BINDURA UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE EDUCATION

Name: Doreen KamwendoRegistration Number: B1027905Programme: Master of Science in International Relations (MIR)Year: 2012

Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case study of Epworth District.

1

RESEARCH PROPOSAL

1.1 Background of the Study

The face of the African continent has been characterised by numerous social, economic and

political challenges which have put it on the spotlight for humanitarian intervention from the

international community. Whiteside (2002) postulates that humanitarian assistance has come

in the continent as a panacea so that the standards of living for the ordinary African improve.

Below is a description of the social, economic and political realities in Africa that have

necessitated the need for humanitarian intervention:

1.1.1 Social Realities

Whiteside (2002) points out that HIV and AIDS is the major threat to development, economic

growth and poverty alleviation in Sub Saharan Africa. In addition to the HIV and AIDS

pandemic, the scourge of disease has also ravaged the continent with three million people

reported to have died in 2001 making it the world’s 4 th biggest cause of death after heart

disease, stroke and acute lower respiratory infection. Over 70% of the world’s forty million

people living with HIV/ AIDS are in Africa. Economic theorists predict that HIV/ AIDS

reduce labour supplies and productivity, reduces exports and increases imports. In light of

this, the pandemic has already reduced average national economic growth rates by 2 – 4% a

year across Africa which increases poverty in the continent that is already impoverished

(Dixon 2002). According to SAfAIDS (2012), in 2011, indications were that 34% of all

people living with HIV in the world lived in the Southern African Development Community

(SADC) region. While HIV prevalence has either stabilised or began to decrease in all 15

SADC countries in recent years, the reality is that the region is still home to the highest HIV

prevalence rates in the world.

Furthermore, another epidemic that has made Africa a cause of concern for humanitarian

assistance is malaria. This is because the vast majority of malaria deaths occur in Africa,

south of the Sahara where it presents major obstacles to social and economic development.

According to the WHO Factsheet (2010), Malaria has been estimated to cost Africa more

than USD12 Billion every year in lost Gross Domestic Product (G.D.P). There are at least

three hundred million acute cases of malaria each year globally resulting in more than a

2

million deaths. Around 90% of these deaths occur in Africa mostly in young children.

Malaria is Africa’s leading cause of under-five mortality 20% and constitutes 10% of the

continent overall disease burden. It also accounts for 40% of public health expenditure, 30 –

50% of inpatient admissions and up to 50% of outpatient visits in areas with high malaria

transmissions. Malaria has a direct impact on Africa’s human resources not only in loss of

life but also in lost productivity due to illness and premature death. It also hampers children’s

schooling and social development through both absenteeism and permanent neurological and

other damage associated with severe episodes of the disease. (WHO Factsheet 2010).

Furthermore, the continent is also plagued with natural disasters such as droughts. Stromberg

(2007) notes that between 1980 and 2004, two million people were said to have been killed

and five billion people cumulatively affected by around 7 000 natural disasters. Natural

disasters such as droughts in the African continent lead to starvation taking into consideration

that most of the countries in this region rely on agriculture. For instance, in a country such as

Zimbabwe that is heavily dependent on rain fed crops, the 1982, 1992, 2002 and 2012

droughts brought a lot of hunger and starvation that called for the international community to

give humanitarian aid so as to ensure that lives were not lost. In light of this social context for

Zimbabwe and Africa at large, it is evident that at every given point in time, there has been a

need for humanitarian intervention.

1.1.2 Economic Realities

African countries’ economies have performed badly over the years mainly steaming from a

colonial legacy where natural resources were syphoned so as to enrich countries in the

developed world. Economic growth has been slow or even none existent and poverty remains

widespread. As a reflection and consequence of Africa’s poor economic performance; exports

have stagnated, savings and investment have declined and labour productivity growth have

made it to remain behind other developing regions. Below is a summary of the annual growth

rates of real per capita from the World Bank (1995):

1972 -1978 1978 - 1985 1986 - 1989 1990 - 1992

Sub Saharan

Africa

2.67% 0.65% 0.79% 0.62%

South Asia 1.88% 2.38% 3.09% 2.26%

3

East Asia and

Pacific

4.41% 2.05% 5.70% 4.75%

Latin America

and Caribbean

2.33% -1.09% 0.54% 0.87%

Middle East and

North Africa

2.40% -0.85% -1.80% 2.24%

In light of these findings, Africa’s prospects for economic growth and development still

remain poor.

Kritzinger et al (1992) argue that the fragmentation of African economies is the reason

behind the slow economic growth. They argue that for instance in sub Saharan Africa, there

are forty – seven small countries with an average GDP of USD4 Billion and a combined GDP

equal to that of Belgium or 50% of the GDP of Spain. In addition to this, Africa attracts less

than 2% of the global Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). An example is that in 2003, 16

countries achieved an average economic growth rate of 3% and 18 countries more than 5%.

This therefore means that with the per capita growth rate being between 0 – 2 % per annum,

there is limited progress in poverty eradication and achievement of many of the Millennium

Development Goals (MDGs) seems to be elusive.

Mbaku (2007) points out that, Africa is the poorest region of the world and the only one with

very poor prospects for the future. One of the most important contributors to this state of

affairs in Africa is corruption. (Mbaku 2007). African countries cannot bear the costs of

corruption which impedes development and minimises the ability of governments to reduce

poverty. Corruption hinders political and economic development in Africa with reported

cases of aid related corruption which include: Mobutu’s Zaire, Chiluba’s Zambia, Muluzi’s

Malawi, Equatorial Guinea, South Africa and Kenya among other African countries.

(Wafawarova 2013). If African societies do not find ways to deal with it effectively the

continent will continue to suffer from high rates of poverty and deprivation.

In addition, another economic reality for the continent is that of the backlash of Structural

Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). These economic reforms which were introduced by the

World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) led to the inflation of poverty,

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decreased the countries capability to develop strong diversified economies, increased

exploitation of workers through deregulation accompanied by environmental degradation.

((Kawewe et al 2000). Countries such as Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe among others

due to SAPs devalued the currency, cut government social service delivery and prices

increased. This led to the deterioration of social services such as health and education. In

addition to this, SAPs forced many African nations into the global market place before they

were economically and socially stable and ready and were told to concentrate on similar cash

crops and commodities as others; the situation resembles a large scale price war. All this led

to a spiralling race to the bottom generating social unrest. The destitution resulting from

structural adjustment policies also increased food insecurity by eroding the purchasing power

of large sections of the population. (Chattopadhyaya 2000). In this regard, at any given point

in time, the economic realities of Africa have been calling for humanitarian assistance from

the international community.

1.1.3 Political Realities

Young (1986) argues that the character of the contemporary African countries have been

determined by the colonial origins where Africa lost power to decide its own destiny and

where it lost power of manoeuvrability in bargaining. Some patterns of the continent’s

behaviour and structure that arose out of the character of the colonial state and the ways in

which the post-colonial state adapted to its colonial legacy contribute towards an

understanding of the dimensions of the present crisis. In addition to this, the colonial state

legacy then decanted into a patrimonial autocracy which decayed into crisis by the 1980s,

bringing external and internal pressures for economic and political state reconfiguration. The

serious erosion of the stateness of many African polities by the 1990s limited the scope for

effective reform and opened the door for a complex web of novel civil conflicts and there was

also a renewed saliency of informal politics, as local societies adapted to diminished state

presence and service provision. Young (1986) postulates that up to today, Africa is still

fighting for the same things from their colonial legacy such as restoration of collective human

dignity, the pursuit of equality, socio-economic justice, democracy and

economic/technological advancement.

Of the many factors impeding constitutional democracy in Africa, none appears more

significant than the upsurge of political violence which is also closely linked to the denial of

5

fundamental human rights of the people by chosen governments. In Zimbabwe for instance,

political violence is rooted in long term structural political – economic legacies of colonial

rule combined with legacies of African nationalist politics. This was mainly exacerbated by

the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in September 1999 as it was a

formidable challenge to a one party state that had been heavily dominated by the Zimbabwe

African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF). The MDC brought a state of panic

within the ruling party which resulted in ruthless efforts through political violence and terror

to destroy the opposition. Political violence and subsequently human rights abuses increased

after the 2000 constitutional rejection; which led to a big wave of political violence on the

opposition and white farmers who were purported to be MDC sponsors. Abuse of human

rights and political violence made Zimbabwe a pariah state which was boycotted by the

international community and it was also subjected to economic sanctions. (Mlambo et al

2010). This then led to the rise of Non – Governmental Organizations (NGOs) which were

complementing government efforts in providing social and economic safety nets. What is

interesting is that though NGOs’ work is meant to complement government efforts, there

have been insinuations that this humanitarian aid is politicized. This is brought about by the

fact that most NGOs source of funding come from Western countries such as United States

of America (USA), Britain, France, Sweden, Denmark and Germany among others. In the

1960s over $ 1 trillion in development and humanitarian related aid has been transferred from

rich countries to Africa. Regardless of these huge amounts being transferred, Africa’s growth

rates are at an average of 5% which is still short of the 70% it needs to be sustained to make

substantial progress into poverty reduction and economic growth. This has led many African

economists such as Moyo (2010) to note that the continuous inflow of aid in Africa is the

biggest “humanitarian disaster” because the standard of living for these people has not

improved. In light of all this, it is evident that at any given time Africa has been calling for

humanitarian intervention.

1.2 Epworth Profile

Epworth is a bustling suburb located about twelve kilometres out of Harare city centre.

Epworth Mission was established by the Rev. Shimmin more than a century ago, 1890 as a

Methodist Mission Station. Epworth then and as today is divided into 8 wards namely

Chiremba also known as Muguta, Makomo, Domboramwari, Jacha known as Muguta

Extension or Matanga, Chinamano Extension also referred to as Maseko, Overspill, Magada

6

and Chizangu which include Zinyengere and Chinamano. Though there are eight wards in

Epworth their boundaries do not coincide with their names. In addition, community members

are less familiar with the ward boundaries and yet they are comfortable with the names.

A large influx of people occurred during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the population

being 20,000 in 1980 and 35,000 in 1987. The Methodist Church could not control the influx

of people, and therefore transferred ownership of the farm to the Ministry of Local

Government in 1983. By 2002 the population was 113,8841. Currently, the total population of

Epworth district is at 123 250. Epworth had not been planned as an urban residential area,

and therefore this rapid increase in population was occurring on land without any water

supply and sanitation facilities. Epworth became the only informal settlement to have been

tolerated by the Zimbabwean Government in the post-independence period because of the

long history of settlement by some of the residents2. The government decided to upgrade

rather than demolish the informal settlement. Since most residents of Epworth had settled in

the area spontaneously, public utilities such as water, sewage and electricity were lacking

before government intervention. A Local Board formed in 1986 under the Urban Councils

Act, and whose members are elected by the community, is responsible for managing the area

including the collection of rates and other levies3. The suburb is poor and due to the harsh

economic times that the country has been passing through for the past decade, there has been

need for humanitarian assistance so as to improve livelihoods of this community4.

1.3 Statement of the Problem

This study seeks to investigate if there are specific conditions to humanitarian aid in the

context of Zimbabwe. The study will also examine how this is received at a national level in

order to discuss politicization of humanitarian aid in the context of Epworth district.

1.4 Research Objectives

The research seeks to:

1 Central Statistics Office of Zimbabwe, 2003. Demographic and Healthy Survey, Government Printer, Harare, Zimbabwe.

2 Butcher, 1993 C. Butcher, Low income housing. In: L. Zinyama, Editor, Harare—The Growth and Problems of the City, University of Zimbabwe Publications, Harare, Zimbabwe (1993).

3 Gaidzanwa, P., 2003. Attitudes and practices towards water supply and sanitation facilities: the case study of the Epworth upgrading programme. M.Sc. thesis (unpublished), University of Zimbabwe.

4 Relief Work continues (accessed 02/11/2008)

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Assess the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid.

Examine the motives of politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community

Analyse the implications of both the external and internal factors of politicization of

humanitarian aid on the Epworth community.

Assess the consequences the conditions are likely to have for long term

implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district.

1.5 Research Questions

1. What are the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid?

2. What are the motives around politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community

3. What are the internal and external factors that influence politicization of humanitarian

aid in Epworth community?

4. How is the Epworth community affected by the implications of the external and

internal factors of politicization of humanitarian aid?

5. How has government responded to the consequences the conditions are likely to have

for long term implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district?

1.6 Significance of the Study

At a personal level, the significance of this study is partial fulfilment of Master of Science in

International Relations. At a community level, this study will assist the community to

understand the dynamics that exist in the administration of humanitarian aid. The community

will also gain best practices from the two places that will be case studies under this research

topic. In addition, the study will inform national policy direction with regards to humanitarian

work and intervention in communities. Government will be informed on issues to do with

attitude and perception over humanitarian assistance in Zimbabwe.

1.7 Delimitation of the Study

The research will be confined in two wards Chiremba and Domboramwari focusing on the

period 2008 – 2012. This has been necessitated by the fact that the researcher has already

found respondents who are willing to participate in this research study. To add on, due to the 8

upcoming harmonized elections the country is due to have, Epworth is a political hotspot so

the researcher thought it best to do the research where she has contacts so as to avoid the

bureaucracy as well as the tensions that usually occur during an election period.

1.6. Limitations of the Study

The researcher might have the following limitations:

1. Self-exonerating positions from key informant interviewees such as representatives of

political parties and International Non – Governmental Organization INGOs and NGO

representatives. The researcher have gone around this by first debriefing the key

informants that this is an academic research such that their honest responses are critical

in removing bias in the study.

2. Data from the two wards of the district cannot be generalized to the rest of the other

eight wards of the district as contexts and realities might be different. The researcher

made use of desk research for the other wards so as to add more data so as to make the

results more representative of all the wards.

1.7 Definition of Key Terms

2. Humanitarian Aid – material or logistical assistance provided for humanitarian

purposes, typically in response to humanitarian crises including natural disaster and

man-made disaster.

3. Politicization – bringing political character or flavour into an issue

4. INGOs -private international organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering,

promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social

services, or undertake community development with outposts around the world to deal

with specific issues in many countries.

5. NGOs - private organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the

interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social services, or

undertake community development.

1.8 Literature Review

9

Several studies have been done of the politicization of aid in developing countries. Volberg

(2003) looked at the politicization of humanitarian aid and its effects on principles of

humanity, impartiality and neutrality. He went on to point out that humanitarian assistance

which once covered a very narrow set of basic relief activities carried out by a small group of

relatively independent actors has expanded significantly to a much more complex

rehabilitating work. In this light, there are more players in the provision of aid which leads to

aid becoming a political activity thereby entailing that more scrutiny is given on its provision.

Volberg ultimately examines the difficult realities in heterogenic humanitarian environment

by addressing all the complex legal and political issues surrounding an emergency, including

the impact of external actors like donors, host governments and armed forces. Lensink et al

(2001), in their study “are there negative returns to aid” revealed that the re – allocation of the

existing aid flows to poor countries with sound management would lift 18 million more

people per year out of poverty. They base their argument on Collier and Dollar (1999) who

postulate that aid becomes more effective when it is given to countries with sound policies

and that aid above a certain level of inflows starts to have negative effects on growth. The

study overall examined whether empirical evidence supports the notion of negative effects of

high aid inflows. Munyanyi R (2005) in her thesis, “The political economy of food aid: a case

of Zimbabwe” investigated whether political decisions influenced the manner in which food

aid was distributed in Zimbabwe. Her study also sought to identify whether politics played a

role in the distribution of food aid in the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) food aid programme

in Zimbabwe. It also sought to provide general findings and recommendations for policy

makers, governmental and non – governmental organizations dealing with the food security

issues in Zimbabwe. In addition to this, a book by Moyo D (2010), “Dead Aid: Why aid is

not working and how there is a better way for Africa” she notes that aid has helped make the

poor poorer and growth slower. SKB Asante (1985) had also asserted that the limited

evidence that is available suggests that the forms in which foreign resources have been

extended to Africa over the past 25years insofar as they are concerned with economic

development are to a great extend counterproductive. In this light, these authors call for

African countries not to be dependent but rather to make use of South to South cooperation

which usually has a win - win situation. In light of all this literature review, my research

seeks to cover the gaps in relation to the specific conditions that are attached to humanitarian

aid. My research will also examine how these are perceived at a national level so as to discuss

the politicization of humanitarian aid.

