
government was under considerable
pressure from Washington and its allies.
During a visit to Beijing in late
February, Sri Lankan Foreign
Minister Mangala Samaraweera made
clear that the review was continuing
and the future of the port project
was not guaranteed. In response to
a media question, Samaraweera also
ruled out any repeat visit of a Chinese
submarine, which docked last year in
Colombo during the Japanese prime
ministers visit. India in particular
protested over the incident.
The port project received a further
blow when Sri Lankan Investment
Promotion Minister Kabir Hashim
threatened legal action against the
Chinese contractor, CCCC, if it did
not suspend construction work. He
warned that the ministry of ports will
take necessary action to halt the work
until this inquiry is done.
CCCC suspended the project from
March 6. CHEC Port City Colombo,
the private company carrying out work
for CCCC, also issued a statement
noting that it had been asked to
produce all documents signed with
the Colombo government. CCCC has
complained that it is losing $380,000
a day as a result of the suspension,
which affects about 1,000 workers
directly and another 4,000 indirectly.
China has implicitly warned
that Chinese investment could
be compromised if the project
is cancelled. Foreign Ministry
spokeswoman Hua Chunying
pointedly called for a resolution
of the issue to preserve Chinese
companies confidence to invest in
Sri Lanka in the overall interests of
China-Sri Lanka friendliness and the
fundamental interests of Sri Lankas
national development.
Yi Xianling, Chinas ambassador in
Colombo, urged the government and
Chinese construction company last
Tuesday to observe rule of law and
mutual trust. He suggested that the
current situation could lead China
to reconsideration about its financial
support and pointed out that China
had helped Sri Lanka during the
global financial crisis in 2008,
[when] major donors reduced their
preferential loans.
The Xinhua news agency featured
the remarks of former Sri Lankan
president Rajapakse who declared
that halting development projects
means that the Sri Lankan workers
and engineers working on them will
lose their jobs and thereby the cash
flowing to villagers will stop. Haiwai
Net pointed out that India did not have
the same capacity to help Sri Lanka
economically and Colombo will still
depend on Beijing for infrastructure
investment in the long term.
The port project
received a further
blow when Sri Lankan
Investment Promotion
Minister Kabir Hashim
threatened legal action
against the Chinese
contractor, CCCC,
if it did not suspend
construction work.
He warned that the
ministry of ports will
take necessary action to
halt the work until this
inquiry is done.
The new Sri Lankan government is
engaged in a difficult balancing act.
China has invested around $5 billion
in Sri Lanka and is the countrys
largest aid donor. While integrating
the country into Washingtons anti-
China pivot, Sirisena, who is due
to visit Beijing towards the end of
March, no doubt is continuing to seek
Chinese aid and investment.
In the meantime the fate of the
Colombo port city project remains
undecided and no date has been set for
finalizing the review.
Sri Lanka-China tensionsrise over suspended port project
By Manusha Fernando
Courtesy: World Socialist Web (wsws.org)
-
MARCH 20 - APRIL 02, 2015 14
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NPC Chief Minister C.V.
Wigneswaran on Saturday urged
the visiting Indian PM to support
a negotiation process without
succumbing to the constraints of
the Sri Lankan Constitution and
the associated protocols. Such
a negotiation process should
involve the Indian Government,
Sri Lankan Government and the
Provincial Councils of North and
East in the island to resolve the
national question. The current 13th
Amendment Framework and the
existing Sri Lankan constitutional
architecture had evolved since the
first Republican Constitution of 1972
without the consent and participation
of Tamils of North and East of our
Country, he said adding that both of
them pose formidable challenges and
hindrances in realizing the quantum
of devolution required to fulfill the
needs and aspirations of the Tamil
Speaking People of North and East
of Sri Lanka.
Mr Wigneswaran was speaking at
the foundation stone laying ceremony
of Jaffna Cultural Centre, held at the
Public Library in the presence of
Indian Prime Minister Mr Narendra
Modi.
Further extracts from the speech by
Mr Wigneswaran follow:
Mr Narendra Modi and Mr C.V.
Wigneswaran at the foundation stone
laying ceremony for Jaffna Cultura
Indian Constitution provides
for the facilitation of sustainable
development, internal security, law
and order, policing and protection
pertaining to lands and so on within
the State. Our inability to function in
our Province to the extent you were
able to help Gujarat under the Indian
Constitution needs to be understood.
Especially the inadequacies of
the Thirteenth Amendment. Even
when the Indo-Lanka Accord of
1987 was signed there was a historic
communication by our leaders to the
then Indian Prime Minister, late Shri
Rajiv Gandhi on 28 October 1987,
pointing out hollow and inadequate
the 13th Amendment had been. They
sought the then Indian Governments
intervention on behalf of the Tamils
of North East Province of Sri Lanka.
When Indo Lanka Accord was
negotiated ostensibly as a solution to the
Tamil Question, India whilst
addressing Indian Security and
Strategic concerns, stood as a guarantor
on behalf of the Tamils of North-East.
That situation prevails in North-East
Provinces in Sri Lanka even today. We
need the services of a guarantor and it is
our considered view that the Government
of India under your stewardship is
best suited for this role!.
