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Polish Research Institute
at Lund University, Sweden
Date of the protocol: Vrigstad, 17th
January, 1946 Protocol No. 149
Page 1 of 22
Witness’ family & given names: XXXXXXXXXX
Places of internment
Born on: 23rd
November, 1897 Time period
from / to
Placed in: Prisoner data
(triangle, number, letter)
Notes
Birth place: Poznań 29th
April, 1940 /
7th
July 1943
RAVENSBRÜCK Red, 3604, “P” Concentration camp.
Political prisoner Profession: Office Clerk
Citizenship: Polish 7th
July 1943 /
28th
April 1945
NEU-
BRANDENBURG
Religion: Roman Catholic
Parents names (F/M) Stanisław / Stanisława
Last residence in Poland: Poznań, St. Rynek 6/7
Present residence: Vrigstad - Sweden
The testimony consists of ten handwritten pages and covers:
The camp of NEUBRANDENBURG in time 7th July 1943 / 28
th April 1945: Lodging conditions, general and detailed data concerning prisoners' state in NEU-
BRANDENBURG and WALDBAULAGER. - Detailed data concerning relations in the ”rewir” [sick-bay.] - Ways of treatment and dealing with patients – Beating
of patients – Treatment without permission – Ill-handling of remains of those who passed away – Ways of burying deceased prisoners – day and night labour at
trenches winter 1945 – Regime of Lisa KRZOK in the ”rewir” - Pulling out gold teeth of those deceased – Some examples of mistreatment of patients – Giving birth
– Baptism in the camp – Outrageous state of prisoners' clothes and underwear - Disastrous lousiness – Circumstances of camp evacuation and then liberation.
Annex 1: Additional testimony concerning Liza Krzok (2.5 pages)
Annex 2: List of 101 prisoners deceased in the ”rewir”
Annex 3: Names of prisoners transported “out to nowhere” from the concentration camp RAVENSBRÜCK Annex 4: Data of selected patients from sick-bay hall 1 - additional description of the camp EBERWALDE
INSTITUTE MEMBER AT THE PROTOCOL: Master of Law, Bożysław KUROWSKI
(Translation from Polish by Jan Tuszyński1)
Record of Witness testimony no. 149
Name: MRS XXXXXXXXXX Born: 23rd
Nov. 1897.
In: Poznań Profession: Office Clerk
Religion: Roman Catholic
Parents 1st names: Stanisław, Stanisława
Last domicile in Poland: Poznań, St. Rynek 6/7.
Current domicile: Vrigstad - Sweden.
Instructed about importance of truthful testimony as well as on responsibility and consequences of false testimony, the witness testifies as to
the following:
I stayed in concentration camp: RAVENSBRÜCK
time period from: 29th
April, 1940 to: 7th
July, 1943, as a political prisoner
number: 3604, triangle: red, letter: „P”
Then I stayed in: NEUBRANDENBURG
time period from: 7th
July, 1943 to: 28th
April, 1945.
Asked if in connection with my incarceration, in prison, ghetto, concentration camp, I have any specific information about camp organization,
the camp regimen, prisoners’ work conditions, treatment of prisoners, medical and pastoral care, sanitary/hygienic conditions, and also any
specific events in all aspects of the camp life, I testify as follows:
The testimony consists of ten handwritten pages and covers:
The camp of NEUBRANDENBURG in time 7th July 1943 / 28
th April 1945: Lodging conditions, general and detailed data concerning prisoners' state in NEU-
BRANDENBURG and WALDBAULAGER. - Detailed data concerning relations in the ”rewir” [sick-bay.] - Ways of treatment and dealing with patients – Beating
of patients – Treatment without permission – Ill-handling of remains of those who passed away – Ways of burying deceased prisoners – day and night labour at
trenches winter 1945 – Regime of Lisa KRZOK in the ”rewir” - Pulling out gold teeth of those deceased – Some examples of mistreatment of patients – Giving birth
– Baptism in the camp – Outrageous state of prisoners' clothes and underwear - Disastrous lousiness – Circumstances of camp evacuation and then liberation.
Annex 1: Additional testimony concerning Liza Krzok (2.5 pages)
Annex 2: List of 101 prisoners deceased in the ”rewir”
1 Translator’s notes (if any) are in cursive, enclosed in parenthesis
Polish Research Institute Date of the protocol:
at Lund University, Sweden Vrigstad, 17th
January, 1946
Testimony of the witness: XXXXXXXXXX Protocol No. 149
Page 3 of 22
Annex 3: Names of prisoners transported “out to nowhere” from the concentration camp
RAVENSBRÜCK Annex 4: Data of selected patients from sick-bay hall 1 - additional description of the camp EBERWALDE
_______________________________________________________________________________
In the camp NEUBRANDENURG
I stayed there between 7th
July, 1943 and 28th
April, 1945. During whole this time I worked there as ”rewir” [sick-bay] block leader. NEUBRANDEN-
BURG consisted of 15 lodging blocks and one ”rewir” block. The block was wooden, and had initially single hall, with one more added later on. Be-
sides that there were three small rooms for special diseases, clinic and small dentist office. The dentist was able to start her services there the second
half of 1944. Up to that time she just helped to run the clinic. In cases of serious dental problems the patients were transferred to Ravensbrück. Normal-
ly they gave dental patients painkillers ”Schmerztabletten”, with no treatment. The ”rewir” had 56 beds in one hall and 48 in the second one. Then in
small rooms; in one there were 6 beds, and there were two other rooms with 8 beds in each of them.
At the time of my arrival, there were 250 women in the camp, mostly Russian who stayed at the factory. Transport in which I came to the camp, count-
ed 450 women, half of them Polish, half Russian. Population of the camp raised continuously to reach by the springtime of 1944 about 7,000 women of
all nationalities. It was then that the camp was split and they transferred half of prisoners to newly established camp called ”Waldbaulager.” Under-
ground factory was placed there. Patients of that camp were taken to the ”rewir” of NEUBRANDENBURG, while Waldebaulager had clinic only.
Capacity, space of the ”rewir” were definitely insufficient. The patients lay three, sometimes four in a common bed. Small room for tuberculosis pa-
tients with eight beds (four two-storey bunks) was occupied by 36 patients, and that over the very long time, sometimes up to four weeks, until they
could be taken over to Ravensbrück. Until March 1944 the toilet was located about 100 m from the ”rewir”, serving all prisoners including patients of
the “rewir.” [Special] carts emptied the toilet daily and carried faeces away. Only in March, 1944 the toilet next to ”rewir” was built, not anymore forc-
ing patients to go outdoors. Anyway there was always stench in the camp, as there was no sewage system there, and three such toilets for the whole
camp were emptied by a special squad daily.