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1.9 Methodology

The research will make use of case study approach using interviews, document studies, Focus

Group Discussions (FGDs) and observations. A sample size will be established which will be

representative of the entire population. Interviews will be for key informants coupled with

FGDs, document studies and observation by the researcher depending on the technique that

will be appropriate taking into consideration the political atmosphere at the time.

1.10 Theoretical Framework

The research shall mainly use the Dependency Theories complemented by Liberalism and

Realism so as to ascertain the research problem.

2.0 Assumptions

The success of this project hinges on the following assumptions:

a). There is politicization of humanitarian aid within the chosen research area and that the

community is ready to talk about it.

b). The researcher is able to get hold of the key informants who will in turn give accurate

information in relation to the research.

c). Respondents will be willing to participate knowing that the research is for academic

purposes only and thereby seeks to contribute to the body of academic knowledge

2.1 Summary

The researcher has covered the background of the study, the research problem, the research

objectives, and the research questions, significance of the study, delimitation of the study,

limitations of the study, definition of key terms, literature review, methodology and

theoretical framework.

2.2 Budget

ITEM/DETAIL FREQUENCY UNIT COST

TOTAL COST

RECOMMENDED SUPPLIER

Desk Research:

Researching on the internet

30 $ 1.00 $ 100.00 Chuweb Internet Cafe

Use of Computer:

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Interview questions and FGD topics

1 $10.00 $ 10. 00Chuweb Internet Café.

Printing interview questions and FGD topics

50 $ 1. 00 $ 50.00 Chuweb Internet Cafe

Use of Internet:

Researcher Natural Observation (transport)

- $2.00 $ 100.00 Chuweb Internet Café.

Total $260.00

2.3 Work plan

ACTIVITY OUTPUTS TIME FRAME1. Brainstorming

Interview Questions

Both soft and hard copies of interview questions

Beginning of October 2012

2. Establishing contact

with the key

informants

Contact established Mid of October 2012 – January 2013

3. Interviews, FGDs and

observation

Interviews made FGDs done Observation made

Beginning – End of November 2012 – March 2013

4. Data compilation Compilation done Mid April

REFERENCES

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1. Dambisa Moyo (2010), Dead Aid: Why aid is not working and how there is a better

way for Africa”. American Foreign Policy: The Journal of the National on American,

Volume 32 (4). New York, Farrar, Straus and Giroux.

2. Thorsten Volberg 2003, “The Politicization of humanitarian aid and its effect on the

principles of humanity, impartiality and neutrality.” Grin Publish and Find

Knowledge

3. Central Statistics Office of Zimbabwe, 2003. Demographic and Healthy Survey,

Government Printer, Harare, Zimbabwe.

4. Gaidzanwa, P., 2003. Attitudes and practices towards water supply and sanitation

facilities: the case study of the Epworth upgrading programme. M.Sc. thesis

(unpublished), University of Zimbabwe

5. R. Lensink and H. White (2001) “Are there negative returns to aid”. Journal of

Development Studies, Volume 37 (6).

6. Rachael Mationesa Munyanyi (2005), “the political economy of food aid: A case of

Zimbabwe”. Thesis presented at the Institute of Western Cape.

7. S.K. B Asante (1985), “International assistance and international capitalism:

supportive or counterproductive? In Gwendolyn Carter and Patrick O’Meara (eds).

African Independence: the first twenty five years, Bloomington, Indiana, USA,

Indiana University Press, pages 249 – 265.

8. ADRA Danmark

(http://www.adra.dk/HER-ARBEJDER-ADRA-DANMARK/Zimbabwe), Promoting

Sustainable Food production in Epworth and Kuwadzana

9. Zimbabwe’s Homeless People’s Federation (2009), Epworth Profiling Report, May

2009.

10. SARPN, (2005), New Hope Zimbabwe: Update on Operation Murambatsvina

Epworth. (http://www.sarpn.org/documents/d0001377/index.php). July 2005.

11. Whiteside Alan, (2002). “Poverty and HIV and AIDS in Africa”. Third World

Quarterly Volume 23 (2).

12. Dixon Simon, (2002). “The Impact of HIV and AIDS on Africa’s economic

development”. BMJ, http//dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.

13

13. https://apps.who.int/inf - fs/en/1InformationSheet 03.pdf .

14. Stromberg David, (2007). “Natural Disasters, Economic Development and

Humanitarian Aid”. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, Volume 21 (3). American

Economic Association, pg 199 – 222.

15. Kritzinger van Nierkerk, Lelotte, Moreira Emmanuel Pinto, (1992). “Regional

Integration in Southern Africa: Overview of the Recent Developments”. The World

Bank, Africa Region.

16. Mbaku Mukum John, (2007). “Corruption in Africa: Causes, Consequences and

Clean Ups”. Rowman and Littlefield Publisher Inc. United Kingdom.

17. Wafawarova Reason (2013). “Aid Fuelling inept governance and corruption”.

www.herald.co.zw

18. Kawewe M Saliwe, Debie Robert, (2000). “The impact of ESAPs on women and

children: Implications for Social Welfare in Zimbabwe”. Journal of Sociology and

Social Welfare, Volume XXVII (4).

19. Chattopadhyaya Rupak, (2000). “Zimbabwe: Structural Adjustment, destitution and

food insecurity”. Review of African Political Economy, Volume 27 (84), pg 307 –

316.

20. Young Crawford, (1986). “Africa’s colonial legacy: Strategies for African

Development”. A study for the Committee on African Development Strategies.

Council of Foreign Relations. California.

21. Ntalaja Nzongola Georges (2004). “Citizenship, Political Violence and

Democratization in Africa”. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and

International Organizations. Volume 10 (4), pg 403 – 409.

22. LeBas Adrienne, (2006). “Polarization as Craft: Party Formulation and State

Violence in Zimbabwe”. Comparative Politics, Volume 38 (4), pg 419 – 438, New

York.

23. Ferguson James, (2006). “Global Shadows: Africa in the Neoliberal World Order”.

Duke University Press, USA.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

15

To begin with my sincere gratitude goes to Bindura University of Science Education (BUSE)

for giving me the opportunity to study for my Masters in International Relations. My

gratitude also goes to my supervisor, Mr David Makwerere who worked closely with me to

come up with this research paper. I learnt a lot from his wisdom and sobriety during the

course of writing this paper. I would also want to appreciate my husband Pastor Samson

Kamwendo and my daughter Fiel Ruvarashe who supported and encouraged me to produce

this paper. Last but not least I would like to thank the Almighty God who provided for all that

I needed during the process of coming up with this research paper. I dedicate this thesis to all

the men and women I came across in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba wards who

are making strides towards making a better life for them and their children.

ABSTRACT

16

CHAPTER ONE

1.1 Background to the Study

17

The face of the African continent has been characterised by numerous social, economic and

political challenges which have put it on the spotlight for humanitarian intervention from the

international community. Whiteside (2002) postulates that humanitarian assistance has come

in the continent as a panacea so that the standards of living for the ordinary African improve.

Below is a description of the social, economic and political realities in Africa that have

necessitated the need for humanitarian intervention:

1.1.1 Social Realities

Whiteside (2002) points out that HIV and AIDS is the major threat to development, economic

growth and poverty alleviation in Sub Saharan Africa. In addition to the HIV and AIDS

pandemic, the scourge of disease has also ravaged the continent with three million people

reported to have died in 2001 making it the world’s 4 th biggest cause of death after heart

disease, stroke and acute lower respiratory infection. Over 70% of the world’s forty million

people living with HIV/ AIDS are in Africa. Economic theorists predict that HIV/ AIDS

reduce labour supplies and productivity, reduces exports and increases imports. In light of

this, the pandemic has already reduced average national economic growth rates by 2 – 4% a

year across Africa which increases poverty in the continent that is already impoverished

(Dixon 2002). According to SAfAIDS (2012), in 2011, indications were that 34% of all

people living with HIV in the world lived in the Southern African Development Community

(SADC) region. While HIV prevalence has either stabilised or began to decrease in all 15

SADC countries in recent years, the reality is that the region is still home to the highest HIV

prevalence rates in the world.

Furthermore, another epidemic that has made Africa a cause of concern for humanitarian

assistance is malaria. This is because the vast majority of malaria deaths occur in Africa,

south of the Sahara where it presents major obstacles to social and economic development.

According to the WHO Factsheet (2010), Malaria has been estimated to cost Africa more

than USD12 Billion every year in lost Gross Domestic Product (G.D.P). There are at least

three hundred million acute cases of malaria each year globally resulting in more than a

million deaths. Around 90% of these deaths occur in Africa mostly in young children.

Malaria is Africa’s leading cause of under-five mortality 20% and constitutes 10% of the

continent overall disease burden. It also accounts for 40% of public health expenditure, 30 –

50% of inpatient admissions and up to 50% of outpatient visits in areas with high malaria

18

transmissions. Malaria has a direct impact on Africa’s human resources not only in loss of

life but also in lost productivity due to illness and premature death. It also hampers children’s

schooling and social development through both absenteeism and permanent neurological and

other damage associated with severe episodes of the disease. (WHO Factsheet 2010).

Furthermore, the continent is also plagued with natural disasters such as droughts. Stromberg

(2007) notes that between 1980 and 2004, two million people were said to have been killed

and five billion people cumulatively affected by around 7 000 natural disasters. Natural

disasters such as droughts in the African continent lead to starvation taking into consideration

that most of the countries in this region rely on agriculture. For instance, in a country such as

Zimbabwe that is heavily dependent on rain fed crops, the 1982, 1992, 2002 and 2012

droughts brought a lot of hunger and starvation that called for the international community to

give humanitarian aid so as to ensure that lives were not lost. In light of this social context for

Zimbabwe and Africa at large, it is evident that at every given point in time, there has been a

need for humanitarian intervention.

1.1.2 Economic Realities

African countries’ economies have performed badly over the years mainly steaming from a

colonial legacy where natural resources were syphoned so as to enrich countries in the

developed world. Economic growth has been slow or even none existent and poverty remains

widespread. As a reflection and consequence of Africa’s poor economic performance; exports

have stagnated, savings and investment have declined and labour productivity growth have

made it to remain behind other developing regions. Below is a summary of the annual growth rates

of real per capita from the World Bank (1995):

1972 -1978 1978 - 1985 1986 - 1989 1990 - 1992

Sub Saharan

Africa

2.67% 0.65% 0.79% 0.62%

South Asia 1.88% 2.38% 3.09% 2.26%

East Asia and

Pacific

4.41% 2.05% 5.70% 4.75%

19

Latin America

and Caribbean

2.33% -1.09% 0.54% 0.87%

Middle East and

North Africa

2.40% -0.85% -1.80% 2.24%

In light of these findings, Africa’s prospects for economic growth and development still

remain poor.

Kritzinger et al (1992) argue that the fragmentation of African economies is the reason

behind the slow economic growth. They argue that for instance in sub Saharan Africa, there

are forty – seven small countries with an average GDP of USD4 Billion and a combined GDP

equal to that of Belgium or 50% of the GDP of Spain. In addition to this, Africa attracts less

than 2% of the global Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). An example is that in 2003, 16

countries achieved an average economic growth rate of 3% and 18 countries more than 5%.

This therefore means that with the per capita growth rate being between 0 – 2 % per annum,

there is limited progress in poverty eradication and achievement of many of the Millennium

Development Goals (MDGs) seems to be elusive.

Mbaku (2007) points out that, Africa is the poorest region of the world and the only one with

very poor prospects for the future. One of the most important contributors to this state of

affairs in Africa is corruption. (Mbaku 2007). African countries cannot bear the costs of

corruption which impedes development and minimises the ability of governments to reduce

poverty. Corruption hinders political and economic development in Africa with reported

cases of aid related corruption which include: Mobutu’s Zaire, Chiluba’s Zambia, Muluzi’s

Malawi, Equatorial Guinea, South Africa and Kenya among other African countries.

(Wafawarova 2013). If African societies do not find ways to deal with it effectively the

continent will continue to suffer from high rates of poverty and deprivation.

In addition, another economic reality for the continent is that of the backlash of Structural

Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). These economic reforms which were introduced by the

World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) led to the inflation of poverty,

decreased the countries capability to develop strong diversified economies, increased

exploitation of workers through deregulation accompanied by environmental degradation.

20

((Kawewe et al 2000). Countries such as Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe among others

due to SAPs devalued the currency, cut government social service delivery and prices

increased. This led to the deterioration of social services such as health and education. In

addition to this, SAPs forced many African nations into the global market place before they

were economically and socially stable and ready and were told to concentrate on similar cash

crops and commodities as others; the situation resembles a large scale price war. All this led

to a spiralling race to the bottom generating social unrest. The destitution resulting from

structural adjustment policies also increased food insecurity by eroding the purchasing power

of large sections of the population. (Chattopadhyaya 2000). In this regard, at any given point

in time, the economic realities of Africa have been calling for humanitarian assistance from

the international community.

1.1.3 Political Realities

Young (1986) argues that the character of the contemporary African countries have been

determined by the colonial origins where Africa lost power to decide its own destiny and

where it lost power of manoeuvrability in bargaining. Some patterns of the continent’s

behaviour and structure that arose out of the character of the colonial state and the ways in

which the post-colonial state adapted to its colonial legacy contribute towards an

understanding of the dimensions of the present crisis. In addition to this, the colonial state

legacy then decanted into a patrimonial autocracy which decayed into crisis by the 1980s,

bringing external and internal pressures for economic and political state reconfiguration. The

serious erosion of the stateness of many African polities by the 1990s limited the scope for

effective reform and opened the door for a complex web of novel civil conflicts and there was

also a renewed saliency of informal politics, as local societies adapted to diminished state

presence and service provision. Young (1986) postulates that up to today, Africa is still

fighting for the same things from their colonial legacy such as restoration of collective human

dignity, the pursuit of equality, socio-economic justice, democracy and

economic/technological advancement.

Of the many factors impeding constitutional democracy in Africa, none appears more

significant than the upsurge of political violence which is also closely linked to the denial of

fundamental human rights of the people by chosen governments. In Zimbabwe for instance,

political violence is rooted in long term structural political – economic legacies of colonial

21

rule combined with legacies of African nationalist politics. This was mainly exacerbated by

the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in September 1999 as it was a

formidable challenge to a one party state that had been heavily dominated by the Zimbabwe

African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF). The MDC brought a state of panic

within the ruling party which resulted in ruthless efforts through political violence and terror

to destroy the opposition. Political violence and subsequently human rights abuses increased

after the 2000 constitutional rejection; which led to a big wave of political violence on the

opposition and white farmers who were purported to be MDC sponsors. Abuse of human

rights and political violence made Zimbabwe a pariah state which was boycotted by the

international community and it was also subjected to economic sanctions. (Mlambo et al

2010). This then led to the rise of Non – Governmental Organizations (NGOs) which were

complementing government efforts in providing social and economic safety nets. What is

interesting is that though NGOs’ work is meant to complement government efforts, there

have been insinuations that this humanitarian aid is politicized. This is brought about by the

fact that most NGOs source of funding come from Western countries such as United States

of America (USA), Britain, France, Sweden, Denmark and Germany among others. In the

1960s over $ 1 trillion in development and humanitarian related aid has been transferred from

rich countries to Africa. Regardless of these huge amounts being transferred, Africa’s growth

rates are at an average of 5% which is still short of the 70% it needs to be sustained to make

substantial progress into poverty reduction and economic growth. This has led many African

economists such as Moyo (2010) to note that the continuous inflow of aid in Africa is the

biggest “humanitarian disaster” because the standard of living for these people has not

improved. In light of all this, it is evident that at any given time Africa has been calling for

humanitarian intervention.