The emaciated Thirteenth
Amendment has not brought the
required and expected devolution
to the North and East. Even today
parallel administrative structures
exist one directed by the Centre and
the other by the Province despite the
appointment of an amiable Governor!
Our former President in May
2009 released a joint statement
with the UN Secretary General
during latters visit to Sri Lanka
relating to the core issues and post
war context and the causes of the
conflict. Later in January 2010 he
promised Mr.Manmohan Singh, your
predecessor, that he will go beyond
the Thirteenth Amendment. Hence,
it is time that we take note of the
commitment expressed by the then
Sri Lankan Head of State, consider
our post war context, needs, priorities
and concerns and move forward with
the active support of your friendly
Country under your leadership.
When Indo Lanka
Accord was negotiated
ostensibly as a solution
to the Tamil Question,
India whilst addressing
Indian Security and
Strategic concerns,
stood as a guarantor
on behalf of the Tamils
of North-East. That
situation prevails in
North-East Provinces in
Sri Lanka even today.
We seek positive action to be
taken to resolve our problems. May I
suggest Sir, that there be talks among
the Indian Government, Sri Lankan
Government and the NPC and the
EPC without taking refuge under the
current constitutional provisions and
protocols to find ways of resolving
the central problem of the Tamil
speaking people in an innovative
and creative manner bearing in mind
the root causes of our ethnic conflict
and post war needs and priorities
of the people of the Northern and
Eastern Provinces? We seek justice
and fair play to be established in the
political arena and the constitutional
framework in Sri Lanka to live with
equity, equality and dignity.
We have many requests to make.
But it is not appropriate for me to
present our want list when we are
happily welcoming you into our
midst. Suffice to say a concerted
effort on the part of the Central
and Provincial Administrations of
our Country with yours would no
doubt bring alleviation to the vast
numbers of War affected families and
individuals in our part of this Country.
Even though security concerns should
be left to the Central Administration
in any Country it should not
transgress the limits of protection of
the Country to a protracted pursuit of
purposeful military occupation with
political undertones in place. I could
give statistics of such purposeful
occupations. But we are here to
welcome you Sir, not to burden you
with a testament of our trials and
tribulations. Let us hand over to you
today separately our humble requests
to rebuild our post war Province.
Courtesy: TamilNet
Wigneswaran seeks extra-constitutional approach to resolve Tamil national question
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she might be a gift from god.
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and never gives up.
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joyful for everybody.
I never believe god,
god is my mum.
Mum,
She does her best every time.
She is my best friend.
She archives whatever she does.
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completive person and
always ensure to keep us safe.
I never seen anyone like my mum
in the universe!
I don't want to live in this world
without her.
Mum, She is the best!
Vigaashan.Asokan
MY ADVENTUREOne sunny morning I goto explore
the deep dark forest. I took bono
culous to see which animals live
there. I went out to the forest. I hid in
the bushes so I didn't get seen. I looked
out for animals.I saw a catterpillar
crawling and a ant walking some
where. It was very nice. I had some
ham sandwhiches and bucuits. For
my drink I had some orange juice
and some water. then I set back on
searching. I saw a lion and I was
so frighten I ran back home! I said
''that was a adventure''.
- Rehashan Asokan
R RjLL[..... H , ,
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G11 Lombard House, 2 Purley Way, Croydon, CR0 3JP
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Quality andService
is our Motto
@ EAST HAM, LONDON
INDIA SINGAPORE MALAYSIA DUBAI ABUDHABI QATAR KUWAIT AUSTRALIA USA CANADA
233-235 High Street North, East Ham, London, E6 1JGEmail : [email protected]
Tel : 0208 552 1155Opening Hours : 12.00 to 23.00
PLEASE COLLECT DISCOUNT VOUCHER IN A SHOP
-
17
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sarasasSouth Indian Restaurant
* Outdoor catering * Function hall * Party orders
Opening Times 12.00 noon to 11.00pm (7 days a week)
SARASAS CATERING , , C , C AP O
630-634 Uxbridge Road, Hayes, Middlesex, UB4 0RYTEL : 020 8561 8188 for further enquiries please contact : 07939 246 552Email: [email protected] www.sarasasrestaurant.com
We make 30 different Types of Dosa
FREE CAR
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Rheumatoid Arthritis Osteoarthritis Gout Psoriasis Eczema Insomnia
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Disorders Paralysis Multiple Sclerosis Post Natal Care
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What specialist treatments we offer?We offer time tested authentic Ayurvedic treatments for the following disorders:
Dr RAJALAKSHMI RAMESH BAMS, SMBRCP, YICFor further details contact:
Web : www.ayurmedics.orgMail : [email protected] For an appointment call us now at 0203 6206 999 or 0785 0439 999
505, London Road,Thornton Heath, Croydon, Greater London, CR7 6AR
3 sessions of Ayurvedic Therapeutic Massage + Detox Steam & 1 session of complementary
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All for just 120 only
WINTER SPECIALSAVE 55 from
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Ideal gift for your loved one or rejuvenate yourself for continuous wellness
(RPop 26 TeL)
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Essex IG8 7DQ.
CWPY S LL.
CP: Alperton Community School (Annexe),
Ealing Road, Wembley, Middlesex
HA0 4PW.
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