Visit hours [to the ”rewir”] were designated by Oberaufseherin PILLEN; for the night shift at 7:00 AM, after their return to the camp, while for day
workers evening 7:00 PM. That schedule was anyway theoretical only, as nobody was allowed to reception while the Oberaufseherin was absent.
Those sick persons, too exhausted to wait, especially after a night of work, preferred to give up help of the ”rewir” and go to bed. Afternoon, at 4:00
PM they were forced to go to night work shift. Later on we succeeded to wheedle the Oberaufseher permission to receive sick at the scheduled time,
even in her absence. Initially when I went to her asking for her presence, as sick people were waiting, the response was ”let them wait!” Now together
with the Russian physician Valentyna Fedorovna BIRUKOWA and dentist Zofia CUDEKOWA, we were able help a lot – namely to admit to the ”re-
wir” sick women with low fever or no fever at all, but seriously wounded. More ”Innendienst” were issued, allowing the prisoner with such a certifi-
cate to be exempted from work and remain in the block. Certificates had to be undersigned by the Oberaufseherin who questioned our decisions if too
many ”Innendienste” were allowed, or prolonged too many times. Later on we could prolong permission for three more work-free days without Ober-
aufseherin's signature. In that way we managed to help.
Polish Research Institute Date of the protocol:
at Lund University, Sweden Vrigstad, 17th
January, 1946
Testimony of the witness: XXXXXXXXXX Protocol No. 149
Page 5 of 22
In the transport I arrived with, I was the oldest one with regard to age as well as to prisoner numbers; since I knew the German language, the Ober-
aufseherin assigned me to office work at the ”rewir.” Work in the factory was initially given to younger ones only. I was not the block leader yet, serv-
ing as charwoman (Zimmerdienst) with responsibility for some number of medicaments, and as a secretary (the ”rewir” at that time was still in stage of
establishing itself.) Half a year later with ”rewir” in operation, I was appointed a block leader.
At the beginning of September 1943, the Russian physician was sent to us from Ravensbrück, so called ”wojennoplennaja” [“POW” from Russian]. As
the camp expanded, the same happened with work in the ”rewir.” In May of 1944 one more Russian was added to the staff together with first two non-
qualified nurses. They were Polish-Ukrainians, sent probably to spy at the ”rewir”. It was decided by the deputy Oberaufseherin, guard HERMANN,
on the order by SS Oberscharführer JACOB and Rottenführer PETER; two henchmen who victimized prisoners. Beside that, PETER shamelessly
robbed parcels, taking opportunity of being the manager of so called Postzensur.
In June our head physician got typhus, and the second one could not manage all work by herself, especially in face of ”Durchfall” [diarrhoea] epidem-
ic. Taking advantage of this situation, Polish staff managed to call for Dr. Zofia Mączka, who arrived to NEUBRANDENBURG with ban to be em-
ployed as a physician and assigned to factory work. Valentyna had frequently sought her advice, and when she got sick, Dr. Mączka treated her secret-
ly.
On Dr. Mączka's advise second ”rewir” was established in block No 14, with a Polish nurse there. German Schwester ERNA was sent there from RA-
VENSBRÜCK. The work started to be rational with the kitchen providing two kinds of diet. Oberaufseherin Edith FRAEDE did not interfere with
the ”rewir” affairs, but tormented [us] in her way by never ending searches as instigated by various spies. Our satisfaction lasted 5 weeks only. The
Russians could not settle on Dr. Mączka's engagement. She was a whole sky better than Valentyna, on her knowledge, experience, and her approach to
patients. Accordingly all patients, including Russians respected her highly and liked her. Finally conspiring against Dr. Mączka ended with a search in
her block, with some result condemning that poor women to [penal] bunker, from where she was taken to Ravensbrück. Dr. TROMER arrived ordering
Dr. Valentyna, then at convalescence, to start working. He dismissed Schwester ERNA, pressed for that by Oberaufseherin FRAEDE, and replaced her
with the infamous Schwester Lisa KRZOK.
She started with furnishing her room. From that moment on, Zimmerdienst was only for her disposal. Through whole days they laundered and ironed
things stolen and transported from Ravensbrück, mainly clothes for bed and dining room – bed linens, table covers, blankets, curtains and alike. She
abolished completely issuing ”Innendienst” certificates. There were patients who who were temporarily unable to work because of hand laceration;
they had to stay at the ”rewir” unnecessarily occupying beds there. As in fact not sick, they walked around, back to their blocks. They were once
caught on that causing order for shutters of the ”rewir” to be locked during the day time as well. In the hall where diarrhoea and phlegmon sick were,
stench and terrible stuffiness prevailed. Patients with other diseases; flue, angina, kidneys, rheumatism – breathing the same heavy air, infected each
other. Those with heart problems got cardiac angina attacks. In small rooms for sick in typhus and tuberculosis the same prevailed; tuberculosis was
treated on a base of sedimentation rate (”Blutsenkung”), but this testing gave often elevated readings not because of tuberculosis but because of pa-
tient's emaciation. Anyway, based on these indications the sick person was packed into the room with tuberculosis patients. Staying there in the small
airless room for 4 weeks or longer, awaiting x-ray diagnosis in Ravensbrück – the sick one got really infected with tuberculosis.
Some prisoners working in the factory section “Galvanik” [electroplating] at various poisonous acids, got ¼ litre of skimmed milk and often gave it
through the window to the sick of the tuberculosis room. When Lisa noticed it – anyway what could be hidden for her – she bullied by forbidding
opening shutters and punishing be refusing a dinner or a supper. The personnel got a real hell for pretending not to notice those supplies through the
window. - I had about 60 straw mattresses and thirty something pillows stored. All vaporized for de-lousing, patched and hidden in the “rewir” shelter.
I used it to supplement a lot of pallets rotting there, especially under patients with diarrhoea. Well, to no avail as that monster got in her head that all
shall be thrown away. There was no way to convince her, as she answered that “new pallets” are on the way. I was crying as water fall as I knew that
one could not expect any “new supplies”. And so it was.
