212 Reviews

have five basic “libraries” within it-there are many more. The information on the retrospective files on LEXIS are out of date and have been for several years.

Personally, I take offense at two comments included in this textbook. One deals with the assump- tion that depository libraries have tried to claim desirable publications that they did not select or to obtain extra copies of certain publications. There are a number of practicing documents librarians who discount this myth and would like to stop it from being perpetuated. The authors also contend that the decision to bind House and Senate reports in numerical order was “an accommodation to the decision to issue a microfiche edition, a policy based on economics rather than user convenience” (p. 156). Binding materials in numerical order makes the set much easier to use; one can now find a report or document by number rather than having to rely on a numerical list to find the appropriate Serial Set volume number.

Lastly, there needs to be some sort of explanation as to the scope of the indexes. Neither Ridley Kessler nor Gary Cornwell’s name appears in the Personal Name Index, even though they are quoted on p. 76 and 78. respectively. Their names do appear in the Subject Index. Why is that? It might have been better to merge these two indexes.

Although this book has some problems, it probably still should be acquired by those interested in U.S. government information or documents librarianship. It may not be perfect, but it is the best out there for now.

SUSAN E. TULIS University of Virginia Law Library

Charlottesville, VA 22901 USA

Presidential Press Conferences: A Critical Approach. By Carolyn Smith. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1990. 259~. ISBN O-275-93574-4 (hb.) $45.00,0-275-93575-2 (pbk) $16.95.

In this volume, Carolyn Smith argues that U.S. presidential press conferences should be treated as a serious form of political communication; these events are unique exchanges that are worthy of analysis and understanding in their own right. Press conferences represent opportunities in which the media- the Fourth Estate charged with fulfilling the watchdog function over government-are allowed to con- front, challenge, and otherwise inquire of the president in a seemingly spontaneous situation. Conse- quently, in the maelstrom of today’s politics, press conferences can indeed be a window of reality upon which the citizen can act. To wit, in an age of sophisticated electronic wizardry, the press conference can strip away all pretense of scripting or coaching, and allow a view of the president, without additional pedagogical tools.

Smith’s self-assigned charge is to determine what can be learned from the history of presidential press conferences and to shape that knowledge into a theoretical understanding of where press conferences fit into the American political landscape. She is a well-qualified investigator; Smith directs political oper- ations for ABC News and was a member of the Harvard Commission working towards the revival of the presidential news conference.

Quite overtly Smith leans towards analyzing press conferences as a communications medium; press conferences are designed to transmit information via a confrontational process between media and pres- ident. Hence, the theoretical perspective towards which Smith is pointed derives much of its steam from rhetorical studies and literature.

The book is divided into two parts. The first is a mostly historical account of the development and semi-institutionalization of press conferences. That the fundamental relationship between media and president has developed as a confrontational one is developed at some length by Smith. According to her argument, “Every president wants to manage the news available about his administration. The press wants to publish everything the reporters can find out from the president or his aides, or from sources opposed to the president. There is an inherent conflict of interest in this relationship, and that is what makes the relationship adversarial” (p. 3).

Smith recounts that within American ideals, the media’s adversarial role reflects the need for account- ability and is, thus, the fulcrum of free, democratic government. Yet, detailing the evolution of the media from their eighteenth and nineteenth century roots as partisan, ideological tools of political par-

Reviews 213

ties, labor groups, and other factions, would have strengthened Smith’s perception of the media’s con- temporary role in their watchdog function. Also, so much has been written about the First Amendment and the functions ofa free press, Smith might have incorporated these arguments into the development of the press conference as a function of its modern-day purpose in American politics.

Smith’s understanding and, hence, theoretical underpinnings, of press conferences unfolds through an examination of their historical evolution, from Washington through Reagan. She identifies the var- ious goals the actors involved with press conferences seek. Presidents, as Richard Neustadt explained some 30 years ago, are concerned with political power [ 11 and, ultimately, engage in the art of political persuasion. Press conferences are an aid by which presidents can go directly to the American public with their ideas. That “going public” strategy, as identified by Sam Kernel1 and others [2], results in a mediated presentation of ideas and issues. That is, while presidents use press conferences for a direct, unabated discussion with the American public, their responses are subject to media analysis. Conse- quently, presidents who use press conferences as idea forums should recognize that they subject their efforts to interpretation and filtering from the media. As press conferences proceed, we are reminded by Smith that they “ought to be a channel for accurate information between the president and the public, represented by the press” (p. 74).

Yet, as America discovered through the Reagan presidency, chief executives and their staffs often are successful in creating positive visual and sound images from press conferences. Because presidents dic- tate rules, format, and accessibility, and can attempt to control the agenda, they often use press confer- ences to create and control news and issues. The media are, of course, quite aware of presidential goals and strategies. Consequently, their own goals during press conferences often are to foil the president, to actively create, foster, and impart the adversarial relationship that sparks a confrontation between the president and the press.

Smith devotes a chapter to press conference agendas. By analyzing what is covered in a press confer- ence, one gains a better understanding of issue control and strategy, the prevailing political winds, and responses to the most important issues of the day. From an analytical perspective, conferences can be classified as single-issue or more general in scope. Often these are dictated by whether a president has a hidden agenda-to promote legislation, push for a favored issue, or to simply place an item in the national political arena by making a statement about it before or during the press conference. Likewise, reporters often have their own agenda that seeks to push the president to respond on a controversial issue, or to, themselves, place an issue on the political agenda.