1.2 Epworth Profile

Epworth is a bustling suburb located about twelve kilometres out of Harare city centre.

Epworth Mission was established by the Rev. Shimmin more than a century ago, 1890 as a

Methodist Mission Station. Epworth then and as today is divided into 8 wards namely

Chiremba also known as Muguta, Makomo, Domboramwari, Jacha known as Muguta

Extension or Matanga, Chinamano Extension also referred to as Maseko, Overspill, Magada

and Chizangu which include Zinyengere and Chinamano. Though there are eight wards in

22

Epworth their boundaries do not coincide with their names. In addition, community members

are less familiar with the ward boundaries and yet they are comfortable with the names.

A large influx of people occurred during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the population

being 20,000 in 1980 and 35,000 in 1987. The Methodist Church could not control the influx

of people, and therefore transferred ownership of the farm to the Ministry of Local

Government in 1983. By 2002 the population was 113,8845. Currently, the total population of

Epworth district is at 161 840. Epworth had not been planned as an urban residential area,

and therefore this rapid increase in population was occurring on land without any water

supply and sanitation facilities. Epworth became the only informal settlement to have been

tolerated by the Zimbabwean Government in the post-independence period because of the

long history of settlement by some of the residents6. The government decided to upgrade

rather than demolish the informal settlement. Since most residents of Epworth had settled in

the area spontaneously, public utilities such as water, sewage and electricity were lacking

before government intervention. A Local Board formed in 1986 under the Urban Councils

Act, and whose members are elected by the community, is responsible for managing the area

including the collection of rates and other levies7. The suburb is poor and due to the harsh

economic times that the country has been passing through for the past decade, there has been

need for humanitarian assistance so as to improve livelihoods of this community8.

1.3 Statement of the Problem

This study seeks to investigate if there are specific conditions to humanitarian aid in the

context of Zimbabwe. The study will also examine how this is received at a national level in

order to discuss politicization of humanitarian aid in the context of Epworth district.

1.4 Research Objectives

The research seeks to:

Assess the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid.5 Central Statistics Office of Zimbabwe, 2003. Demographic and Healthy Survey, Government Printer, Harare, Zimbabwe.

6 Butcher, 1993 C. Butcher, Low income housing. In: L. Zinyama, Editor, Harare—The Growth and Problems of the City, University of Zimbabwe Publications, Harare, Zimbabwe (1993).

7 Gaidzanwa, P., 2003. Attitudes and practices towards water supply and sanitation facilities: the case study of the Epworth upgrading programme. M.Sc. thesis (unpublished), University of Zimbabwe.

8 Relief Work continues [2](accessed 02/11/2008)

23

Examine the motives of politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community

Analyse the implications of both the external and internal factors of politicization of

humanitarian aid on the Epworth community.

Assess the consequences the conditions are likely to have for long term

implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district.

1.5 Research Questions

1. What are the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid?

2. What are the motives around politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community

3. What are the internal and external factors that influence politicization of humanitarian

aid in Epworth community?

4. How is the Epworth community affected by the implications of the external and

internal factors of politicization of humanitarian aid?

5. How has government responded to the consequences the conditions are likely to have

for long term implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district?

1.6 Significance of the Study

At a personal level, the significance of this study is partial fulfilment of Master of Science in

International Relations. At a community level, this study will assist the community to

understand the dynamics that exist in the administration of humanitarian aid. The community

will also gain best practices from the two places that will be case studies under this research

topic. In addition, the study will inform national policy direction with regards to humanitarian

work and intervention in communities. Government will be informed on issues to do with

attitude and perception over humanitarian assistance in Zimbabwe.

1.7 Delimitation of the Study

The research will be confined in two wards Chiremba and Domboramwari focusing on the

period 2008 – 2012. This has been necessitated by the fact that the researcher has already

found respondents who are willing to participate in this research study. To add on, due to the

upcoming harmonized elections the country is due to have, Epworth is a political hotspot so

24

the researcher thought it best to do the research where she has contacts so as to avoid the

bureaucracy as well as the tensions that usually occur during an election period.

1.8. Limitations of the Study

The researcher might have the following limitations:

1. Self-exonerating positions from key informant interviewees such as representatives of

political parties and International Non – Governmental Organization INGOs and

NGO representatives. The researcher have gone around this by first debriefing the key

informants that this is an academic research such that their honest responses are

critical in removing bias in the study.

2. Data from the two wards of the district cannot be generalized to the rest of the other

eight wards of the district as contexts and realities might be different. The researcher

made use of desk research for the other wards so as to add more data so as to make

the results more representative of all the wards.

1.9 Definition of Key Terms

1. Humanitarian Aid – material or logistical assistance provided for humanitarian

purposes, typically in response to humanitarian crises including natural disaster and

man-made disaster.

2. Politicization – bringing political character or flavour into an issue

3. INGOs -private international organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering,

promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social

services, or undertake community development with outposts around the world to deal

with specific issues in many countries.

4. NGOs - private organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the

interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social services, or

undertake community development.

2.0 Literature Review

Several studies have been done of the politicization of aid in developing countries. Volberg

(2003) looked at the politicization of humanitarian aid and its effects on principles of 25

humanity, impartiality and neutrality. He went on to point out that humanitarian assistance

which once covered a very narrow set of basic relief activities carried out by a small group of

relatively independent actors has expanded significantly to a much more complex

rehabilitating work. In this light, there are more players in the provision of aid which leads to

aid becoming a political activity thereby entailing that more scrutiny is given on its provision.

Volberg ultimately examines the difficult realities in heterogenic humanitarian environment

by addressing all the complex legal and political issues surrounding an emergency, including

the impact of external actors like donors, host governments and armed forces. Lensink et al

(2001), in their study “are there negative returns to aid” revealed that the re – allocation of the

existing aid flows to poor countries with sound management would lift 18 million more

people per year out of poverty. They base their argument on Collier and Dollar (1999) who

postulate that aid becomes more effective when it is given to countries with sound policies

and that aid above a certain level of inflows starts to have negative effects on growth. The

study overall examined whether empirical evidence supports the notion of negative effects of

high aid inflows. Munyanyi R (2005) in her thesis, “The political economy of food aid: a case

of Zimbabwe” investigated whether political decisions influenced the manner in which food

aid was distributed in Zimbabwe. Her study also sought to identify whether politics played a

role in the distribution of food aid in the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) food aid programme

in Zimbabwe. It also sought to provide general findings and recommendations for policy

makers, governmental and non – governmental organizations dealing with the food security

issues in Zimbabwe. In addition to this, a book by Moyo D (2010), “Dead Aid: Why aid is

not working and how there is a better way for Africa” she notes that aid has helped make the

poor poorer and growth slower. SKB Asante (1985) had also asserted that the limited

evidence that is available suggests that the forms in which foreign resources have been

extended to Africa over the past 25years insofar as they are concerned with economic

development are to a great extend counterproductive. In this light, these authors call for

African countries not to be dependent but rather to make use of South to South cooperation

which usually has a win - win situation. In light of all this literature review, my research

seeks to cover the gaps in relation to the specific conditions that are attached to humanitarian

aid. My research will also examine how these are perceived at a national level so as to discuss

the politicization of humanitarian aid.

2.1 Methodology

26

The research will make use of case study approach using interviews, document studies, Focus

Group Discussions (FGDs) and observations. A sample size will be established which will be

representative of the entire population. Interviews will be for key informants coupled with

FGDs, document studies and observation by the researcher depending on the technique that

will be appropriate taking into consideration the political atmosphere at the time.

2.2 Theoretical Framework

The research shall mainly use the Dependency Theories complemented by Liberalism and

Realism so as to ascertain the research problem.

2.3 Assumptions

The success of this project hinges on the following assumptions:

a). There is politicization of humanitarian aid within the chosen research area and that the

community is ready to talk about it.

b). The researcher is able to get hold of the key informants who will in turn give accurate

information in relation to the research.

c). Respondents will be willing to participate knowing that the research is for academic

purposes only and thereby seeks to contribute to the body of academic knowledge

2.4 Summary

The researcher has covered the background of the study, the research problem, the research

objectives, and the research questions, significance of the study, delimitation of the study,

limitations of the study, definition of key terms, literature review, methodology and

theoretical framework.

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

27

In this section, the focus is on the conceptual framework that looks at what humanitarian aid

is and the different forms it comes in. This section will also discuss the theoretical framework

underpinning this study and these are Realism and the Dependency Theories. Under the

theoretical framework, the researcher will tackle what each theory is and its basic

assumptions. There will also be a discussion of empirical review where the researcher will

look at what other scholars and researchers have done in relation to humanitarian aid globally

so as to identify research gaps which this particular study of investigating politicization of

humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba communities can then fill.

There will also be a summary of all that would have been covered in this chapter at the end.

2.2 Conceptual Framework

Humanitarian aid or emergency aid has been defined by Duffield (2007) as rapid assistance

given to people in immediate distress by individuals, organizations or governments to relief

suffering during and after man made emergencies like wars and natural disasters. It is

designed to save lives, alleviate suffering and maintain and protect human dignity during and

in the aftermath of emergencies. There are certain characteristics that mark it out from other

forms of foreign assistance and development aid that are; it is intended to be governed by the

principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence and that it is intended to be

short term in nature and provide for activities in the immediate aftermath of a disaster. It

should be noted that in practice it is often difficult to say where “during and in the immediate

aftermath of emergencies” ends and other types of assistance begin especially in situations of

prolonged vulnerability.9 In addition to this, humanitarian aid can be distinguished from

development aid by it being focused on relieving suffering caused by natural disaster or

conflict rather than removing the root causes of poverty or vulnerability.

Furthermore, traditional responses to humanitarian crisis and the easiest to categorise as such

are those that fall under the aegis of “emergency response” which encompass material relief

assistance and services such as water, medicines and shelter. In addition under emergency

response there is also emergency food aid which entails short term distribution and at times

supplementary feeding programmes for children so as to reduce child mortality rates and

morbidity. Humanitarian aid can also include reconstruction and rehabilitation which entail

repairing pre – existing infrastructure as opposed to longer term activities designed to 9 Global Assistance: A Development Initiative (www.globalassistance.org/data-guides/humanitarian-aid-net).

28

improve the level of infrastructure. To add on, humanitarian aid can be also disaster

prevention and preparedness which means that states will have knowledge on early warning

systems, contingency stocks and planning. According to the Organization of Economic

Cooperation and Development (OECD) Development Assistance Committee (DAC)

reporting criteria, humanitarian aid has very clear cut of points for example, disaster

preparedness excludes longer term work such as prevention of floods or conflicts. In addition,

reconstruction and relief and rehabilitation include repairing pre – existing infrastructure but

excludes longer term activities designed to improve the level of infrastructure.10

Minear (2002) points out that humanitarian aid can be distinguished from humanitarian

intervention which involves armed forces protecting non – combatants from violent conflicts

or genocide by state supported actors. He further notes that it is critical to distinguish the two

because though they are under the banner of “humanitarianism” they are not the same. In

addition, for the purposes of this study it is important to also bring out that international

humanitarian response to natural disaster or complex emergency is coordinated by the United

Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) acting on the basis of

the UN General Assembly Resolution 46/182. This is because as humanitarian aid will be

administered, OCHA provides principles and parameters for operation.

Perrin (1998) argues that humanitarian aid can take very different forms and these are;

complex rehabilitation programmes, relief operations for people whose lives are directly

threatened, operations combining immediate relief work and medium term rehabilitation,

operations for the purpose of preventing violations of humanitarian and human rights law and

limited one time operation in some cases. The term complex emergency was coined in

Mozambique in the latter half of the 1980s and its usage was necessitated by the need for

international aid agencies to acknowledge that the ‘emergency aid’ or humanitarian

assistance needs were being generated by armed conflict as well as by periodic ‘natural

disaster’ events, such as cyclones and droughts. It is also a way of differentiating those

situations where armed conflict and political instability are the principal causes of

humanitarian needs from those where natural hazards are the principal cause of such needs.

In such instances, there is need for humanitarian aid to take the form of complex long term

rehabilitation programmes which are not adhoc but rather planned as well coordinated so as

to alleviate suffering and distress to the beneficiaries. A good example of this is that of the

10 Ibid.

29

work that the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is doing in Afghanistan

where it assists five hospitals, the aim being to improve the quality of surgical treatment of

water causalities and to provide regular supplies of medicines and medical related services. In

addition to this, there are also food production programmes meant to ensure that there is food

security through community initiatives and ownership.

To add on, another form of humanitarian aid is that there are relief operations for people

whose lives are directly threatened.11 Some cases that can be pointed to are that of Somalia

and Albania; where the former was given about 12 000 tons of food aid to the people who

were directly affected by the 1992 Somali crisis. This was done so as to save lives, alleviate

suffering and maintain human dignity. The latter is given chlorine by humanitarian agencies

so as to improve its water quality during its summer months. The rationale behind this form

of aid is to ensure that people who are directly affected by a natural or man-made crisis are

not overwhelmed.

Furthermore, humanitarian aid can be in the form of operations that combine immediate relief

work and medium term rehabilitation. An example is that of the Swiss Development

Cooperation (SDC) programme in Kosovo. It is imperative to note that there have been

severe long term ethnic tensions between Kosovo’s Albanian and Serb populations and this

has left the state ethically divided resulting in inter – ethnic violence. The SDC programme

began with its participation in the OSCE verification mission and during the 1998 – 1999

armed conflict the SDC set up intensive humanitarian aid programmes. Since 2008 the

humanitarian aid programmes and actions to assist the return of persons displaced by the war

which was immediate relief work was soon complemented by reconstruction assistance

measures and also by projects to foster livelihoods which is medium term rehabilitation. The

need for combining the two stems from the argument that humanitarian aid agencies have

been criticised for what is known as a “knee jerk” reaction to aid which simply means that

they give aid emotionally without having analysed the root causes. In essence they

disempower communities since they do not focus on preparing communities to prevent and

deal with disasters and conflict situations before they strike, rather they rely mainly on short-

term emergency relief. (Lawrence, 2009)12.

11 ibid

12 Penny Lawrence (2009) – International Director of Oxfam

30

To add on, humanitarian aid can also take the form of operations for the purpose of

preventing violations of humanitarian and human rights law. Prevention work will be all the

more effective if the humanitarian aid agencies are present on an on - going basis, as is the

case with aid operations. This presence constitutes a mode of protection for the victims and

thus helps lessen violence in conflicts. The following excerpt from a weekly bulletin of

ICRC-related news, serves as an illustration: “After territories previously controlled by Fikret

Abdic were taken over by Bosnian troops from Bihac on 7 August more than 20,000 Muslims

fled Velika Kladusa heading for Vojnic in Croatia. They are clustered along seven kilometres

of road and are surviving thanks to an ICRC emergency operation”. In this regard, assistance

and protection are closely linked although it is difficult to define the overall impact of the

former on the latter, there is no doubt that the very act of furnishing assistance contributes

directly to the beneficiaries’ protection and that it thereby helps reduce violence.13

Lastly, another form of humanitarian aid is when it is limited to a one time operation or adhoc

humanitarian assistance. According to UNICEF, hunger is a silent killer and a person dies of

hunger every 3.6 seconds and that victim is often a child under the age of 5. Hunger can

strike both suddenly, in the case of swift-moving disasters, or slowly, such as withered crops

and barren soils following long uninterrupted droughts. Climate change, in fact, is one of the

great emerging trends in humanitarian aid. Oftentimes, aid to areas affected by famine comes

in the form of direct supplies, led by quick-response organizations such as UNICEF, Oxfam

the World Food Programme and the International Red Cross. In addition there is also adhoc

humanitarian aid done by Sustainable Harvest International which has partnered with more

than 2,000 families and helped plant almost 3 million trees in Belize, Honduras, Panama and

Nicaragua while overseeing the conversion of almost 14,000 acres for diversified land use,

primarily for farming purposes. (O’Connor 2010). It is against this background that

humanitarian aid should be conceptualised for the purposes of this study.