During patient visits, Lisa sat at the table playing with, and cuddling a cat. While she addressed cat fondly, she checked prisoners' numbers noted on
the card prepared by block leaders who took prisoners to the “rewir.” Pity deserved anyone whose number on the card did not match number on her
dress (e.g. numbers noted in hurry, in wrong order). She roared then on the block leader, stroke-through name of the patient on the list, and chased
away that patient not allowing for her any doctor assistance. Sometimes she could shriek on nurses who just bandaged the sick, that they do not econ-
omize on bandages (made of paper, going to pieces just after leaving the “rewir”), on ointments etc. She face-slapped prisoners, sometimes nurses, but
in case some bleeding victim of Aufseher got there – she demonstrated just opposite: she herself arranged a dressing, patted friendly prisoner's shoul-
der, and sent me out to get immediately name of that “cruel guard”, whom she Lisa will denounce in Ravensbrück for direct removal from the camp.
She did not intervene concerning patients in the “rewir”. It allowed us in the beginning, when we were still not overcrowded, to keep patients longer
time there, registering of course high fever despite that person was fever-free. Lisa rushed in only suddenly into the sick-hall, or to the rooms and in
case she noted cups to be warmed on a stove, she threw all on the floor. In case she noted anybody at the “rewir” windows, she ordered immediate
shutting of the shutters, and forbade issuing dinner or supper to that hall or room. We were then watched that we followed her orders. Patients with
high fever were often thirsty and willingly drunk warm coffee, as they could not eat anyway. I took it up at the kitchen while talking with a kitchen
guard. She ordered me to inform Lisa that they will all time keep in the kitchen about 100 litre coffee for that purpose, and we are welcome at a day
time to fetch that coffee. I was happy to inform Lisa on that but this tormentor did not allow for that, saying that those sick must drink only morning
and evening time, i.e. when coffee was normally served. They shall drink it right away, not hiding it for later occasion.
Morning time, 4:00 AM, were hours of “unofficial” patient visits, arranged by us. We did namely injections of calcium, we could trade it for food from
parcels with civilian Germans when contacting them at the factory. The calcium was part of so called auto - chemotherapy, often refused by Lisa, while
Polish Research Institute Date of the protocol:
at Lund University, Sweden Vrigstad, 17th
January, 1946
Testimony of the witness: XXXXXXXXXX Protocol No. 149
Page 7 of 22
the doctor considered it indicated. Patients came for that treatment illegally at 4:00 AM, as we were nearly sure that no authorities will show up. But
despite of that I stood always on watch.
Gradually as time went by, conditions got worse and worse. The “rewir” was more and more crowded, which led to lousiness. Two “rewir” blankets
were issued for a bed, with blanket covers, sheets and cases. When more than one patient was assigned to the bed, we were forced to get patients with
their block blankets, most often verminous, and without any means to get cases to set blankets in. Prior to Dr. TROMER's visit form Ravensbrück,
leading always to new transports of patients, our physician discharged patients who stayed there over too long time. In such a way to save them from
the transport and finally premature death.
Transports of patients during Lisa's reign were arranged in a still relatively humane way. The lorry arrived to the “rewir”, and loading of those selected
was restricted to some jabs, punches and normal shouting : “Weiter, weiter, schnell ...” Earlier loading of patients – who had to be carried, pulled or
supported, all the long way to the camp gate – was assisted by Aufseherin SCHÖBER, called “Alosha” by the Russians, Oberaufseherin PIELEN Em-
ma, and later on successor of FRAEDE Edith. SCHÖBER and FRAEDE distinguished themselves by beating and kicking, while pushing those unfor-
tunates on the lorry.
Early on, the deceased, naked, wrapped in a blanket, were carried to a shed next to the delousing room, and then loaded on the lorry sent from Ravens-
brück. On the same occasions new loads of shoes, clogs and other clothes were delivered, or other materials we were endlessly short on. We got some
notion that first when somebody dies at the “rewir”, we can get some clothes. Thanks God, it happened rather seldom, as you can see from the list of
deceased I compiled (see Annex.) The cadavers were loaded on the lorries accompanied by laughter and jokes by that SCHÖBER and SS-men. They
threw boxes, barrels etc., on the top of the bodies.
Starting with 4th
December, 1944 they ended sending deceased to Ravensbrück crematory. They started burying them at the local cemetery, in a field at
the outskirts of the town of NEUBRANDENBURG. Coffins were initially coarse but of a planed wood, some sawdust on the bottom, paper sheet and
long paper shirt. Later on short jacket only, with lower part covered by the sheet. Afterwords empty coffins only were provided, and eventually huge
boxes of raw wood, with most often two or three bodies placed inside.
Beginning September 1944, transports of evacuated Warsaw started to arrive. As there was less and less work at the factory, women of those transports
were employed at digging trenches, mainly at so called DATZENBERG. Work there was proceeding on two shifts, days and nights. Illuminated by
strong spot lights, in rainy autumn days and December frosts of 1944, then January, February 1945. The women poorly dressed, no woollen wear, in
shoes with wholes through and in worn out clogs, often with no stockings, bare heads, literally in shreds of rags. Miserable as they arrived, the women
fell as flies, as can be seen on the enclosed lists: the 50th, 60th and 70th thousands are from evacuated Warsaw. In March, 1945 evacuated Warsaw was
called out by numbers, except of a few young girls working at the factory. All to be send out in a transport, allegedly to freedom, supposedly to work in
Germany but as free civilians.
On the 27th
April, 1945 camp evacuation was ordered, before noon time all remaining materials from the store were given out, and from the kitchen, a
loaf of bread, piece (½ kg) margarine and 2 small round rings cheeses per person. All in extreme hurry, so blocks 10 to 15 got nothing and supplies (for
them) were loaded on the wagon. Red Cross parcels were as well not distributed, only loaded on another wagon where Lisa and her entourage settled
as well with all outfit taken from Ravensbrück and by us laundered, ironed, needled and mended. Nothing was missing there; quilts of fluff, bed and
table clothes, curtains – all with laces and embroidery. All camp decided that we will not go for evacuation – we all will stay where we are. At about 3
(AM ?) Lisa showed up at the ”rewir” and yelled on the personnel to get out. Our physician answered that she will not leave the patients. At that mo-
ment Hauptmann came in, his name to me unknown – he was a soldier of Wehrmacht, type camp commander, meaningless person of rather no authori-
ty; never addressed a commander, but only Hauptmann. They agreed with Lisa that Russian and Yugoslav personnel will stay with the doctor, but
Polish personnel will be evacuated. We got into wait and see attitude, just to see what the rest of the camp will do.