Next, Smith focuses on the structure ofthe press conference. She identifies the types ofquestions that are asked of a president. These include questions ofattitude, ofconsistency, for the record, that advocate a position and invite a response, and those that attack the president. How these questions pan out is subject to analysis in the next chapter. There, Smith suggests how one can determine whether and how questions asked by the assembled journalists are good or poor. Towards her theory-building, Smith argues that good questions contain consistent elements, such as economical wording and accurate state- ments. Conversely, presidents also are held to a standard. Successful responses are humorous, demon- strate that the president understands the question and the implication of his answer, and are persuasive.

Here then, is a formula cum theory by which one can understand the goals and strategies, agenda, and structure of a press conference. Smith provides the analytical tools that apply to all press confer- ences and invites us to be our own critics. As she suggests, by identifying the critical variables and using empirical measures, the public, like journalists and political analysts, can become critics of press con- ferences. The public too can determine the effectiveness, quality, and shortcomings of a question or response. From a more comprehensive perspective, Smith also seeks to provide recognition of the press conference as a integral component of national politics.

Finally, the reader is given a chance to test the theory. Smith guides the reader through a verbatim account of Ronald Reagan’s first press conference in February 198 1. This is a very strong and useful section of the book, as she analyzes each question and response based on the development of her theory.

This study is a solid addition to the presidential and media-related literature. Smith performs admi- rably in building a theory, identifying those variables critical to press conference performances, and then testing it. There are few criticisms that one could offer of what this book attempted to achieve and the success with which it does reach its goals. This reviewer’s only reservation is based upon the theory- testing portion of this study in which Reagan and the press are analyzed. In this case study, Smith’s emphasis on the press conference as a communications and rhetorical instrument are evident. In ana- lyzing Reagan’s first press conference, Smith holds both journalists and president to standards of artic- ulation and communication that in American politics seem seldom met. The art of politics, and, indeed, the art of all communications, is filled with flawed, garbled, and ambiguous discussions. Scholars redis- covering the presidency of Dwight Eisenhower argue that Ike purposefully twisted his words to hide his

214 Reviews

intentions, feelings, and agenda. Not surprisingly, press conferences suffer from perhaps more flawed or poor questions and responses than good ones. Does Smith’s theory and analysis hold press conference participants to too high a standard? I think so. Often journalists come to press conferences with prepared questions, and for these it is a relatively easy task to ask a concise, clear question of the president. But frequently the course of press conference events and discussion alters their questions. The spontaneity of press conference events is not accounted for by Smith’s explanations and measures. Remember, both journalists and the president are engaged in evolving cerebra1 combat. While the William Buckleys and Michael Kinsleys of the world demonstrate that broken field running is possible in intellectual dis- course, the actors involved in press conferences infrequently meet these same standards ofachievement. So, although Smith’s theory is sound, testable. and rational, it does define achievement and excellence from high measures.

This book remains engaging and useful. It is well written and contains many pertinent examples, and Smith clearly has completed a thoughtful and productive amount of research. Scholars studying the presidency, media, politics. and communications all will find that this book is a useful introduction to the subjects and initiates much debate with its case studies and theoretical development.

NOTES

1. Richard E. Neustadt, Pr~~~d~ntiul PQMW: The Pditics ~~~~~er.~h~p (New York: John Wiley, 1960). 2. Samuel Kernell, Going Public: Newa Strategies of Presidential Leadership (Washington: Congres-

sional Quarterly Press, 1986).

SCOTT HILL Institute of governmental Affairs

University of California Davis, CA 956 16

USA

The Federal Budget: A Guide to Process and Principal Publi~tions. By Edward Herman. Ann Arbor, Ml: Pierian Press, 199 l. 220~. ISBN:O-87650-292-3. $25.00.

The U.S. federal budget affects every citizen ofthe country in ways no other single federal action does. The budget defines the amounts of money that needs to be raised by the federal government, the ways in which the money will be raised, and how it will be spent. Because of its complexity, the federal budget process is also one of the least understood federal activities. The media refer to the budget almost daily, but the references are usually either simplistic or obscure. The budget process is not secret nor closed, and it is possible for any interested citizen to study and understand it. The federal government publishes massive amounts of information on the budget, and to a certain extent this, in itself, poses problems. The size of the budget, coupled with the political interests of the legislative and administrative branches, which play a very significant role in the budget process, increase the level of complexity. Any under- standing of the federal budget process requires knowledge of the political process in which the budget is established, as well as familiarity with the extensive literature, primarily governmental, that supports and explains the process.

Edward Herman’s book, The Federal Budget addresses this complex topic by discussing all relevant aspects of the budget process. In 12 chapters, the book analyzes the budget process and uses historical examples to explain current practice.

The first chapter provides background and key concepts related to the federal budget. Until well into the twentieth century, the budget process was fairly simple, because the budget was relatively small. It was only after the 1930s that the budget started increasing rapidly, and with it such problems as budget deficits arose. The increased size of the budget made it more and more difficult to manage. It also brought to light the issue of accountability. The administrative and the legislative branches saw them- selves in competition over the authority to allocate money for specific programs. This competition led to the revised budget law of 1974, in which Congress gave itself greater control over the budget. The chapter gives a detailed timetable of specific deadlines that have to be met by Congress regarding bud- getary decisions, only to caution the reader that the deadlines are usually not met.