2.3. Theoretical Framework

For the purposes of this study, two theories Realism and Dependency will be used to explain

the politicization of humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and Chiremba wards in Epworth

district. Realism is an international relations theory that seeks to explain how states are in a

constant pursuit of power thereby furthering their self-interests. In addition to this, Realism

has been defined also as a descriptive paradigm and methodological framework aimed at

13 ICRC, 1996, Annual Report, page 56 - 57

31

describing, explaining and eventually predicting events in the international relations domain.

(Robertson, 2004). Among the founding fathers of political realism is Thucydides who wrote

on the History of the Peloponnosian War and the Melian dialogue. Thucydides held the view

that a relationship of states in the international system is based on might rather than right. In

addition, another leading theorist of realism is Niccolo Machiavelli who held that the sole

aim of a politician was to seek power, regardless of religious or ethical considerations. In

addition to this, Thomas Hobbes is also one of the founding fathers of realism who argues

that human nature is not inherently benevolent but is selfish and endeavours to pursue self-

interests.14

There are four basic assumptions that govern realism as a theory and the first one is that

states are the most important actors. In this light, the state is over and above the individuals

within that state. In relation to the provision of humanitarian aid, it is critical to contextualise

and to realise that each state is in pursuit of personal gain and its actions on the international

arena depend on it individual interests. In this regard, when humanitarian aid is being

administered in a recipient nation, it should be borne in mind that it becomes a highly

political activity mainly because the political considerations of the donor government will

supersede the needs and the aspirations of the people and the government which will receive

this aid. (Curtis, 2001). This then serves to show that humanitarian aid is seldom given from

motives of pure altruism but that it may be given with the intention of serving the whims of

the giving state.

Secondly, another assumption governing realism is that all states within the international

system are unitary and rational actors which entails that states pursue self-interests and that

they amass material wealth so that they can be in a position to threaten those that do not have.

Neo – realists such as Kenneth Waltz (1979) argue that states pursue national interests mainly

because in the international arena there are constantly fearful and suspicious of the other. In

light of this, relating it to humanitarian aid, one can tell that NGOs and international aid

organizations can fall victims to individualistic behaviour and self-interests of powerful states

and they too end up being selective in their choice of crisis in order to secure public interest

and support which makes them deviate from being impartial, neutral and independent.

Furthermore, another assumption under realism is that the primary concern of all states is

survival. This stems from the general belief that the international system in anarchical such 14 Robertson David, (2004). “The Routledge Dictionary of Politics”. Routledge. Page 420.

32

that the law of the jungle operates. In this light, power becomes central in understanding the

relations among states. Cogniscent of this, pursuit of power makes states to build up their

arsenal, boost up their economies, develop science and society and in doing all this; the

stronger the state, the less vulnerable it is on the international system.15 It is against this

background that the stronger states will use their power be it economic or political to

determine what happens in the international system. In addition to this, they use their power

to coerce, smaller and weaker states into complying. In relation to humanitarian aid Atmar

(2001) sums it up by saying, “politicization of humanitarian aid is the pursuit of domestic and

foreign policies of donor states by humanitarian means”. Interesting to note is that the

stronger states use their power to further their domestic and foreign policies in the weaker

nations through humanitarianism as a convenient avenue.

In addition another key assumption in realism is that the international system is anarchic and

this is exacerbated by the fact that there is no single actor that can regulate and dictate what

states can and cannot do. This means that states are almost always in constant antagonism

with each other. However, realism also points out that states come to a point where they

relate with each other on their own without having an authority or actor telling them to do so.

In such instances there is cooperation within states for a common good, an example that can

be drawn is how in humanitarian aid is that of OCHA which brings together the right tools

and people to save lives. OCHA manages humanitarian funding contributions more than 140

Member States rely on it to help manage humanitarian donations, coordinating appeals and

common plans to ensure the greatest impact possible. In 2010 OCHA coordinated US$ 11

billion worth of humanitarian programming in response to 19 crises in 32 countries affecting

71 million people.16 In light of this, in many donor countries, there has been an important

redefinition of national self-interest which is no longer narrowly defined in terms of

immediate commercial interests and security threats but in terms of good international

citizenship. As a result, it has facilitated a more interventionist and integrated approach to

humanitarianism in many recipient countries.

From the onset, it is prudent to note that, it is a mistake to assume that there is only one

unified theory of dependency. This is because dependency theory is viewed as a possible way

of explaining the persistent poverty of poorer countries. According to Marxist theorists, they

15 Ibid

16 www.un.org

33

view persistent poverty as a consequence of capitalist exploitation. To the world system

approach by Wallerstein, poverty is a direct consequence of the evolution of the international

political economy into a fairly rigid division of labour which favoured the rich and penalized

the poor. (Ferraro, 1997). Sunkel (1969) defines dependency as an explanation of the

economic development of a state in terms of the external influences which can be political,

economic or cultural on national development policies. In addition, dependency is also seen

as a historical condition which shapes a certain structure of the world’s economy such that it

favours some countries to the detriment of others and limits the development possibilities of

the subordinate economies. Dos Santos (1971) views dependency as a situation in which the

economy of a certain group of countries is conditioned by the development and expansion of

another economy to which their own is subjected.

Furthermore, dependency characterises the international system as comprised of two sets of

states variously described as dominant/dependent, centre/periphery or metropolitan/satellite.

The dominant states are the advanced industrial nations in the Organization of Economic

Cooperation and Development (OECD) whilst the dependent states are those which have low

per capita GNPs and which heavily rely on the export of a single commodity for foreign

exchange earnings. In this light, the definitions of dependency indicate that the relations

between dominant and dependent states are dynamic because the interactions between the

two sets of states tend to not only reinforce but also intensify unequal patterns. To sum up,

dependency theory attempts to explain the present underdeveloped state of many nations in

the world by examining the patterns of interactions among nations and by arguing that

inequality among nations is an intrinsic part of those interactions. Adding on, historical

research demonstrates that contemporary underdevelopment is in large part the historical

product of past and continuing economic and other relations between the satellite

underdeveloped and the now developed metropolitan countries. These relations are an

essential part of the capitalist system on the world scale as a whole. (Frank, 1972).17

To add on, according to this view, the capitalist system is seen to have enforced a rigid

international division of labour which is responsible for the underdevelopment of many areas

of the world. This is because at the centre there are skilled workers whilst in the periphery

there are unskilled workers. Cogniscent of this, the economies of the dependent states are

oriented toward the outside but the allocation of these resources is determined by the 17 Andre Gunder Frank, “The Development of Underdevelopment” in James D, Cockcroft, Andre Gunder Frank and Dale Johnson eds,

Dependence and Underdevelopment. Garden City, New York. Anchor Books.

34

economic interests of the dominant states and not by the interests of the dependent states. In

light of this underdevelopment is a negative condition which offers no possibility of sustained

and autonomous economic activity in dependent states. In addition, the central characteristic

of the global economy is the persistence of poverty throughout the modern period in virtually

the same areas of the world, regardless of what state was in control. (Ferraro, 1997).

Dependency theory has several assumptions central to it being that the more developed

countries are responsible for impoverishing of the low developed countries so capitalism is

seen as being responsible for breaking the development of these countries. This is because the

dependent states supply cheap labour, minerals, and agricultural commodities and also serve

as repositories of surplus capital, obsolesant technologies and manufactured goods. In light of

this, in any relationship where one party is dependent and the other is stronger there is

generation of a degree of control or influence. Relating this to humanitarian aid, it may be

used to control the dependent state by the dominant state. It can also create a relationship of

unreciprocated reliance where the dominant state or donor can cut off the provision of aid

with little or no costs whilst the recipient on the other hand incurs considerable costs which

may entail having to look for other sources of livelihood. (Nyatoro, 2012).

Coupled with this, another assumption of the dependency theory is that wealthy nations

perpetuate the state of dependency through various tactics which can be through the use of

media, sport, culture, economics, and politics among other means. Cogniscent of this, when

one considers how rich countries have provided the poor countries with aid one realizes that

foreign aid be it humanitarian or developmental is never free it always has strings attached

which creates a debt trap to the developing countries. Due to the debt trap, dependency

theorists’ argue that external forces are of singular importance to the economic activities

within the dependent states. This is because they end up dictating indirectly how the state

should be governed thereby furthering their own foreign and domestic policies within the

weaker state.18

Another assumption of is that wealthy nations actively counter attempts by dependent nations

to resist their influences by means of economic sanctions and/or the use of military force.

This brings to light that economic and political power are heavily concentrated and

centralised in the industrialised countries such that governments will take whatever steps

18 Ibid

35

necessary to protect private economic interests. Relating this to the provision of humanitarian

aid in less developed countries such as Zimbabwe, there is a tendency of then heavily relying

on the wealthy nation thus creating a special umbilical cord that ties it to it. In such instances,

there will be heavy reliance of what the dominant state can offer thereby robbing this

dependent state on self – sustenance and self – sufficiency. Harvey et al (2005) rejects this

view as he argues that there is little evidence that humanitarian aid undermines initiative or

that its delivery is reliable for people to depend on it.

Furthermore, according to Caporaso (1980), a central proposition of the dependency theory is

that the peripheral countries are poor not because they lagged behind but because they are

coercively integrated into the European economic system only as producers of raw materials

and or to serve as repositories of cheap labour and were denied the opportunity to market

their resources in any way that competed with the dominant states. In other words, the

poverty of the countries in the periphery is not because they are not integrated into the world

system, or not 'fully' integrated as is often argued by free market economists, but because

of how they are integrated into the system. A paradox is brought out where although both the

first and third-world countries are benefitting, the poorer side is being locked into a

detrimental economic position. The poor economies rely on the rich for the little work that is

available to them, yet this causes a barrier from the nation growing independently. In a future

perspective, such nations have no opportunity to improve their quality of life.

Dependency theorists argue that the diversion of resources over time is maintained not only

by the power of the dominant states but also through the power of the elites in the dependent

states. These elites maintain dependent relationships because of their own private interests

that coincide with the interests of the dominant state. In light of this, dependency is

perpetuated because of a few who are the elite who have the same interests with the dominant

states. In the provision of humanitarian aid which in most cases is supposed to be short term,

it could be that the people receiving it be it governments, individuals or NGOs have created

dependency in Africa in general because they have made it a long term fact of life. This is

because they benefit from the continued state on dependency as it entails societies that have

people who have lost their capacity to think for themselves and thus have relinquished control

over their own economic, social and political governance. (Brautigam et al, 1999).

36

To add on, dependency theory assume that under development is a stage but a process

through which countries reach to development. They add on to argue that underdevelopment

is a condition fundamentally different from undevelopment. Underdevelopment refers to a

situation in which resources are being actively used but in a way which benefits dominant

states and not the poorer countries in which the resources are found. Undevelopment means

that it is a condition where resources are not being used. Furthermore, underdeveloped

countries are not merely primitive versions of developed countries, but have unique features

and structures of their own; and, importantly, are in the situation of being the weaker

members in a world market economy. In light of this, they should not be prescribed to follow

the modernization path mainly because their realities and context and conditions are different

from the time that Europe underwent the stages of development. It is against this background

that under developed countries actually requires genuine support in order for them to fully

realise their full potential. (Ferraro, 1997).

Proponents of the dependency theory such as Walter Rodney are of the view that in order for

the peripheral countries to have economic growth and development, there is need for them to

detach themselves from the dominant countries so that they make it. They call for South to

South cooperation which will entail equal power relations as well as states that understand

each other in terms of history and contextual realities. Moreover, they cite successful

examples of delinking with Tanzania’s Ujamaa and the China’s Great Leap Forward. If this is

to be put in the context of provision of humanitarian aid especially to poor resource contexts

such as that of Zimbabwe, there is need for government to make efforts to ensure that the

needs of its people are met such that if there is to be any assistance, it comes from

cooperation with likeminded institutions that understand Zimbabwe’s situation such as the

African Union (AU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). This will

ensure that as Zimbabwe integrates into the region, it does so with concerted efforts by other

African players as well. (Nyatoro, 2012).

2.4 Empirical Review.

This section focuses on the studies that have been done around the world in relation to

humanitarian and it will also bring to light research gaps which the study investigating

politicization of humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe will bridge. Cogniscence of this, it is critical

37

to note that several studies have been done on the politicization of humanitarian aid in

developing countries. Volberg (2003) looked at the politicization of humanitarian aid and its

effects on principles of humanity, impartiality and neutrality. He went on to point out that

humanitarian assistance which once covered a very narrow set of basic relief activities carried

out by a small group of relatively independent actors has expanded significantly to a much

more complex rehabilitating work. In this light, there are more players in the provision of aid

which leads to aid becoming a political activity thereby entailing that more scrutiny is given

on its provision. Volberg ultimately examines the difficult realities in heterogenic

humanitarian environment by addressing all the complex legal and political issues

surrounding an emergency, including the impact of external actors like donors, host

governments and armed forces. In light of this, the gap which the researcher investigating the

politicization of humanitarian aid in the case of Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba

communities is that if the provision of humanitarian aid has become a political activity, what

are the motives behind its politicization so that answers to that question will assist

government as it engages on a policy level with the donor countries so that the humanitarian

aid that comes to Zimbabwe’s communities have pure motives of upholding humanity,

impartiality and neutrality.

In addition to this, Lensink et al (2001), in their study “are there negative returns to aid”

revealed that the re – allocation of the existing aid flows to poor countries with sound

management would lift 18 million more people per year out of poverty. They base their

argument on Collier and Dollar (1999) who postulate that aid becomes more effective when it

is given to countries with sound policies and that aid above a certain level of inflows starts to

have negative effects on growth. The study overall examined whether empirical evidence

supports the notion of negative effects of high aid inflows. To add on a similar arguments by

Moyo D (2010), in “Dead Aid: Why aid is not working and how there is a better way for

Africa” she notes that aid has helped make the poor poorer and growth slower. SKB Asante

(1985) also asserted that the limited evidence that is available suggests that the forms in

which foreign resources have been extended to Africa over the past 25years insofar as they

are concerned with economic development are to a great extend counterproductive. In this

light, these authors call for African countries not to be dependent but rather to make use of

South to South cooperation which usually has a win - win situation. In light of these

arguments put forward by these scholars, it is evident that aid in whatever forms it is coming

38

in, has not improved the economic and political situations of the recipient countries. In actual

fact, it has excluded communities in planning and delivering services which has pushed

recipients into a dependent state and also negatively impacted on community confidence to

further develop and enhance their capacities thus their interventions lack sustainability. In

light of this, the researcher investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid, noticed a gap

that though scholars have discussed how humanitarian aid has brought with it negative

retains, they have excluded the aspect of analysing the implications of external and internal

factors of politicization of humanitarian aid in relation to policy development for recipient

governments. The study on investigating politicization of humanitarian aid will analyse the

implications of the perception of humanitarian aid externally and internally and how these

affect humanitarian work in Zimbabwe. An interrogation of these perceptions will determine

how the state will interact together with the other actors in provision of humanitarian aid in

communities so that there is no suspicion and there is harmony as they work together in

improving lives and providing human dignity.