6 PM to 1 AM the march was arranged: pursuits, shooting, and dragging out those resisting. About 8 [PM ?] the Oberaufseherin appeared on bicycle at
the “rewir”, to get informed by the Russian doctor that she had permission of both Hauptmann and Lisa to stay put with all patients including part of
the personnel as well. Oberaufseherin, apparently not caring about, just left without checking out if all others left. About 1 [AM ?] everything silenced.
We then set on to the kitchen and warehouses, carrying until morning all goods to the “rewir”, just to secure us against the hunger (in Lisa's room we
found stored many vitamin preparations and a lot of sugar, which we distributed to the patients. Vitamins if given earlier could perhaps save more than
one life only.) Actually about 250 persons managed to hide, there were mainly Russians including leader of block 9, Russian as well. They then set on
robbing expedition.
Next day on 28th
April, 1945, a guard arrived with a German physician, who himself
was prisoner of 8 years. They asked for medicaments and food as they were left with 11 sick prisoners. To make things simpler, sick male prisoners
were transported over to blocks 10 and 15 – closest to the “rewir”. The remaining, about 250 persons, were placed there as well at a “rewir II”. About
11 [AM?], while I in personnel's kitchen prepared dinner for the “rewir”, while block 9 leader for her 250 people in a big cauldron – a Swedish officer
entered there accompanied by a Gestapo man, pretty civilised one – we got an impression that he just wore Gestapo cap only. The Gestapo left, leaving
with us the Swedish officer to arrange our transport.
The transport was supposed to take only French, Belgian, Dutch and Polish women and a few men including 4 Poles. He promised to send 5 vehicles.
At the noon bombing raids started, artillery started at 5 [PM?]. We go down to shelters, prepare pallets and carry all patients down. 5 vehicles stand
there already prepared, at the kitchen, but chief and drivers (Norwegian, former prisoners) discuss if they should start now for night drive, or wait till
morning. Artillery sounded stronger and stronger, fires visible afar, a general alarm. It decides that morning can be too late, as Soviet army allegedly is
5 km away. We start, then at 10 PM - 29th
April – arrive in Lübeck; exactly 5 years after my arresting (29th
April, 1940) I regain my freedom.
Polish Research Institute Date of the protocol:
at Lund University, Sweden Vrigstad, 17th
January, 1946
Testimony of the witness: XXXXXXXXXX Protocol No. 149
Page 9 of 22
On the Swedish merchant ship LILI MATHIESEN we left on 30th
April, 1945 for Trelleborg, where we arrived on 2nd
May, 1945. Beside the “rewir”
personnel and the patients, not counting Russians, Yugoslavs and Czechs, only 8 were saved of those evacuated by other vehicles of Red Cross which
we met in Lübeck. Beside them we met in Lübeck many of our companions from Ravensbrück and from other camps.
5 weeks before the end, they sent to our “rewir” from Ravensbrück, Polish physician Dr. Irena Biała (Miss Białówna) known of her brave and efficient
help in Oświęcim [Auschwitz] – unfortunately she was too late to help so many fading patients.
Besides above mentioned Aufsehers, I still remember DEDLER – SCHRENK – KÜHN, 62-years old witch, torturing people. HERRMANN RUPP,
Oberscharfführer JACOB – Rottenführer PETER and Josef STAFFA.
After that our deceased were not sent anymore to Ravensbrück, “Lisa” ordered pulling out gold teeth of the corpses (obviously they did that in Ravens-
brück). First of such operations was performed by our dentist who got by this completely devastated. She did it in the locked dentist office on deceased
Ryczanowska, No. 75905. Our poor dentist, trembling, could not set on doing it, until “Lisa” in kind of sympathy covered with towel opened eyes of
the deceased and said sorry, but they must do it by order of the higher instances.
I must mention as well a terrible incident with a young French woman, Tourtey Denise. Sick and with high fever, she was sent by her foreman from her
workplace to the shelter, letting her as unable to work, rest there until the end of night shift. The Aufseherin, whose name I unfortunately do not know,
beat and kicked her for that so severely that the unconscious victim had to be carried the same night to the “rewir”. She had typhus symptoms. Physi-
cian took some samples and sent these for analysis to Ravensbrück. Three days later she died, 22 years young, student of medicine, widow's from Mo-
rocco single child. The only offence of the girl was her desire to return to her mother and stepfather. While trying to get to Morocco, she was intercept-
ed and arrested on the Spanish border. A week later negative result of analysis returned from Ravensbrück. It was clear then that she died of internal
abdomen injuries caused by vicious kicking.
A Russian lady PICZUGHINA, wife of the Russian deputy minister of transportation (as our doctor informed us), stayed at the “rewir” stricken by ex-
haustion. One day she got seizures of madness, starting then her mental illness. Despite all doctor´s petitions to send the patient to Ravensbrück, she
was held for a day at the “rewir” where, because of her, no one could do normal work. At nights she was locked in a small closet next to the de-lousing
room. She demolished all around her, wounding herself and howling all nights in a non-human way. People in nearby barracks could not sleep. Despite
several occasions to send her to Ravensbrück, they held her in for several weeks causing her terrible suffering and distress for all people around.
In our camp, in the “rewir”, two normal childbirths took place, not counting several miscarriages. Normally, prisoners when expecting were sent to
Ravensbrück, but there were cases when pregnancies were kept secret by prisoners, who counted on a near end of the war. In January 1945, a young
Polish woman was brought to the “rewir” in really the last moment. She was beaten at the admission on head and face by mad Lisa; but at night she
gave birth to the little girl, the girl I nearly immediately baptised with water. Six weeks later both mother and child were sent back to Ravensbrück. The
mother, Irena Organowska, I found on the list of those saved in Sweden, but without the child. Next childbirth was given by a Russian.
Newborns were placed in a private room and carried to mothers for nursing. Mothers laying in the hall, produced almost no breast milk, despite that they got extra nutrition. Babies were fed by us from a bottle; we managed to get one from civilian Germans. Notwithstanding various kinds of milk, powder milk included, in lack of anything else mixed up with gruel , the girl developed well while the Russian boy ailed. When three weeks later he and his mother were to be sent back to Ravensbrück, German nun nurse and me, being alone with him, baptised that little Bol-shevik with water.
At the end time the following Poles were employed in the “rewir”: physician Dr. Irena Białówna, dentist Zofia Cudekowa, nurses Helena Śląz Szeszko,
Maria Kossko, Hanna Kalinowska, Krystyna Tyszkiewicz, Gertruda Ostrowska and the undersigned.