Furthermore, Bavard (1986), in his study which focuses on the failure of the United States of

America (USA)’s humanitarian aid to achieve its goals was initiated so as to examine its

Food for Peace19 programme. Although this alleviates hunger in the short term, the

programme disrupts local agricultural markets and makes it harder for the poor countries to

feed themselves in the long run. Bavard further argues that, in the 1950s and 1960s, massive

wheat given to India disrupted that country’s agricultural market and helped bankrupt

thousands of Indian farmers. In addition to this, food aid in Tanzania discouraged people

from feeding themselves and that has had a crippling effect on the development it seeks to

encourage. In the Democratic republic of Congo (DRC), the food for work donations were

sold actually taken and sold to a small arms factory in Italy. In addition to this, the study also

shows that in Ethiopia in 1984, the food aid that was given by the USA was sold to buy more

Soviet weaponry. Mauritius also insisted on receiving only the highest quality rice which it

would later on use in hotels catering for foreign tourists. Cape Verde is said to have used its

emergency relief aid to export it to other countries. In light of this study by Bavard (1986),

humanitarian aid given to most of these countries did not save lives and it was used for

politicized by the recipient governments to further domestic and foreign needs so as to remain

in power. It is also from this study that the researcher investigating the politicization of

19 The Food For Peace Programme saw the USA giving over two billion worth of surplus agricultural commodities a year to the Third

World Countries.

39

humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba communities seek to examine

the motives of politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community. This comes against the

realization that by understanding the motives behind politicization of humanitarian aid, policy

makers are able to come up with laws that ensure that humanitarian work becomes a neutral

and impartial field so that it empowers communities and responds to their basic needs for

survival. It will also ensure that those countries, individuals or NGOs that provide

humanitarian aid in recipient countries also come up with accountability structures and

systems so that the humanitarian aid is used for its intended purposes and it reaches to the

grassroots that are genuinely in need.

A thesis by Lotspeich (2007)20 focuses on two types of humanitarian aid; government based

and religious based in the area of education in Valparaiso in Chile. The study sought to see

which type of humanitarian aid is more effective in the fight to eradicate extreme poverty.

The study reviewed humanitarian aid programmes in Casa Acogida Rayen, a house run by

Hogar de Cristo (HDC) in Valparaiso Chile and the English Open Doors Programme (EODP)

by the Ministry of Education. The former is a religious based programme based and the latter

is government based and the purpose of the research was to compare the two types of the

programmes. The points of comparison between the two programmes included the history,

objectives, budget, organization, resources and teachers. The study revealed that the EODP

and the HDC have different goals yet they are all critical in that they both serve

underprivileged populations though the HDC serves them in a more holistic and immediate

way. From this study one can tell that the HDC which is a religious based institution provides

holistic and comprehensive humanitarian aid than the government based aid maybe because

for the government based it will be working under a low budget whilst with the other one,

several international donor agencies can donate thus making it more responsive to the needs

of the people. The research investigating politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s

Domboramwari and Chiremba will also take into account the various actors in the provision

of humanitarian aid so as to bring out how each actor facilitates the politicization of aid. This

will assist government as well as other actors in the provision of humanitarian aid to know

their different yet complementary roles so that they are able to work together in improving

livelihoods and empowering communities that will have been affected by a natural or man-

made disaster.

20 A thesis entitled, “Humanitarian Aid: A Comparative Study” submitted to the Miami University Honours Programme in partial fulfilment

for the University Honours with Distinction by Felisha Lotspeich, 2007, Oxford, Ohio.

40

Furthermore, Smit (2002) undertook a study which was commissioned by the Netherlands

government in 1997 on humanitarian aid in conflict situations looking at the dilemmas

confronting donors and implementing agencies when executing humanitarian programmes

and projects. The findings for this research were published in October 1998 and it was

revealed that the Netherlands government advocated for more flexible, wide ranging and

integrated approach to humanitarian aid to include elements of structural rehabilitation as

well as conflict prevention, reconciliation and reconstruction. This was against the

background that the restrictive interpretation of humanitarian aid makes it difficult for

governments and other actors to execute provision of humanitarian aid. The Netherlands

Parliament also argued that post conflict areas such as Kosovo and Rwanda where they were

providing traditional humanitarian aid, there was need to transfer humanitarian aid budget

from others so as to also aim at more structural forms of cooperation. From the study, the

Netherlands government argued that humanitarian aid should not be limited to a set of basic

needs aimed at mere physical survival of beneficiaries but there is need to transition from

emergency aid to a more structured form of development cooperation. It is interesting to note

that, though the call by the Netherlands government is noble to broaden humanitarian aid to

include elements of structural rehabilitation among others, one from a realist perspective, the

issue of “real politiks’ comes to play. In light of this, a gap that has been identified that the

research investigating politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth district will be to look at

the possible types of conditions of that this humanitarian aid is coming with. This is from the

realization that aid is seldom given for purely altruistic reasons. In addition to assessing the

different types of conditions, the research will also bring to light the consequences these

conditions are likely to have for long term implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth

district. This will also benefit recipient governments in the long term as they will be receiving

this comprehensive humanitarian assistance. They will be able to assess whether they agree to

the conditions such that the accept the humanitarian aid or they do not. It will also assist

decision making on the long term implementation of humanitarian aid in vulnerable

communities in Zimbabwe.

Moreover, Alex (2011) in her study on the role of humanitarian and development aid in the

economy of war she sought to explain why developmental and humanitarian aid can impact

negatively on conflicts. Her argument is that humanitarian aid can be used indirectly as an

instrument of war; it can also be indirectly integrated into the dynamics of conflict thereby

41

exacerbating the underlying causes of conflict increasing the level of insecurity. In her study

she cites that in the Rwandan genocide of 1994, the principles of neutrality and impartiality

made it impossible for relief workers to make any judgement or disregard legal and moral

equality between victims and perpetrators. Thus they ended up assisting victims and

perpetrators alike thereby perpetuating the conflict. In Afghanistan, during the occupation of

the Soviet in it, humanitarian assistance programmes became integrated into the Cold War

context. The Super power rivalry made it very difficult for humanitarian aid agencies to work

legitimately in Mujahidiri controlled areas. In 1988, NGOs were forced through the principle

of providing assistance to both sides of conflict (impartiality and neutrality) fuelled the

conflict because the Afghan refugee camps based in Pakistan served to legitimize the

resistance movement. It also provided a safe haven for Mujahidin and they regrouped, and

recuperated with their families. In this regard, humanitarian aid can be seen as a fueler of

conflicts as in the Rwandan and the Afghanistan case studies. However, a research gap that

the research investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari

and Chiremba communities has identified and will fill is that after having identified that

humanitarian aid can impact negatively on conflict situations.

In addition to this a similar example is a study done by Perrin (1998), which focused on the

effects of humanitarian aid on violence in conflicts. He noted that humanitarian aid can help

increase violence in conflicts especially if the reources are to be diverted, the beficiaries of

the humanitarian aid become targets of arms groups trying to get their hands on relief

supplies. The cases highlighted include how in the DRC, food for work programme donations

were sold to buy a small arms factory from Italy. The Zimbabwean case study of Epworth is

unique in that there is no open conflict as it was with the Rwandan and Afghanistan cases. It

would be interesting to examine how the same dynamics of negative impact to conflicts will

also be seen in the Epworth case study and how the results will differ as Epworth is not an

open conflict zone as has been indicated below.

In addition to this, a research by Stoddard et al (2009)21 provides the global incident data for

the last three years identifying new trends and highlights issues in the three most violent

contexts for aid workers at present which are Sudan (Darfur), Afghanistan and Somalia. The

results from this study show that the number of attacks in which aid workers were killed,

kidnapped or injured has risen significantly since 1997 with a particular sharp increase over 21 Humanitarian Policy Group Brief 34, April 2009; providing aid in insecure environments: trends in violence against aid workers and the

operational response. Abby Stoddard, Adele Harmer and Victoria DiDomenics, United Kingdom.

42

the past three years. The study also revealed that three quarters of aid worker attacks over the

past three years took place in six countries all with on- going armed conflicts such as Sudan,

Afghanistan, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Chad, Iraq and Pakistan. In Sudan (Darfur) in 2006 – 2008,

the annual average attack rate was 27/10 000, in Somalia in 2008, it was 40, 9/1 000 and in

Afghanistan, the increasing number of incidents and victims suggest rates likewise higher for

an average. In light of this research, one can deduce that humanitarian work in insecure

environments poses a major threat to the humanitarian aid workers who become victims of

the on – going conflicts. In view of this study, the research investigating the politicization of

humanitarian aid in Epworth is seeing an opportunity to complement this research on aid

workers in insecure environments by focusing on the different types of conditions that exist

in the humanitarian aid that is provided to Domboramwari and Chiremba communities. The

research will also examine the motives behind the provision of humanitarian. The research

shall also assess the implications of the internal and external perceptions of this politicized

aim with the aim of interrogating the consequences to future implementation of humanitarian

aid in Zimbabwe.

To add on, Munyanyi R (2005) in her thesis, “The political economy of food aid: a case of

Zimbabwe” investigated whether political decisions influenced the manner in which food aid

was distributed in Zimbabwe. Her study also sought to identify whether politics played a role

in the distribution of food aid in the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) food aid programme in

Zimbabwe. It also sought to provide general findings and recommendations for policy

makers, governmental and non – governmental organizations dealing with the food security

issues in Zimbabwe. In view of the study above, a research gap that has been identified is that

Munyanyi’ s focus in her thesis was the actors in the distribution of food aid so as the give

recommendations to policy makers. The research investigating the politicization of

humanitarian aid will dwell more on the issue of conditionalities attached to aid and how

these have created a perception by state actors such that this affected future implementation

of humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe. Coupled with this, the research will also assess the how the

communities Domboramwari and Chiremba are affected by the politicization of humanitarian

aid in their communities. In this regard, this research will bring to light the societal as well as

the political dimensions governing humanitarian aid work in Zimbabwe.

43

Furthermore, Paul Harvey (2007)22 in his study on tackling corruption in humanitarian aid, he

notes that corruption allegations have until recently hit the news headlines and this has

brought a lot of attention of the challenges of relief management and governance. The cases

he studied include Somalia, Liberia and Ethiopia. In Somalia, a UN monitoring group report

made assertions about corruption diversion of food aid. In addition to this, in Liberia, World

Vision uncovered substantial corruption in food aid operations. Coupled with this, the British

Broadcasting Cooperation (BBC) report highlighted corruption in aid operations in Ethiopia

in the 1980s. The findings from this study assisted Transparency International to develop a

Handbook of Good Practices in Preventing Corruption in Humanitarian Operations. Other

cases similar to this of corruption are that of Cape Verde that exported all its emergency relief

aid to other countries.

To add on, a thesis by Coke (2009)23 examines the relationship between food aid and

agricultural production in Sub Saharan Africa where most of the world’s food aid is directed.

From the policy implications for this research it suggests a shift in foreign assistance and an

increase in agricultural development programmes that focus on achieving food security and

food self-sufficiency in developing countries. In light of this research, one can tell that Coke

(2009) is borrowing from the dependency theory that assumes that the poverty of developing

nations is a direct consequence of those that are providing “knee jack” reaction in the form of

food aid. This however is not sustainable as communities may rely heavily on the food aid

which in an instant can cease. In view of this, a research gap that has been identified is that

though there is need to shift from humanitarian aid to more “developmental” and self –

empowering initiatives, the research investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in

Epworth still contends that humanitarian aid is still necessary taking into consideration that

there are states that are in constant open conflict such as Sudan, Somalia and Afghanistan

among others and those that are in latent conflict situations such as Zimbabwe that will

continue to alleviate suffering and distress among its people. In this regard, investigating

politicization of humanitarian aid will ensure that if motives, conditions and perceptions are

addressed there will efficiency and wide acceptance for the beneficiaries of humanitarian aid

in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba communities.

22 In Anti – Corruption Research Network: Tackling Corruption in Humanitarian aid. (2007).

23 Does Food Aid Influence Agricultural Development in Recipient Countries: A study on the relationship between food aid and agricultural

production in Sub Saharan Africa” Thesis submitted to Georgetown University by Coke Lorraine, L 2009

44

Olsen et al (2003) in their study24, sought to bring to light what determines the level of

emergency assistance in any particular given humanitarian crisis. The study proposes a basic

hypothesis that the volume of emergency assistance any humanitarian crisis attracts is

determined by three main factors working either in conjunction or individually. First, it

depends on the intensity of media coverage. Second, it depends on the degree of political

interest, particularly related to security, that donor governments have in a particular region.

Third, the volume of emergency aid depends on the strength of humanitarian NGOs and

international organisations present in a specific country experiencing a humanitarian

emergency. The empirical analysis of a number of emergency situations is carried out based

on material that has never been published before. The study concludes that only occasionally

do the media play a decisive role in influencing donors. Rather, the security interests of

Western donors are important together with the presence and strength of humanitarian

stakeholders, such as NGOs and international organisations lobbying donor governments. In

light of this, one can observe that provision of humanitarian aid is a highly political and

contested area of operation. In view of this, the research investigating the politicization of

humanitarian aid will complement this study by focusing more on the motives behind the aid,

the conditions attached to it as well as an interrogation of the implications of perceptions so

that its provision to the ordinary beneficiaries bring forth fruitful results that will uphold

human worth and human dignity.

24 Humanitarian Crises: What Determines the Level of Emergency Assistance? Media Coverage, Donor Interests and the Aid Business.

Disasters Volume 27, Issue 2, pages 109–126, June 2003.

45

According to a study by Ninno et al (2007) on ‘Food aid, domestic policy and food security:

Contrasting experiences from South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa”, it revealed that food aid,

both for short-term emergency relief and as program it helps address medium-term food

“deficits”, and is often a major component of food security strategies in developing countries.

This study reviews the experience with food aid of four major recipients of food aid namely;

India, Bangladesh, Ethiopia and Zambia regarding food production, trade, markets,

consumption and safety nets, as well as the policy responses to food emergencies. The widely

varying experiences of the country study suggest that food aid that supports building of

production and market enhancing infrastructure, is timed to avoid adverse price effects on

producers and is targeted to food insecure households can play a positive role in enhancing

food security. However, food aid is not the only, or in many cases, the most efficient means of

addressing food insecurity. In many cases private markets can more effectively address

shortfalls in food availability and cash transfers may be a viable alternative to food transfers

in-kind.

In addition to this, a study by palmer et al (1998) on Women, Health and Humanitarian aid in

Conflict brings to the fore that the burden of political conflict on civilian populations has

increased significantly over the last few decades. Increasingly, the provision of resources and

services to these populations is coming under scrutiny. Of major concern is that in conflict

situations and the provision of humanitarian aid in such contexts; there is limited attention to

gender considerations. It is essential to note that in any conflict situation, men and women are

affected differently and as such they have different exposures to situations that affect health

and access to health-care and have differential power to influence decisions regarding the

provision of health services. The study thereby argues that the role of women in planning is

central to the provision of effective, efficient and sensitive health-care to conflict-affected

populations. This comes against a background that most humanitarian aid agencies in most of

the instances provides a “blanket approach” or a one size fits all which in most instances do

not work. In view of this a research gap that has been identified is that there is need to ensure

a holistic approach to the provision of humanitarian aid within communities so that the

humanitarian aid that is given does not become a bone of contention within the same

communities. In this regard, the research investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid

in Epworth will analyse the gender dynamics and at the same time give policy

46

recommendations that there is need for both men and women to be consulted as they are all

supposed to benefit. In as much as a culture of patriarchy has seen to men having advanced

more than women, it is still critical to ensure that both men and women are brought together

so that they interrogate provision of humanitarian aid in their communities. This will create a

sense of respect amongst the two genders as well as create an atmosphere that they all equal

partners in the development agenda.

2.5 Summary

This section had a discussion on the conceptual framework that brought to light what

humanitarian aid is and the different forms it comes in. Furthermore, a theoretical framework

that highlighted realism and the dependency theories revealed the basic assumptions which

are the backbone of this investigation on the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s

Domboramwari and Chiremba communities. Lastly this section also covered in depth the

various researches that have been done world-wide on humanitarian aid with the aim of

extracting research gaps which this study also seeks to bridge so that when discussing

humanitarian aid there is a wholesome picture.

CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

47

3.1 Introduction

The overall objective of this study is to investigate if there are specific conditions to

humanitarian aid in the context of Zimbabwe. The study also seeks to examine how this is

received at national level in a bid to discuss politicization of humanitarian aid specifically in

Epworth district. In this regard, this chapter will focus on how the researcher will collect data

in the field thus the chapter is focuses on the qualitative research paradigm, the case study

research design, the tools to be used as well as the ethical considerations the researcher will

be mindful of during data collection and analysis. The chapter is therefore divided into the

following categories; the Qualitative Paradigm, Case Study Research Design, the Grounded

Theory, the Population, Sampling Techniques, Data Collection Instruments and finally

ethical considerations.

3.2 Qualitative Paradigm

According to Strauss and Corbin (1990:17) qualitative paradigm can be defined as “any kind

of research that produces findings not arrived at by means of statistical procedures or other

means of quantification. In addition, qualitative researchers seek illumination, understanding,

and extrapolation to similar situations. Strauss and Corbin (1990) also claim that qualitative

paradigms can be used to better understand any phenomenon about which little is yet known.

They can also be used to gain new perspectives on things about which much is already known

or to gain more in-depth information that may be difficult to convey quantitatively. In light of

this, the researcher chose to use this paradigm in investigating politicization of humanitarian

aid in Epworth’s two districts Chiremba and Domboramwari. Though studies have been done

on politicization of aid in general, through the research paradigm the researcher will have an

in – depth study in an area that has been done before so as to come up with new hypothesis

taking into consideration the changes in paradigms and theories as a result of globalization,

regional integration among other concerns.

To add on, Hoepfl (1997) points out that the qualitative paradigm is appropriate in situations

where one needs to first identify the variables that might later be tested quantitatively, or

where the researcher has determined that quantitative measures cannot adequately describe or

interpret a situation. In this regard, the researchers choose this paradigm so as to bring to light

the variables such as politicization and humanitarian aid so that if thoroughly investigated

and there is a generation of theory, these can later be tested quantitatively. In addition to these

48

the researcher also saw that in investigating politicization of humanitarian aid, using the

quantitative paradigm would not be appropriate in bringing out the illumination, and the

extrapolation that come with a qualitative paradigm.

Lincoln et al (1985) postulates that the qualitative paradigm has the ability to describe a

phenomenon more fully. It has the ability to bring out people’s experiences, people’s realities

and how they interact with each other thereby adding to the phenomena under study. In this

regard, the study in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba wards will bring to light how

people’s lives and interactions with each other are affected by politicization of humanitarian

aid. It will also help discover meaning of the communities’ interaction with aid and the

interpretation of that meaning will better inform the research study.

Glauser and Strauss (1967) postulates that the primary goal of the qualitative paradigm is to

generate theory rather than to test theory or mere description. In light of this view, theory is

not a perfected product but an ever developing entity. It is against this view point that the

study preferred the qualitative paradigm because in politicization of humanitarian aid in

Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba communities, the researcher will generate theory

making use of the grounded theory. To add on, though the qualitative paradigm can be

emotionally taxing and extraordinarily time consuming; at the same time it has the ability to

yield rich information not obtainable through statistical sampling techniques. Through its

use, the researcher is committing to bearing the burden of discovering and interpreting the

importance of what is observed, establishing a plausible connection between what is observed

and the conclusions drawn in the research report.

3.3 Case Study Research Design

Tellis (1997) defines a Case Study research design as a detailed investigation often with data

collected over a period of time or of phenomena within their context and the aim is to provide

an analysis of the context and processes which illuminate the theoretical issues being studied.

In addition, Case studies tend to be selective, focusing on specific issues that are fundamental

to understanding the system being examined. For the purposes of the research study, the

researcher has decided to focus specifically on investigating if there are specific conditions to

humanitarian aid in the context of Zimbabwe and how this is received at national level.

49

Case studies are said to have a multi-perspectival analysis meaning that the researcher

considers not just the voice and perspective of the respondents, but also of the relevant groups

of respondents and the interaction between them. (Tellis (1997). In light of this, with the

researcher investigating if there are specific conditions to humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe and

how this is received at national level, there is a consideration of various actors which are not

only limited to the beneficiaries of humanitarian aid but also the NGO personnel that

administer that aid as well as local policy makers such as the District Administrators (Das)

and the Councillors.

Charmaz (2006) argues that a case study research design is flexible in that it is able to adapt

to and probe areas of planned but also emergent theory. It is in light of this that the researcher

chose the use of a case study research design because its flexibility allows further probing

and change of theory as more data is collected. For instance, initial document analysis might

have indicated that there is politicization of humanitarian aid in general but as the researcher

continues to collect data on the field using a case study approach there could also be new

themes and theories that arise which the researcher will have to take into cogniscence so that

the research results become holistic and well informed by what is on the ground.

Feagin et al (1999) points out that a case study research design is a triangulated research

strategy which means that there will be the use of multiple sources of data where one

approach is followed by another to increase confidence in the interpretation of data. It is

against this background that the researcher chose to make use of the case study research

design in a quest to investigate politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth district. This is

because to increase validity and reliability, case study research designs allow for the

researcher to make use of multiple data collection instruments. In this case, the researcher

shall make use of interviews targeting beneficiaries of humanitarian aid, NGO personnel and

local policy makers in Epworth’s Chiremba and Domboramwari wards. In addition FGDs as

well as document studies will be done so that there is triangulation to increase data reliability

and validity. In spite of this triangulation, criticisms that have been levelled against the case

study research design is that there is the issue of generalization which means that results from

the case study cannot be applied to real life situations. However some scholars such as Yin

(1984) dismiss that claim stating that there is a difference between analytic generalization and

statistical generalization meaning that in analytic generalization, previously developed theory

is used as a template against which to compare the empirical results of the case study.50

In addition, the case study research design has been chosen by the researcher because it is an

all-encompassing method that covers the logic of the design, data collection techniques and

specific approaches to data analysis. Coupled with this, it is an inductive approach which

provides an opportunity to explore issues in depth and in context and that theory development

can occur through the systematic piecing together of detailed evidence to generate theories of

broader interest (Hartley 2000). As the researcher will be investigating the politicization of

humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Chiremba and Domboramwari wards, the use of open ended

questions will allow for in-depth investigations which will bring about a wide range of data

that will be used to understand the context and the phenomena under study.

A criticism that has been levelled against a case study research design is that there is a

tendency for researchers to attempt to answer a question that is too broad or a topic that has

too many objectives for one study. In order to avoid this problem, several authors including

Yin (2003) and Stake (1995) have suggested that placing boundaries on a case can prevent

this explosion from occurring. Suggestions on how to bind a case include; by time and place,

time and activity and by definition and context. Binding the case will ensure that the study

remains reasonable in scope. In this regard, the researcher instead of focusing of

politicization of humanitarian aid in the whole of Zimbabwe, the case study has been given a

boundary to look at Epworth’s two wards out of eight; Domboramwari and Chiremba. The

researcher chooses to focus on these two so that they become a sample representative and at

the same time they ensure that the study remains on track. To add on, the researcher also

delimited her study to focus on politicization from 2008 – 2012 mainly because there are

certain political, economic and social dynamics that occurred during this time period that

could have a bearing on the subject under study.

Stake (1995) classifies case study research design as either explanatory, exploratory,

descriptive, single, holistic multiple, intrinsic, instrumental or collective. Through the study

of politicization of humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe’s Epworth’s two wards Domboramwari

and Chiremba, the researcher will make use of a single case study research design. This has

been necessitated by the fact that with a single case study there will be detailed and in depth

analysis of the case under study. For instance there will be need to interrogate the different

types of conditions of humanitarian aid, the different motives by aid administrators; an

assessment of how the Chiremba and Domboramwari communities are affected by the

51

internal and external factors of politicization of humanitarian aid and how has government

responded to the consequences that are likely to be there in the long term implementation of

humanitarian aid in Epworth district. Criticisms have been levelled that it allows for

researcher’s subjectivity thus the need to make use of multi case studies. Yin (1985) on the

other hand argues that it is inappropriate to assume that the researcher will be biased and will

lack objectivity mainly because he or she will be guided by theoretical approaches and the

need to address a social phenomenon.

3.4 Grounded Theory

Bryant et al (2007) points out that the Grounded Theory comprises of a systematic, inductive

and comparative approach for conducting inquiry for the purpose of constructing theory. It is

designed to encourage researchers’ persistent interaction with data while remaining

constantly involved with their emerging analysis.

Grounded Theory also builds empirical checks into the analytic process and leads a

researcher to examine all possible theoretical explanations for the empirical findings. In

addition to this, using Grounded Theories entail that data collection and analysis proceed

simultaneously and each informs and streamlines the other. In this regard, in this research

where the researcher is focusing on the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth the

researcher will simultaneously collect data in the field and at the same time analyse it so that

if there are emerging traits, these can be categorised for further analysis. In addition to this

simultaneous data collection and analysis will ensure that the researcher is able to interrogate

emerging themes and how these may impact on the research topic.

According to Charmaz (2006), the Grounded Theory consists of systematic yet flexible

guidelines for collecting and analysing qualitative data to construct theories grounded in the

data themselves. In this regard, data forms the foundation of the theory and analysis of this

data generates concepts the researcher constructs. Grounded theorists thus construct data

through observations, interactions and materials that they gather about the topic. In light of

this, in this research where there is an investigation of politicization of humanitarian aid in

Epworth’s Chiremba and Domboramwari, the researcher will also gather data through

document study so as to gain an understanding of what occurs in the research setting and how

the research participants’ live their lives. In doing this, the researcher will be in a position to

52

explain their statements, actions and be in a position to ask what analytical sense this makes

in relation to the research study. In addition, the researcher will make use of interviews and

FGDs so as to understand research participants’ views, feelings, intentions and actions as

well as their contexts and structure of their lives as they receive humanitarian aid from NGOs

operational in their community.

To add on, Charmaz (2006) notes that Grounded Theorists study early data and begin to

separate, sort and synthesize data through what she calls qualitative coding. Coding means

attaching labels to segments of data that depict what each segment is about. This coding is

meant to emphasise what is happening in the research field. The researcher investigating the

politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth will do her interviews and FGDs and if there is

a realization that there are specific patterns the data is taking there will be need to code it.

Coding can be done based on for instance the gender dimensions, age dynamics and

educational qualifications emerging as specific categories and it will be the duty of the

researcher to further interrogate how these shape the research study.

Furthermore, the Grounded Theory highlights the need for a researcher to develop after

memos. Strauss et al (1997) postulates that memos are preliminary notes and in developing

these, the Grounded Theorist is defining ideas that best fit and interpret the data as tentative

analytic categories. These also allow that when inevitable questions arise and gaps in

categories appear, the researcher will seek data that answer these questions and fill the gaps.

In this study investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid, the researcher will make use

of memos so that there is gap filling as well as categorised data which can be easily analysed.

3.5 Population

According to the results of the 2012 census results, the total population of Epworth district is

161 840. (Central Statistical Office, 2012). This is a rapid increase from the 2002 census that

had 114 067 as the total population of Epworth district. Epworth then and as of today is

divided into 8 wards namely Chiremba also known as Muguta, Makomo, Domboramwari,

Jacha known as Muguta Extension or Matanga, Chinamano Extension also referred to as

Maseko, Overspill, Magada and Chizangu which include Zinyengere and Chinamano.

3.6 Sampling Techniques

53

According to Willey (1995), a common misconception about sampling in qualitative research

is that numbers are unimportant in ensuring the adequacy of a sampling strategy. Yet sample

sizes may be too small to support claims of having achieved either informational redundancy

or theoretical saturation, or too large to permit the deep, case-oriented analysis that is the key

to qualitative inquiry. Determining adequate sample size in qualitative research is ultimately

a matter of judgment and experience in evaluating the quality of the information collected

against the uses to which it will be put, the particular research method and purposeful

sampling strategy employed and the research product intended. A sample by definition

corresponds to the larger population on the characteristics of interest. In that case, the

researcher's conclusions from the sample are probably applicable to the entire population.

This type of correspondence between the sample and the larger population is most important

when a researcher wants to know what proportion of the population has a certain

characteristic – like a particular opinion or a demographic feature. (Babbie 2001).

For the purposes of this study, the researcher made use of convenience sampling and

according to Powell (1997), convenience sampling or accidental sampling is a type of non-

probability sampling which involves the sample being drawn from that part of the population

which is close to hand. That is, a sample population selected because it is readily available

and convenient and some members of the population have no chance of being included. In

investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and

Chiremba wards, the researcher chose to use convenience sampling which is a non –

probability sampling technique mainly because of time and cost constrains. This is because

unlike probability sampling that is considered more stringent and has a higher chance for

every representative of the population to participate, the researcher thought it prudent to make

use of a method that is inexpensive and a quick way of discerning the research topic.

Scholars such as Boxill et al (1997) critic convenience sampling arguing that relying on

available subjects, however, is extremely risky and comes with many cautions, for example,

this method does not allow the researcher to have any control over the representativeness of

the sample. In addition, the argument is also that, the researcher cannot control how well the

characteristics of the sample (gender, age, race, education) match the characteristics of the

larger population it is intended to represent. Regardless, the researcher chose this type of

sampling because it is a cost effective and a quick way of gathering data in a political hotspot

such as Epworth district.

54

Furthermore, the researcher also made use of snowball sampling which is similar to

convenience sampling. According to Babbie (2001), snowball sampling is another non –

probability method in which current participants refer or identify other possible respondents.

It is often used when members of a particular population are difficult to find. The researcher

in investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and

Chiremba wards also made use of snowball sampling mainly after the realization that some

recipients of humanitarian aid were not willing to participate in an academic research. The

researcher thus made use of contacts from Plan International, Caritas, Christian Care and

MSF Zimbabwe so as to get other respondents who would in turn refer the researcher to other

recipients of humanitarian aid in the two wards. The snowball sampling method proved

beneficial to employ also taking into consideration how communities are tense due to the

forth coming harmonised elections to be held by June 2013. In this regard, making use of

snowball sampling gave the researcher access into the Domboramwari and Chiremba wards

easily. To increase reliability and validity of the data obtained through convenience sampling,

the researcher shall keep in mind the following critical aspects; the types of people that were

systematically excluded from the sample; the types of people who were over-represented in

the sample and if the findings have been replicated by different researchers using a variety of

data-collection methods with different samples.

3.7 Data Collection Instruments

For the purposes of this study, the researcher will make use of interviews, Focus Group

Discussions (FGDs) and document study:

3.7.1 Interviews

In depth open ended interviews were used by the researcher so as to assess the different types

of aid the Domboramwari and Chiremba communities receive, analyse if it politicised and

examine how this affects them as community members. Kvale (1996) notes that interviews

seek to describe and the meanings of central themes in the life world of the subjects and the

main task in interviewing is to understand the meaning of what the interviewees say. To add

on interviews are particularly useful in obtaining the story behind respondents lives and

experiences. The researcher chose to use open-ended interviews as they allow the researcher

to probe deeper into the initial responses of the respondent to gain a more detailed answer to

the questions. (Wimmer and Dominick 1997). This is very critical taking into consideration

55

that issues of politicization of humanitarian aid are highly sensitive such that there is need for

the researcher to probe further so as to get an understanding of how this affects the

Domboramwari and Chiremba communities. In addition, the richness of the data is entirely

dependent on the interviewer as they themselves, judge how much or how little they should

probe. This has led other scholars such as Jensen (1991) to critic the approach as it brings out

subjective perspectives that respondents give so as to please the one who is interviewing.

Regardless of this, interviews continue to play a critical role in research as it gives freedom

for the respondents to answer how they wish and give them a feeling of control in the

interview situation.