I must point out here that in our camp, especially in WALDBAULAGER which was initially part of our camp, clothing was just scandalous, underwear
sometimes completely not available. Prisoners had to wash by themselves the underwear and dresses they got, in cold water without soap – i.e. to rinse
it simply or to scrub it on the planks with floor brushes. Dresses got torn with no replace available. Private underwear sent in parcels, was robbed often
in a bathroom by Russians and Ukrainians. It happened many times that those robbed of their property ran, naked and in tears, to the "rewir" for help. I
stopped conveying to the warehouse belongings of those who died, and after de-lousing I kept these in the “rewir” having that way means to rescue
companions in camp misery. Because of that I had some clashes with the warehouse manager, but as she was a Pole, she finally got a picture of the
general situation and contrived herself to fix things as far as possible. Because of the bad clothing lousiness was on a catastrophic level mainly in
WALDBAULAGER. Women who came to the “rewir”, had literally head wounds and scabs, where lice had to be picked out or washed out. Already in
Sweden, I was talking about that with with my companions from Ravensbrück. They told me that sick patients sent there from our camps, especially
from WALDBAULAGER, were in the worst state concerning lice and clothes.
Our camp went on foot, evacuated in direction of MALCHOW, the same with camp WALDBAULAGER, and small camp for men who lived at the
factory. Above mentioned 8 persons not from the “rewir” who were picked up on the road by the Swedish Red Cross – told me they met people evacu-
ated from WALDBAULAGER. It is probable that these evacuees returned to their camps occupied then by Russians, as relying on the response given
to Miss Elżbieta Tyszkiewicz, who via London sought fate of her mother and the rest of her family. Beside that I got [on the same matter] a letter from
Belgium by a Belgian friend who was evacuated in the same group with us.
Read, signed and confirmed
Polish Research Institute Date of the protocol:
at Lund University, Sweden Vrigstad, 17th
January, 1946
Testimony of the witness: XXXXXXXXXX Protocol No. 149
Page 11 of 22
(Signed) (Signed)
Bożysław Kurowski, XXXXXXXXXX,
the witness
Notes of the one taking the record:
The witness makes an impression of a person who is intelligent and fully responsible for her words. The testimonies were recorded initially by myself,
but from page 3 on, by the witness herself. The witness testimony is based on her own notes started in her notebook already at the camp. From the
same notes she copied records of those deceased at the “rewir”, all in the annex to this protocol.
I got from her to see her small notebook with well and orderly managed notes. After going with the witness through first pages of her notes, my further
inquiries resulted in the witness clarifications and completions of a few additional items on the few following pages [Annexes].
The testimony provides accordingly exceedingly trustworthy factual material concerning NEU-BRANDENBURG camp.
(Signed) Bożysław Kurowski,
Institute Assistant
For conformance of the copy with the manuscript:
(Signature) Bożysław Kurowski,
Institute Assistant
Stamp of Polish Research Institute in Lund
LISA KRZOK, so called “Braune Schwester”, was sent by RAVENSBRÜCK to manage sick-bay
[here “rewir”] of the NEUBRANDENBURG (Mecklenburg) camp in August 1944. She stayed in
that position until camp evacuation on 27th
April, 1945.
In a similar way as many other Germans, men and women, holding various functions in concentra-
tion camps, both ordered to do so, and as well of own criminal intention, breathing hatred and con-
tempt to everything and all being not German – LISA KRZOK committed the following crimes in
the camp or sick-bay of NEUBRANDENBURG:
1. While beating in face or head, for no reason at all she threw prisoners out from the clinic,
coming for advise or for wound dressings, just according to her whims. It was enough the prisoner
being deplorably dressed – while clothing in the whole camp was fearful. There were neither un-
derwear nor clothes available and prisoners had literally no underwear and were dressed in tattered
clothes, without stockings or in some rags on legs. Minor offences, as mixed up digits between
prisoner's number listed by the block manager and on the prisoner's dress were enough to refuse
care and to throw away feverish or wounded patient back to the block. Lists of care seeking patients
were prepared by the block managers rather in hurry, at poor lighting, or during blackouts at the
alarms – accordingly mistakes were pretty plausible.
I do remember her beating on face and head a Pole, Irena Organowska, because she kept her preg-
nancy secret. Beating and yelling 3 hours prior to birth-giving led the victim to nervous breakdown.
2. She punished patients in the sick-bay by shutting shutters and by starvation. In the over-
crowded barrack of the sick-bay (2 or 3 patients on the same bed) shutters were ordered at nights to
be locked, then by her punishment even at the daytime were patients refused fresh air as well, all in
stuffiness of diarrhoea and phlegmon. At the same time she refused distribution of food for the pun-
ished hall or room. In case of a special mercy she allowed food several hours later, e.g. moving
noon dinner to the evening, the dinner was cold already and fermented. Punishments were caused
by the prisoners walking close by not fenced sick-bay, often just to see in the window sick relatives,
friends, to inquire about their health or to provide them with milk. Milk came from the prisoners
working in the factory section for electro plating, exposed there to corroding acids. To compensate
for that they got ¼ litre of skimmed milk [daily] they could renounce for sick relatives, friends or
barter it for bread.
3. The room assigned to tuberculosis, area 2 x 3 m, 4 bunk beds, i.e. place for eight persons,
was occupied by 35 patients - laying there or rather squatting on the floor. At the same time she
took away from patients two rooms, one just for herself, sitting there except for nights, watching us.
The other room for part of the personnel who could just as well come to work walking. Lisa
KRZOK placed as well healthy patients in the remaining room for tuberculosis, prisoners ordered
there to be wasted, usually after camp inspection by the infamous RAMDOR from the “Politische
Abteilung” in RAVENSBRÜCK. Kasia Olszewska was such a victim, healthy, young, brave Pole
from French emigration.
4. Transports of patients to RAVENSBRÜCK were scheduled each time some days after in-
spection by Dr. TROMER from RAVENSBRÜCK, assigning those to be taken. Dr. TROMER
should be found among criminals to be prosecuted. The transports took place in scandalous condi-
tions; on the open platforms, with no relevant coverings or bedding; all accompanied by punching,
kicking, those sick tormented all time by roll call and number control.