3.7.2 Focus Group Discussions (FGDs)

FGDs play an integral role in gauging public opinion and this is because the researcher can

interact with the participants, pose follow-up questions and ask questions that probe more

deeply. In addition, information is obtained not only from what is said but also from non-

verbal responses, such as facial expressions and body language which provides rich detail

over people’s perceptions, attitudes and behaviours. (Neil 2010). In light of this, the

researcher investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari

and Chiremba wards made use of FGDs so as to ascertain people’s attitudes and perceptions

with regards to the issue of politicization of humanitarian aid. According to Neil (2010),

FGDs are a primary format for qualitative research and this is a type of research that seeks

open-ended thoughts and feelings from consumers, as opposed to quantitative research that

involves numerical-based data collection. In addition, it typically consists of around six to

twelve target market consumer participants engaged in a discussion with a research

moderator. Furthermore, the small group number allows for the research moderator to be able

to handle the group dynamics where there are individuals who tend to dominate whilst others

end up being silenced. In this regard, a good research moderator has to be able to facilitate

discussion ensuring that both introvert and extroverts get an opportunity to input into the

discussion. A challenge that has been linked to the FGDs is that there is a tendency to

generalise findings as sentiments of the group, regardless of this it is critical to note that in

assessing the politicization of humanitarian aid, the researcher took care to bring about a

balanced and honest assessment so that research findings add to the body of knowledge.

3.7.3 Document Study

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According to ZeePedia.com, secondary data refer to information gathered by someone other

than the researcher conducting the present study. Secondary data are usually historical,

already assembled, and do not require access to respondents or subjects. Many types of

information about the social and behavioural world have been collected and are available to

the researcher. Some information is in the form of statistical documents (books, reports) that

contain numerical information. Other information is in the form of published compilations

available in a library or on computerized records. In either case the researcher can search

through collections of information with a research question and variables in mind, and then

reassemble the information in new ways to address the research question. In the study

investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and

Chiremba wards chose to use document study mainly because it allows for longitudinal

analysis and this means that document study is especially well suited to study over a long

period of time. A researcher is able to pick up different periods in the past and try to make

comparisons and figure out the changes that may have occurred over time. The researcher

also adopted the use of document study mainly because they are easy to get hold of and they

are usually of high quality. Documents that are in the form of journals are more reliable such

that the researcher will not be affected by document bias in her investigation of politicization

of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba wards.

3.8 Ethical Considerations

Ethics refers to the correct rules of conduct necessary when carrying out research.  We have a

moral responsibility to protect research participants from harm. In this light as the researcher

will be undertaking this study, the following ethical considerations will be taken into account:

1. Informed Consent – Before undertaking the study, the researcher shall outline to the

respondents what the research is all about and then ask for their permission to

participate. In gaining informed consent, the researchers will inform the respondents

the purpose of the study, procedures involved, the length of time they are supposed to

participate, potential or foreseeable benefits and risks in participating so that they

make an informed decision when they eventually decide to participate.

2. Debriefing - the researcher shall take time after the research to learn how subjects

perceived the research and to thank them for participating in the study. In this case,

the researcher will also give respondents time to ask questions relating to the study.

57

The debriefing session will also be important so that the researcher gives a general

idea of what she was investigating and why.

3. Confidentiality – the researcher shall ensure that the respondents and the data gained

from them are kept anonymous unless they give their full consent.  The researcher

will also ensure that no names are used in the research report and findings.

4. Withdrawal from the study - From the very beginning, the researcher will inform

respondents that they have the right to stop participating in the study.  Even at the end

of the study a respondent has a final opportunity to withdraw the data they have

provided for the research.

3.8 Summary

In this chapter the researcher has covered the qualitative paradigm, the case study research

design, the Grounded Theory, the population, the sampling techniques, the data collection

tools (interviews, FGDs and document study) and ethical considerations.

CHAPTER FOUR: DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

4.1 Introduction

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This chapter looks at the discussion of the research findings during field work in

Domboramwari and Chiremba wards in Epworth district. This section looks at the various

actors in the provision of humanitarian aid in these two wards and their selection criteria for

one to be an eligible beneficiary. The chapter also brings to light the gender and age

dynamics that come about as a result of accessing humanitarian aid for the community

members that are in the two wards. This section also discusses how existing literature links

with the new findings and lastly the researcher attempts to bridge the gaps that were

identified with the existing literature.

4.2 Main Actors In The Provision Of Humanitarian Aid In Domboramwari And

Chiremba Wards.

Humanitarian aid represents a commitment to support vulnerable host populations that have

experienced a sudden emergency, requiring on going assistance to maintain or improve their

quality of life. (Kopinak, 2013). In this regard, in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba

wards, there are various actors such as Churches, NGOs and the Councillor that have

committed themselves to providing humanitarian aid so that the standard of living for the

communities is improved. The section below gives a detailed outline of the provision of

humanitarian aid by various actors and the politics that emerge as a result of this:

4.2.1 Churches

The genesis of Epworth district has its roots in the Methodist Church with Reverend Shimmin

establishing it as a Methodist Mission Station in 1890. Though the Methodist Church could

not control the influx of the population and later on in 1983 sold Epworth to the Ministry of

Local Government, it is imperative to note that the role of the church did not diminish in

community development for Epworth district. It should also be noted that because Epworth

district was an unplanned settlement that overwhelmingly increased its population leading it

to be a formally recognised informal settlement in the post-colonial era, there emerged

several challenges that warranted for humanitarian intervention. Churches whether traditional

such as Methodist, Roman Catholic, and Anglican or unconventional such as Beam of Hope

Churches International, Celebration Church among others are also main actors in the

provision of humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and Chiremba wards.

59

According to respondents that were interviewed25, they noted that with humanitarian aid from

the church is not politicized mainly because it is distributed by the Priest in most cases if it is

a Catholic Church and if it is a non – conventional Church, other selected Church members

are given the task of distributing it. Recipients are given based on either being a widow, an

Orphan or if a household is unanimously agreed by the Church to be living below the poverty

datum line. In addition the humanitarian aid from the Church may come in the form of bags

of grain, beans and at times tuition fees for Orphans and Vulnerable Children (OVCs). In

addition in a FGD26 that was held in Chiremba, respondents were asked what their definition

of politicization was since they had mentioned that what they receive from the Church is not

politicized. They noted that for them politicization meant they receive humanitarian aid

which they would be asked to do something in return for the individual or group that would

have assisted them. However, with the aid from the Church, they highlighted that they were

not expected to give anything in return. In addition with aid from the Church they were

convinced that the Priest and the Church were giving out of the goodness of their hearts so

that their livelihoods are improved. Furthermore, with the humanitarian aid from the Church

no one who was eligible would be discriminated against such that to the respondents that

were interviewed they hailed what the Church was doing in bring back dignity and worth for

the members of the Domboramwari and Chiremba communities.

4.2.2 NGOS

Non – Governmental Organizations (NGOs) are legally constituted corporations created by

legal people that operate independently from any form of government. The term originated

from the United Nations, and normally refers to organizations that are not a part of a

government and are not conventional for profit businesses. In the cases in which NGOs are

funded totally or partially by governments, the NGO maintains its non-governmental status

by excluding government representatives from membership in the organization. NGOs are

typically non-profit organizations which mean that they are organizations that pursue wider

social aims that have political aspects, but are not openly political organizations such as

political parties27. Bratton (1990) points out that the role of NGOs is to complement the

development effort of governments, and can help make the development process more

25 Males and Females who have stayed in Domboramwari and Chiremba for over thirty years receive aid from their own churches.

26 The FGDs was held in Chiremba to the people who receive humanitarian aid from unconventional churches.

27 http://www.humanrights.gov/2012/01/12/fact-sheet-non-governmental-organization-ngos-in-the-united-states.

60

accountable, transparent and participatory. In addition, NGOs do not only "fill in the gaps"

but also act as a response to failures in the public and private sectors.

In Domboramwari and Chiremba wards, various NGOs are operational to provide a wide

array of humanitarian aid. Plan International, Oxfam and the Zimbabwe Development

Community Programmes (ZDCP) are some of the NGOs that have played a critical role in the

provision of water and sanitation in these two communities. To add on, USAID has also been

pivotal in providing buckets and cholera tablets to community members in a bid to ensure

that hygiene is maintained at all times and that there will not be any new cases of cholera

since 2008. Caritas also assisted some displaced individuals after Operation Restore Order in

2008.28 Furthermore another NGO operational in Domboramwari and Chiremba providing

humanitarian aid is Red Cross International which has been making strides in reducing

poverty in child headed families and households thus they are giving assistance to OVCs.

Medecins Sans Frontiers (MSF) Zimbabwe and organization of doctors has been working in

Domboramwari Polyclinic since 2006 and has 12,000 + registered HIV positive patients in

Epworth, more than 9,000 of whom are on Anti-Retroviral Therapy (ART). In addition

Christian Care has also been complimenting MSF efforts by providing humanitarian

assistance in the form of food and ARVs for those that are on ART.

Respondents were unanimous that with the NGOs, for one to benefit from the humanitarian

aid, they all have set criteria that one has to meet in order to qualify. From the 30 respondents

that were interviewed, 75% were of the opinion that the development of a set criterion for

community members to benefit from this humanitarian aid was a good initiative as it saw to

the most needy being able to be catered for. On the other hand, the 25% were of the opinion

that though having a selection criterion had its advantages; it brought about rigidity and

inflexibility in the system. This came out strongly with the humanitarian aid that Christian

Care, Plan and Red Cross are providing. In the past Christian Care which works with

Domboramwari Clinic with HIV patients used to give everyone on ART food aid, however,

they have changed strategy where if an HIV patient has low body weight they then eligible to

access food aid. This has caused a lot of controversy for those HIV patients whose body

weight have increased and thus been removed on the food aid programme. One female

respondent who has lived all her life in Chiremba who was interviewed brought out bitter

28 A 23 year old female respondent highlighted the following, “I received help from Caritas after Murambatsvina as a politically displaced person……”

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sentiments concerning the new Christian Care strategy. She pointed out the following,

“pamwe vakanzi vatiburitse muchirongwa nekuti isu hatiite zvepolitics, manje isu tingori

hedu varwere”29. Such sentiments reveal that some of the former beneficiaries of food aid

from Christian Care, link their removal from the programme due to politics. An interview

with a Field Officer from Christian Care30 reveal that the change in strategy was facilitated by

the fact that there was a realization that the number of people who were on the programme

were increasing by the day so there was need to come up with a strategy that would assist

those that were dire need especially those whose body weights were very low. Moreover, the

Field Officer highlighted that since the inception of the programme, Christian Care had

explained to the beneficiaries that their intervention would come to an end at some point. It is

imperative to note that issues of dependency and entitlement also come into play; these will

be discussed later on in this chapter.

Another issue that brought a lot of contestation as a result of the set criterion by Plan

International in the provision of food aid for widows and OVCs is that the organization works

with community volunteers to assess if one is truly a widow or an OVC. Critics argue that

though Plan works together with these community volunteers to assess eligibility, the

community volunteers at time politicize the process in that some who are supposed to be

benefitting end up being left out. These community volunteers use their discretion and at

times feed lies to the Project Officer from Plan so that they exclude certain people from

benefiting31. It also emerged that from the recipients of humanitarian aid from Plan

International they all concur with each other that the Staff is professional when they distribute

the food aid. They also ensure that when people are coming to the community hall to assess

the food aid no one is in party regalia so as to ensure that the communities see that Plan

International is not a political organization that is pushing a political party agenda.

Respondents noted that they do not have to declare their political affiliation in order for them

to qualify or not qualify for food aid from Plan. Moreover, they are not made to feel indebted

to the food aid that they receive mainly because when the programme started they were

debriefed that this was a temporary intervention meant to cushion widows and OVCs. To

29“ Maybe they were told to remove us from the programme because we don’t involve ourselves in politics, we are just sick people” – translation from sentiments by a 41 year old female respondent

30 Vincent Mupamhadzi, Christian Care Field Officer in Epworth’s Domboramwari.

31 Sentiments from 41 year old Mai Magoso a respondent from Domboramwari who benefits from the programme since she is a widow

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date, Plan International has ceased its humanitarian aid work in Epworth district until a time

to be communicated if they are to resume once more.

To add on, the set criterion by Red Cross International has also come under scrutiny by some

recipients of aid in Domboramwari and Chiremba communities in Epworth district. Officers

from Red Cross distribute food aid to the eligible households and they have been commended

for doing it in a professional manner. However, criticisms have been levelled against them

that they only provide for child headed households to reduce poverty whist the two

communities are characterised by a greater proportion of families that are headed by

unemployed family members. In this regard, recipients and other community members are

also of the opinion that both the OVCs and the unemployed household heads should all be

eligible for the food aid as they are all poor and needy. An interview with Farai Chirisa a staff

member with Red Cross revealed that the organization is mainly interested in working with

OVCs mainly because that is their niche so the sentiments being raised by other recipients

and community members though justified do not fit into the mandate of Red Cross

International in Epworth district. He also noted that community members were debriefed and

were given the delimits of Red Cross when it first came in the two communities so they

should keep it in mind that Red Cross is also coming to complement other efforts and

initiatives that are of a humanitarian nature other actors are doing. In terms of whether there

is politicization of humanitarian aid in the two communities, Farai noted that, “there have

always been insinuations that aid is politicised mainly because NGOs are the major players

whose funds come from Europe and the West. Honestly as for me, I do not know, what I just

do is perform my duties of giving the neediest which are the OVCs in Domboramwari and

Chiremba.” 32

4.2.3 The Councillor

Epworth district has six MDC T and one Zanu PF Councillors, whose responsibilities include

making local decisions, encompassing compliance with law such as applicable statutes and

regulations. In addition, Councillors are also supposed to consider the welfare and interests of

the municipality as a whole and to bring to council's attention anything that would promote

the welfare or interests of the municipality.33 In Epworth district some of the Councillors are;

32 Interview with Farai Chirisa a Project Officer with Red Cross International working in Epworth district.

33 http://www.municipalaffairs.alberta.ca/am_Roles_and _Responsibilities_of_Municipal_Officials.cfm

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Mrs Joan Mawira from Zanu PF, Fungai Navaia, Richard Tawa, William Mapfumo, Gift July

and Didmus Bonde all from the MDC (T). From the interviews that the researcher conducted,

the Domboramwari Councillor is also said to be a major player in the distribution of

humanitarian aid in the area. Councillor Joana Mawira was elected as a councillor in

Epworth Local Authority, in March 2008. Respondents noted that with the aid that the

Councillor distributes there are several factors that are considered. Firstly, one has to be a

ZANU PF card carrying member in order to be eligible for this aid. In addition to this, the

beneficiaries of this humanitarian aid should be elderly who have lived in Domboramwari for

the greatest part of their lives. In addition, the Councillor has a list of names of people who

are said to be eligible for the support such that if an individual’s name is not there whether

they are a party carrying card member they will be disqualified. According to a 24 year old

male who was interviewed he noted that, “I did not qualify the requirements though I have

my party card, this is because the Councillor also has a list of the names of the people who

should get the food aid”. 34

It is interesting to note that some respondents that were interviewed by the researcher

highlighted that what the Councillor distributes does not come from the Council itself but

comes from well-wishers. In light of this, this food aid should be able to benefit all

community members regardless of political affiliation. One respondent had this to say, “No

vanouya nezvinhu vanofanira kupa vega pane kupa Councillor. Councillor anozopa

vaanoziva vatsva muarea havapihwi”.35 In this regard, the researcher observed that the food

aid that is distributed by the Councillor brings in a lot of tension amongst community

members as others who are not from Zanu PF end up being excluded from what is supposed

to be for the whole community. Moreover, sentiments from respondents reveal that the

Councillors’ food aid is distributed by soldiers and war veterans which in itself further bring

to light how humanitarian aid is used for political mileage and gain. Of interest to note is that,

this food aid that is distributed by the Councillor, it is not as consistent as that which comes

from NGOs that give beneficiaries monthly. It was pointed out by some community members

who were interviewed but are not beneficiaries that in most cases, the Councillor’s food aid

34 The 24 year old who was interviewed also noted that he has been in the area for 5 years such that maybe because he is new, he was disqualified from this food aid by the Councillor.