Polish Research Institute
at Lund University, Sweden ANNEX 1, to Protocol No. 149
Testimony by XXXXXXXXXX:
LISA KRZOK's activities in the sick-bay of the concentration camp NEUBRANDENBURG –
Mecklenburg
Date of the testimony: Uttran, 25th March, 1947
Page 13 of 22
5. SS-man PETER from parcel storage, together with the LISA KRZOK confiscated from
prisoners' parcels: medicaments, vitamins, sugar, fats, powder milk – even bread, supposedly for
needs of the sick-bay. Admittedly for an appearance only, she distributed negligible portions of vit-
amins to some patients and ordered sometimes to cook some powdered milk. After she left at the
camp evacuation, we found in her room big amount of vitamins and sugar, and distributed all to pa-
tients, together with Russian physician Valentina Federovna Birukova. The vitamins if distributed
earlier could save more than one life.
LISA KRZOK left when evacuated on the wagon loaded with stolen of RAVENSBRÜCK prisoner
underwear, laces, curtains and various other things, there as well food parcels from the Red Cross
never as in other camps distributed to evacuated prisoners. Those parcels apparently never reached
starving, rushed on foot evacuees. Testimony on that matter could be given by Marta Migawa who
worked in camp bread store (Brotkammer), and travelled on another wagon with bread together
with other warehouse workers and the Aufseherin SCHRENK from the camp kitchen. Migawa with
Polish companions, when seeing Swedish Red Cross car passing by, jumped off the wagon and ig-
noring Aufseherin's calls to return, escaped – and as the only ones from the evacuated NEUBRAN-
DENBURG camp were saved to Sweden. In the meantime they returned to Poland, and only Marta
Migawa is still in Sweden – her address: Marta Migawa, c/o Norrgren, Blomsterodling, Harplinge,
Halland.
6. LISA KRZOK forced dentist, Zofia Cudekowa, to pull out gold teeth from deceased.
7. LISA KRZOK held the personnel being unwell, with high fever, at a day long hard work.
The undersigned, then already 47 years old, worked through 10 days between 6 AM and 10 PM,
having fever of 39.5o C, curing myself over nights with strong powders lowering temperature down
to 38o C by heavy sweating. The treatment that weakened badly my heart and body, could lead to
death just as it happened to Dutch nurse Jeanette van Den Berg. She worked over longer time with
flu, and when they finally laid her, she had typhus symptoms. She developed pneumonia and having
weak heart she died 28th
December, 1944. She was buried on the field, 10th
grave in line.
8. Can state with complete certainty, that LISA KRZOK with merciless premeditation de-
stroyed the second Dutch nurse Dagmar Driebe. Dagmar sacrificed herself for patients completely,
with whole generosity and skills, but she could not hide from LISA KRZOK with played indiffer-
ence her feelings for the patients. Lisa could not tolerate it and finally threw the nurse from the sick-
bay directly to heavy labour at the trenches. Delicate, highly cultural but of a weak health Dagmar,
deprived proper clothes and nourishment, worked just as hundreds of other prisoners through frosty
nights at trenches of so called Datzeberg. After some time she returned to the sick-bay, but this time
as the patient. On the day of our liberation by the Swedish Red Cross - 28th
April, 1945 – she was
already dying. Cars of the Red Cross couldn't take her as of lack of space only persons able to sit
could be taken. She is buried probably nearby the sick-bay, as after the camp was evacuated, we had
to bury deceased on the terrain of the camp.
I take full responsibility for truthfulness of my above testimony; being sick-bay employee from the
very beginning 7th
July, 1943 to 28th
April, 1945, I am the eye witness of LISA KRZOK activities.
On all that, I am ready to take an oath.
(Signed)
XXXXXXXXXX / The witness
Uttran, Söderberg, Sjukhus [hospital], Dpt. I
25th
March, 1947
For conformance with the original:
(Signature of H. Dziedzicka)
Institute Assistant
Stamp of Polish Research Institute in Lund
Copyright Polish Research Institute
at Lund University, Sweden ANNEX 2, to Protocol No. 149
by XXXXXXXXXX:
List of deceased at the sick-bay of the concentration camp NEUBRANDENBURG – Meck-
lenburg
Page 15 of 22
Reception
date (dd-mm-yy)
Prisoner's
number
Block
no.
Name
(Family , First name)
Nationality Date of
death (dd-mm-yy)
Deceased of this page were transported to the Ravensbrück crematory
17-09-1943 7437 2 Zając, Jadwiga Polish 14-10-1943
08-10-1943 22133 X Katzowa, Rožena Czech 14-12-1943
12-01-1944 22460 III Tourtey Denise French 15-01-1944
05-01-1944 22186 X Spurna Anna Czech 12-03-1944
25-02-1944 25004 VI Cernej Anica Yugoslav 03-05-1944
28-02-1944 26605 X Wasusilowa Maria Czech 12-05-1944
04-03-1944 7827 II Bolesławska Polish 31-05-1944
20-03-1944 20340 IV Bukowska Helena Polish 09-07-1944
18-07-1944 229? IV Korthals Polish 24-07-1944
26-07-1944 22174 X Brauleva Czech 22-08-1944
17-08-1944 30975 W.L.2 Arestowa Russian 26-08-1944
15-09-1944 42647 III De Winter Belgian 04-10-1944
26-10-1944 60309 II Pałczyńska Polish 26-10-1944
31-10-1944 60254 II Tarnowska Polish 08-11-1944
06-10-1944 18412 W.L. Sirkowa Russian 11-11-1944
31-10-1944 19369 W.L. Béconier French 02-11-1944
Not at the
sick-bay
49158 V Kozakiewicz
(suicide victim, threw herself under the train)
Russian
(POW)
03-10-1944
Not at the
sick-bay
? III Kostrzewa Maria (died in her block at night)
Polish 21-11-1943
Deceased listed below were buried at the cemetery or next to cemetery in Neubrandenburg
04-12-1944 75817 W.L. Rybicka Polish 04-12-1944
07-12-1944 34338 W.L. Ignaszek Polish 08-12-1944
15-12-1944 75905 W.L. Ryczanowska Polish 15-12-1944
18-12-1944 76072 W.L. Chomenko Polish 22-12-1944
2 W.L. - the prisoner from WaldbauLager
Reception
date (dd-mm-yy)
Prisoner's
number
Block
no.
Name
(Family , First name)
Nationality Date of
death (dd-mm-yy)
19-12-1944 47122 W.L. Aseuf French 23-12-1944
23-12-1944 47122 W.L. Noireaux (Admiral's nephew) French 24-12-1944
27-12-1944 47348 W.L. Ghenic French 27-12-1944
27-12-1944 65603 W.L. Popielewska Polish 27-12-1944
12-12-1944 37364 W.L. Podoroga Polish 27-12-1944
19-12-1944 57681 Nurse at
sick-bay van den Berg, Jeanette Dutch 28-12-1944
25-10-1944 58525 II Szymańska Polish 29-12-1944
29-12-1944 49404 XIV Szadurska Polish 30-12-1944
27-12-1944 47139 W.L. Disertaeu French 10-01-1945
27-12-1944 31134 W.L. Jerschowa Russian 13-01-1945
09-10-1944 66249 II Zawadzka Halina Polish 22-01-1945
02-01-1945 20428 I Hujwanówna Anila Polish 06-01-1945
06-01-1945 31115 W.L. Cjatsch Ukrainian 06-01-1945
14-12-1944 15515 W.L. Derkacz Ukrainian 10-01-1945
06-01-1945 19298 III Fournier French (English family)
10-01-1945
06-01-1945 20590 W.L. Szachnowska Ukrainian 13-01-1945
15-01-1945 66022 W.L. Fort Polish 19-01-1945
21-01-1945 60380 II Gruberska Polish 22-01-1945
25-11-1944 65234 W.L. Augustyniak Polish 22-01-1945
23-01-1945 33374 W.L. Hisuk Ukrainian 27-01-1945
30-01-1945 36444 XV Iskra Polish 05-02-1945
02-02-1945 60215 II Gajewska Polish 07-02-1945
05-02-1945 47182 W.L. Salimon French 09-02-1945
06-02-1945 38123 II Chlebosz Polish 12-02-1945
09-02-1945 39759 I Wrzosek Polish 13-02-1945
13-02-1945 60363 VIII Orłowska Polish 16-02-1945
12-02-1945 49250 IX Goniewicz Polish 17-02-1945
14-02-1945 58122 VII Szot Polish 19-02-1945
16-02-1945 8877 II Szmigielska Polish 19-02-1945
15-02-1945 77388 XIV Paparini Italian 21-02-1945
12-02-1945 13915 VII Rewiakowa Russian 25-02-1945
Copyright Polish Research Institute
at Lund University, Sweden ANNEX 2, to Protocol No. 149
by XXXXXXXXXX:
List of deceased at the sick-bay of the concentration camp NEUBRANDENBURG – Meck-
lenburg
Page 17 of 22
Reception
date (dd-mm-yy)
Prisoner's
number
Block
no.
Name
(Family , First name)
Nationality Date of
death (dd-mm-yy)
19-02-1945 59308 VIII Michel Polish 25-02-1945
18-02-1945 65859 VIII Kijko Polish 26-02-1945
05-02-1945 47204 III Trelisse French 25-02-1945
26-02-1945 60297 VIII Kusbad Polish 27-02-1945
27-02-1945 59361 VIII Michałowska Polish 27-02-1945
08-02-1945 47126 III Bigar French 28-02-1945
19-02-1945 60364 VIII Walkowska Polish 28-02-1945
08-02-1945 65766 VIII Zarębska Polish 28-02-1945
18-02-1945 3114 VIII Armandu French (German family)
02-03-1945
16-02-1945 75955 VIII Banasek Polish 03-03-1945
09-01-1945 66031 W.L. Bem Polish 03-03-1945
27-02-1945 47172 VII Poef French 04-03-1945
05-03-1945 96698 IX Kufel Polish 07-03-1945
17-01-1945 75801 IV Wójcicka Polish 08-03-1945
05-02-1945 56682 IX Hausmann German 09-03-1945
06-03-1945 47166 IX Niox French 11-03-1945
02-03-1945 19427 IX Fort, M. French 13-03-1945
13-03-1945 47369 W.L. Pagnot French 14-03-1945
05-02-1945 83206 IX Barabas Polish 13-03-1945
08-03-1945 30492 IX Piech Polish 17-03-1945
11-03-1945 83223 IX Konowalenko Russian 18-03-1945
10-03-1945 47152 IX Hardwig French 19-03-1945
20-03-1945 47191 W.L. Kamieniec French
(of Polish origin) 20-03-1945
26-02-1945 96737 IV Blumental Polish 21-03-1945
14-03-1945 12360 II Tomaszewska (from Poznań) Polish 23-03-1945
24-02-1945 33850 II Tkaschowa Russian 27-03-1945
Reception
date (dd-mm-yy)
Prisoner's
number
Block
no.
Name
(Family , First name)
Nationality Date of
death (dd-mm-yy)
04-03-1945 47137 IX Delier French 27-03-1945
08-03-1945 81139 IX Chojnacka Polish 27-03-1945
03-03-1945 62243 VII Bramberek Polish 30-03-1945
26-02-1945 96339 IV Majewska Polish 30-03-1945
08-03-1945 47144 IX Fillol French 03-04-1945
06-02-1945 96796 W.L. Szewczyk Polish 04-04-1945
16-01-1945 77326 W.L. Gotardy Italian 05-04-1945
13-03-1945 20279 II Kwasek Russian 05-04-1945
16-01-1945 77380 W.L. Negretti Italian 06-04-1945
25-01-1945 13704 III Kieza Polish 07-04-1945
12-03-1945 42658 III Del Marcel Belgian 09-04-1945
14-03-1945 26539 II Mocar Ukrainian 10-04-1945
28-02-1945 22465 IX Uçandusage French 12-04-1945
09-03-1945 30887 IX Bernaszewicz Polish 14-04-1945
21-02-1945 47157 IX Lamourens French 14-04-1945
09-03-1945 81182 IX Ratajczak Polish 14-04-1945
22-02-1945 22188 XV Zarschenko Russian 19-04-1945
14-02-1945 42624 III Van Rossum Belgian 20-04-1945
10-04-1945 47317 IX Petufise French 21-04-1945
20-04-1945 47145 IX Frické French 22-04-1945
09-03-1945 49201 XIV Bartusik Polish 23-04-1945
14-03-1945 42554 IV Bauvois Belgian 25-04-1945
TOTALLY: 101 deceased, and there:
Polish: 50 Ukrainian: 5 Italian: 3
French: 23 Belgian: 4 Dutch: 1
Russian: 9 Czechs: 4 Yugoslav: 1
Germans: 1
Polish Research Institute
at Lund University, Sweden ANNEX 3, to Protocol No. 149
by XXXXXXXXXX:
Names of prisoners transported “out to nowhere” from the concentration camp RA-
VENSBRÜCK
Page 19 of 22
Transport date (dd-mm-yy)
Group
of ..