35 No, those that come with food aid should give it out themselves rather than to give the councillor because he ends up giving those he knows leaving those who are new in the area with nothing. – Translation of what a respondent said during an interview.

64

appears whenever the country is preparing for elections and this causes a lot of tension and

suspicion as community members can go to extremes of naming and shaming each other in a

bid to outdo the other with the hope of becoming eligible for this food aid.

4.3 Gender And Age Dynamics In Accessing Humanitarian Aid.

During the fieldwork experience, the researcher observed that due to the use of convenience

and snowball sampling techniques, most of the respondents ended up being female. Of the 30

that were interviewed, 17 were female and 13 were males. The researcher also noted that this

is a reflection also of how women and men access humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and

Chiremba communities. Women tended to be more mainly because of the set criteria, others

qualified on the basis of being widows, others qualified as a result of being child headed

households whilst some qualified because they are primary care givers of children living with

HIV.

Coupled with this, in terms of the age dynamics, the researcher noted that the elderly in

Epworth district tend to qualify to access humanitarian aid from various actors due to old age.

The youth on the other hand (18 – 35)36 benefit less ad their role is to collect either food aid,

health care facilities among other benefits on behalf of the elderly. Moreover, these young

people are also disqualified many a times from benefiting mainly because of the time frame

they will have spent living in Domboramwari and Chiremba communities. In addition, from

some of the young people who were respondents in the study, they revealed that they are not

interested in receiving humanitarian aid because they are able to earn a living for themselves.

The only reason why they are staying in Epworth is because they were displaced from their

homes during Operation Restore Order in 2008. In addition, some noted that they do not want

to be beneficiaries of humanitarian aid mainly because it tends to create unnecessary tensions

with other community members as there will be labelling based on political lines. During

FGDs in Chiremba, some young men highlighted that they have been in the area for the past

3 years and they have never accessed humanitarian aid. They noted that it is better for them to

earn a living rather than to get aid which brings about a lot of tension and controversy. “It’s

better if I sweat to put food on my table rather than to depend on what these people give

communities, tinofira mahara varume” were the sentiments of one of the young man who

participated in the FGDs.

36 Definition of the youth according to the African Youth Charter

65

4.4 How Existing Literature Links With New Findings.

Existing literature has spoken in length about the politicization of humanitarian aid in

developing countries in general. Volberg (2003) looked at the politicization of humanitarian

aid and its effects on principles of humanity, impartiality and neutrality. Interestingly from

Volberg (2003) study, humanitarian aid is supposed to be given so as to ensure that there is

respect of human worth and human dignity. In the same vein, the research investigating the

politicization of humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and Chiremba wards reaffirms the same

principles that Volberg (2003) spoke about. He went on to point out that humanitarian aid

which once covered a very narrow set of basic relief activities carried out by a small group of

relatively independent actors has expanded significantly to a much more complex

rehabilitating work. In this light, there are more players in the provision of aid which leads to

aid becoming a political activity thereby entailing more scrutiny on its provision. In this light,

the researcher notes that the other actors that are coming in to provide humanitarian aid bring

in the aspect of politicization. For example, in the case of Domboramwari where the ZANU

PF Councillor is taking the role of providing aid to the community, the use of partisanship as

eligibility criteria politicizes the process of upholding humanity, neutrality and impartiality.

Instead the communities end up being divided along party lines thus bringing in more harm37

than good in community development.

In addition, Munyanyi R (2005) in her thesis, “The political economy of food aid: a case of

Zimbabwe” which sought to bring out whether political decisions influenced the manner in

which food aid was distributed in Zimbabwe revealed that the targeting and beneficiary

selection criteria lacked transparency. In the same light, in the investigation of politicization

of humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and Chiremba wards, there was a general perception

by the interviewees that the selection criteria especially that one used by the Councillor is

questionable. Below is a graph that shows the general perceptions of interviews in relation to

the set criteria in regards to the various actors in Domboramwari and Chiremba communities:

37 The Do No Harm Project was established in the 1990s by a number of INGOs working in conflict areas so as to learn how their assistance interacts with conflicts. This comes against the background that assistance often given in conflict situations can be misused by people to pursue political and military advantage thus disfranchising the community.

66

Figure 1: Interviewees perceptions on the transparency of humanitarian aid actors in Domboramwari and Chiremba

Furthermore, Moyo D (2010) in her book “Dead Aid: Why aid is not working and how there

is a better way for Africa” she notes that aid has helped make the poor poorer and growth

slower. The researcher in her investigation on the politicization of humanitarian aid in

Chiremba and Domboramwari communities noted issues of dependency and entitlement

which she highlighted above. It is critical to realise that sentiments by Moyo (2010) are to a

greater extent correct that aid has made the poor poorer. This is because the researcher

observed during field work that there are some beneficiaries who feel entitled to receive

humanitarian aid though in its true sense it is supposed to be temporary so as to meet a

specific need to avoid morbidity and mortality. In this light, these beneficiaries not only feel

entitled but they end up being depend on this humanitarian aid such that when actors

providing this aid wean them off, they do not easily accept. This brings to light that the other

challenge associated with provision of humanitarian aid is that recipients end up being

dependent such that weaning them off will be seen as an injustice and total disregard of

human rights. This therefore calls for all actors in the provision of humanitarian aid to ensure

that beneficiaries see their assistance as temporal such that it should not disregard their own

community initiatives to empower themselves economically so that they remove themselves

from poverty and hunger. On the other hand, Harvey et al (2005), argue that there is little

evidence that relief undermines initiative or that its delivery is reliable enough for people to

depend on it. They go on to point out that, recipients of aid are far from passive recipients but

they remain engaged in a wide variety of activities of which aid only forms a part of it. In this

regard, they dismiss that aid dependency is bad, to them it is also another livelihood

alternative that should continue to be given so as to improve livelihoods of needy

communities.

67

In addition, according to Waltz K (1979), a neo – realist, he argues that, aid is seldom given

from motives of pure altruism; it may be given with the intention of influencing the political

process of the receiving nation. This is because each state is in pursuit of personal gain and its

actions on the international arena depend on its individual interests. Consequently, NGOs can

fall victims to individualistic behaviour of powerful states and they too end up being selective

on their choice of crisis in order to secure public interest and support which makes them

deviate from being impartial, neutral and independent. This proved true to some extent, when

the researcher was investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and

Chiremba communities. This can be evidenced maybe from how Christian Care has shifted

strategy over beneficiary selection criteria. Since being operational in Epworth, Christian

Care has always provided food aid for those that are on ART but recently have changed

strategy to say only those whose body weight is low are eligible as beneficiaries. This raises

suspicions maybe because their back donor has new conditions for the humanitarian

assistance they have been providing at Domboramwari clinic. It could also be a change in the

Foreign policy of the back donor since from a Realist perspective, power is central in

understanding the relations among states. Pursuit of power makes states to build up their

personal arsenal, boost up their economies because the stronger the state, the less vulnerable

it is in the international arena. (Waltz K 2004).

4.5 Bridging Of Gaps That Were Identified In Existing Literature.

The researcher observed that though numerous literatures is there on politicization of

humanitarian aid some gaps that are there have to do with issues of specific conditions that

are attached to humanitarian aid and how these are perceived at national level. It is interesting

to note that, there are external and internal conditions to humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe.

Externally, the funding countries give specific conditions as a result of their Foreign Policy

which they will be pursuing at that particular instance and a case to point to is of ZIDERA38.

In light of this, whenever NGOs then bring in humanitarian aid in a country, there is that

usual suspicion by the recipient government that this assistance is not altruistic but is rather

shrouded by controversy and politicization. This thereby makes it difficult for NGO operation

38 Zimbabwe defaulted on its obligations to multilateral and bilateral lenders by the middle of 1999, and those who were owed money who did not see prospects of being re-paid took measures to limit their risk or their exposure. And one of those was a decision by executive directors and governors of multilateral institutions not to extend further facilities to a non-paying debt. That was the origins of ZIDERA (Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act).

68

as they will always be under government scrutiny so as to ensure that they stick to their

mandate of reaching to the very needy and vulnerable in communities. Internally, there is also

politicization of humanitarian aid especially if the NGO or well-wisher does not want to have

a physical presence within a community and thus opts to give political actors to be custodians

of that humanitarian aid. In such a scenario, political players make use of the humanitarian

aid to gain political mileage and to campaign for the next electoral period. This tends to

divide communities as they beneficiaries are selected based on who they support politically.

It increases tensions and it breeds violence against communities since some will feel obliged

to “sell” others who might not eligible to benefit.

Coupled with this, the researcher noted that at national level already there are perceptions that

support the view that humanitarian aid that comes within the country has “strings” or

conditions attached to it which at times might not be necessarily true. This can be seen from

the humanitarian aid that comes through the Church in Domboramwari and Chiremba

communities which seeks to improve the lives of the people within the community. If

perceptions that support that humanitarian aid has strings attached to it are perpetuated at

national level, that means that Zimbabwe will be at logger heads most of the time with any

player that wants to assist its people. It will make it difficult for humanitarian workers to

want to be stationed in Zimbabwe because it goes beyond suspicion to how there are laws and

regulations that seeks to stifle their work such as the NGO Bill and the Statutory Instrument

4/ 2013 that was enacted by the Minister of Youth, Development, Indigenization and

Economic Empowerment (YDIEE). In addition to this, if such notions and perceptions of

humanitarian aid with conditionalities continue to be insinuated, NGOs will not be in a

position to also play their role of being a watch dog of government. This is because if they

play that role, they will be labelled as pushing a Western political agenda. It thus ensures that

the NGOs voices are silenced when it comes to provision of humanitarian aid in

Domboramwari and Chiremba communities.

Furthermore, of interest to also note is that during the investigation of politicization of aid in

Domboramwari and Chiremba communities, respondents tended not to associate

humanitarian aid with strings attached or motives especially if it was coming from NGOs. It

seems most literature on politicization of aid focus on the politicization at a higher or a

national level. To the grassroots, as long as they are getting assistance in the form of food aid,

health related services among others, then that organization is in their best interest. To add

69

on, the recipients of humanitarian aid did not feel indebted to the people or the organizations

that are providing them with aid because they know that this is relief that is temporary that is

supposed to help them look for other sustainable livelihood options. In addition to this, NGO

personnel that were interviewed also revealed that to them there was no politicization of the

humanitarian aid they were giving, these they based on the fact that they had set criteria

which does not discriminate anyone based on their political affiliation. According to these

NGO personnel, politicization can only be felt when they are being labelled as agents of the

West by those who would not have benefitted from their support and assistance. This they

attribute to how there is a general perception that if one is working for an NGO then

automatically they are from the opposition and their imperialist agents. In this light, there is

need for government to change its attitude and perception of these NGOs especially those that

are providing humanitarian aid mainly because at grassroots level, recipients do not even

comprehend what politicization is, all they are interested in is a better source of livelihood for

them and their families. There is also need for government to dissociate itself with suspected

donor countries who have strings or conditions they are not in favour so that they allow those

they perceive to be purely altruistic and providing humanitarian aid for the greater good of

the people of Zimbabwe.

4.6 Summary

This chapter focused on the research findings during the field work experience, it also looked

at the main actors in the provision of humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and Chiremba

communities and their selection criteria. There was also a discussion of the gender and age

dynamics when accessing humanitarian aid. Lastly the researcher linked existing literature

with the new findings and also bridged the gaps that were identified in existing literature.

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Introduction

This chapter will first give a summary of the whole research project including the constrains

the researcher faced. In addition to this, conclusions and recommendations will be discussed

so that policy makers, NGOs and other humanitarian aid actors get insight over how they

70

politicization of humanitarian aid affects not only the lives of the beneficiaries but also the

actors themselves as there will be constant antagonism.

5.2 Summary of the research project

5.3 Conclusions

5.4 Recommendations

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APPENDICES

77

BINDURA UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE EDUCATION (BUSE)

Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe

Interview Guide for NGO personnel

Purpose: I am a student of Bindura University of Science Education (BUSE) carrying out a study on the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth district. This research is mainly for academic purposes and will not be used elsewhere but for partial fulfilment of the award of degree of Master of Science in International Relations at BUSE. Your response towards this has great contribution towards the report and therefore I will be grateful for your cooperation. Kindly respond to the following below:

Section One1. Name of Key Informant # 12. What is your gender? (tick where

appropriate)Male Female

3. How old are you?4. How long have you been in

humanitarian work in Epworth District? (tick where appropriate)

Less than 1 year1 – 5years6 – 10years11 -15yearsMore than 15 years

5. What is your understanding of humanitarian aid?

6. How do you decide whether or not you should provide aid to communities such as Epworth?

7. Do you have set criteria for giving out this aid? (Yes/No). Please explain your response

8. What motivates your organization to give humanitarian aid to this

78

community? Please explain.

9. What is the role of government in the provision of humanitarian aid in communities such as Epworth District?

10. In your work distributing humanitarian aid in this community, have you ever faced a challenge of a political nature? If yes/no explain further.

11. Are there situations where you feel that your work as a humanitarian organization is politicised? If yes/no kindly elaborate further.

12. How does this impact on your working environment as a humanitarian oriented organization?

Thank you for participating in this research study

Appendix 2: Questionnaire for recipients of aid

Section One1. Name of Aid Recipient # 1

79

2. What is your gender? (tick where appropriate)

Male Female

3. How old are you?4. How long have you been staying in

Epworth district?5. Do you receive any form of aid in

your community? If yes explain further.

6. Is there a set criterion in order for you to qualify for such assistance/ aid? If so please explain.

7. Who distributes this and how is it done?

8. Have you ever felt indebted to the people that provide you with this aid?

9. In your interaction receiving aid, are there moments where you felt that you were treated unfairly? If yes/no kindly explain further.

10. In your own opinion do you think that the people who are providing you with aid qualified to do so? If yes/no explain.

11. As you benefit from receiving this aid are there instances where you faced challenges of a political nature? If yes/ no kindly elaborate

12. Are there instances where other community members also feel that they are entitled to benefit from this aid that does not? If yes/ no kindly explain further.

13. What does that make the atmosphere 80

to be like? Kindly explain further14. Do you think that the aid that you

receive is at times politicized? Kindly explain your answer.

Thank you for participating in this research study

Appendix 3: Interview Guide for Political Actors (District Administrator and

Local Councillors).

81

Purpose: I am a student of Bindura University of Science Education (BUSE) carrying out a study on the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth district. This research is mainly for academic purposes and will not be used elsewhere but for partial fulfilment of the award of degree of Master of Science in International Relations at BUSE. Your response towards this has great contribution towards the report and therefore I will be grateful for your cooperation. Kindly fill in below/ Respond to the following below:

Section One1. Name of Aid Recipient # 12. What is your gender? (tick where

appropriate)Male Female

3. How old are you?

4. Political Affiliation5. How long have you been staying in

Epworth district?6. Are you aware of any distribution of

humanitarian aid within your community? Kindly explain your answer.

7. Who distributes this and how is it done?

8. Do you think that there is a set of criteria one should satisfy to qualify for such assistance/ aid? If so please explain.

9. In your honest opinion do you think that there are conditions attached to this aid that is given? If yes/ no kindly elaborate your answer.

10. In response to the above question, what are the possible implications of this to the community members themselves, the NGO personnel and the government at large? Kindly elaborate your answer.

11. Are there instances where challenges of a political nature are experienced when people are receiving this aid? Kindly explain further

12. Considering that you are a policy maker, do you at times think that humanitarian aid is at times

82

politicized? 13. If yes what do you think should be

done to ensure that it isn’t?14. With regards to the provision of

humanitarian aid to communities what are your recommendations to government, NGO personnel, political players and the community members themselves

Thank you for participating in this research study

83