Names of the transported Notes
24-01-1942 11 Danielewicz Elżbieta; Darecka Hanna;
Kwiecińska Zofia; Kieszkowska Miec-
zysława; Kanczew Halina; Czyżewska Ha-
lina; Żukowska Kamila; Krupska
Władysława; Wawer Maria; Rywczak Hel-
ena; Tokarska Maria;
Warszawa transport,
taken over to Pawiak
[prison] and executed
29-05-1942
04-02-1942 3 Wiśniewska Maria; Niemiec Sabina;
Chaczanow Chane (?)
Warszawa transport,
seriously diseased
06-02-1942 2 Pecolt; Garbacka Warszawa transport
13-02-1942 3 Krasucka Flora; Toruńczyk Guta; Szulden-
rein Chane (?)
Warsazawa transport
of Jews.
18-04-1942 13 Apcio Maria; Chrostowska Apolonia<
Chrostowska Grażyna; Sekuła Romana;
Dobrowolska Maria;Adamiak Eugenia;
Woźniewska Maria Muciek; Rodecka Emi-
lia; Żytek Regina; Grabska Maria; Wer-
socka Józefa; Banowa Kazimiera
Lublin transport
18-04-1942 2 Krąkowska Wanda; Skowrońska
Władysława;
Executed 29-05-42 (?)
in Warszawa after be-
ing taken there from
Ravensbrück.
07-0 7-1942 6 Falkowska Ewa; Jędrzejczak Janina;
Kisielewska Kazimiera; Szenart Genowefa;
Palocka; Wilamowska
16-07-1942 4 Czech Stanisława; Kęszycka Józefa; Nie-
mirycz Krystyna, Paluszek
Warszawa transport
17-07-1942 3 Staniszewska Halina; Ćwiek Rozalia;
Abramek Janina
Warszawa transport
Transport date (dd-mm-yy)
Group
of ..
Names of the transported Notes
07-09-1942 5 Grzesiak Zofia; Paczkowska Zofia;
Wiktorska Anna; Wójcik Bronisława;
Potocka Maria.
25-09-1942 8 Jachimowicz Stefania; Bozkowska Janina;
Dembowska Henryka; Dembowska
Małgorzta; Boska Janina; Polakowska
Wanda; Kiełska Zenobia; Reglewicz Anna
03-10-1942 5 Cabaj – 2 sisters; Poborcew – 2 sisters
from Tomaszów Mazowiecki; Brodzik Ma-
ria from Spała
09-11-1942 1 Głuszcz Janina Warszawa transport
January 1943 Koniecpolska Anastazja wounded
15-12-1942 7 Drągowska Maria; Dudnik Irena; Wiśniew-
ska Władysława; Łagodzińska Wacława;
Pobiediedzińska Jadwiga; Różańska Janina;
Palczewska Irena
Warszawa transport
23-12-1942 1 Napiórkowska Janina Warszawa transport
10-02-1943 2 Gnaś Helena; Gnaś Maria Lublin transport
11-02-1943 7 Brandt Janina; Górska Janina; Woźniak
Stanisława; Wendołowska Halina; Kiepus
Lucyna; Pajęczkowska Maria; Leontiew
Kazimiera
15-03-1943 7 Matyjanka Anna; Bonder Janina; Szczęsna
Wanda; Seradowska Juliana; Rydel Helena;
Hołownia Danuta; Hübner Zofia.
29-04-1943 5 Sawicz Helena; Ernest Helena; Błędzka
Stefania; Litwinowicz Jadwiga; Cieślak
Helena.
28-09-1943 3 Gutek Rozalia; Rakowska; Kazanowska
04-01-1945 5 Lipińska Zofia; Wohlfart Halina; Wielgocka
Jadwiga; Sokołowska Irena; Remiszewska
Polish Research Institute
at Lund University, Sweden ANNEX 3, to Protocol No. 149
by XXXXXXXXXX:
Names of prisoners transported “out to nowhere” from the concentration camp RA-
VENSBRÜCK
Page 21 of 22
The above list does not cover all transports; we tried anyway to collect as detailed [prisoners'] data
as possible. It is possible, there are some of colleagues who have the similar lists, e.g. Mrs Salska.
She arrived with the next transport after our, after the Ravensbrück camp was liquidated. She was
collected by the Swedish Red Cross in woods of Neusterlitz.
[Text of this annex was available as manuscript only. The translation is incomplete, including only
main information that could be here deciphered.]
Sick-bay – HALL 1
Chenclewska Wiktoria: death certificate.
Additional information on her family:
Mother - Chenclewska Anna, 65 y. – died at Lublin castle
Father – Chenclewski Bolesław, 69 y. – died, beaten to death in Włodawa prison.
Sister – Chenclewska Kazimiera, 24 y. - died at Lublin castle.
Brother in law – Kazanecki Marian, 32 y. - died at Lublin castle.
Sister – Kazanecka Leokadia, 33 y. - executed in Ravensbrück.
Sister – Chenclewska Jadwiga, 22 y.- executed in Ravensbrück.
Metzgar Irena, Nr.8364 – [her mother's data] – died 26-02-1945 in Ravensbrück on typhoid
fever and tuberculosis
Metzger Irena 8364 accuses: Auf[seher] Krentzer Renate, 19 y. [her appearance in German]
Wieczorek Janina Nr 8016 – (she was in Eberswalde).
Death certificate Stryjewska Władysława, 25 y., born in Częstochowa [her data concerning studies,
work at the ”rewir”, taken to Eberwalde, develops fever 40oC, no help, pneumonia, tuberculosis
when taken to the ”rewir” dies a day after]
Tadrzak Czesława Nr. 8196 (b. 10-10-1923) accuses: Wileus (?) SS-Scharführer, c.a. 40 y.
Wachenführer [appearance described] – tormenting prisoners by beating in face, threatening to kill
with a gun.
Description of Eberswalde
Population 900 prisoners, there 420 Poles. [Sleeping conditions, crowded not heated rooms, hygien-
ic conditions, nutrition. 12 h workday and night shifts in factory of airplane spare parts. Foremen
beating sometimes, Aufsehers in the camp very often. Punishments in bunkers, by starvation, pour-
ing water, several hours stand ups. Only last moment, just before death treatments at the ”rewir”.
Seriously sick transported to Ravensbrück]