rei cretariÆ romanÆ favtorvm acta 42repositorio.ul.pt/bitstream/10451/9774/1/viegas 2012...
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REI CRETARIÆ ROMANÆ FAVTORVM
ACTA 42
CONGRESSVS VICESIMVS SEPTIMVSREI CRETARIÆ ROMANÆ FAVTORVM
SINGIDVNI HABITVSMMX
BONN
2012
II
ISSN 0484-3401
Published by the Rei Cretariæ Romanæ Favtores, an international learned society
Editorial committee:Dario Bernal Casasola
Tatjana CvjetićaninPhilip M. Kenrick
Simonetta Menchelli
General Editor: Susanne Biegert
Typesetting and layout: ars archäologie redaktion satz, Waldstraße 8 D-65719 Hofheim am Taunus
Printed and bound by: BELTZ Bad Langensalza GmbH, D–99947 Bad Langensalza
Enquiries concerning membership should be addressed toThe Treasurer, Dr. Archer Martin, Via di Porta Labicana 19/B2, I–00185 Roma
ISBN 978-3-7749-3797-0
Distributor: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Am Buchenhang 1, D-53115 Bonn, [email protected]
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InhaltsverzeIchnIs
Vorwort der Redaktion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Aegean and the Pontic region
Charikleia Diamanti
Byzantine Emperors on stamped Late Roman/Early Byzantine Amphoras. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Cristina monDin
La ceramica tardoantica di Tyana (Cappadocia meridionale): tra continuità e discontinuità nell’entroterra anatolico. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Platon PetriDis
Pottery and society in the ceramic production centre of late Roman Delphi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Denis Zhuravlev
Syro-Palestinian lamps from Chersonesos and their derivatives of the Roman and Byzantine period. . . . . . . .
The Balkans and the Danube region
Maja Bausovac & Darja Pirkmajer
Late Roman glazed pottery from Rifnik near Celje. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Vesna Bikić & Vujadin ivanišević
Imported pottery in Central Illyricum – a case study: Caričin grad (Iustiniana Prima) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Snežana ČernaČ-ratković
Burnished pottery from Horreum Margi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Dénes GaBler
Terra sigillata from Aquincum-Viziváros (water town). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Kristina jelinČić
Ceramica romana tardo antica dal villaggio romano Virovitica Kiškorija Jug (Pannonia Superior) dalle unità stratigrafiche datate mediante 14C
Gordana jeremić
Late Roman and Early Byzantine pottery from Saldum. Reflection of change in social and historical circumstances. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Eduard kreković
Roman Pottery in the Migration Period. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Słavica krunić
Late Roman and Early Byzantine lamps from Singidunum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Marian mocanu
Late Roman fine pottery with stamped decoration discovered at (L?)ibida (Province of Scythia) . . . . . . . . . .
Andrei oPaiţ & Dorel Paraschiv
Rare amphora finds in the city and territory of (L)Ibida (1st–6th centuries AD) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Ivana ožanić roGuljić
Pottery from the workshop of Sextus Metilius Maximus (Crikvenica-Igralište/Ad Turres, Northern Dalmatia) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
VII
1 7
15
23
33
41
51
57
69
81
89
97
107
113
125
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Roberto Perna, Chiara caPPoni, Sofia cinGolani & Valeria tuBalDi Hadrianopolis e la valle del Drino (Albania) tra l’età tardoantica e quella protobizantina. Le evidenze ceramiche dagli scavi 2007–2009. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Angelina raiČković
Late Roman Pottery from Viminacium-Thermae. The excavation of 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Milica taPaviČki-ilić Some observations concerning painted pottery in Moesia superior. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Italy and Cisalpine Gaul
Michele Bueno, Marta novello & Valentina mantovani
Progetto Aquileia: Casa delle Bestie Ferite. Commercio e consumo ad Aquileia. Analisi delle anfore tardoantiche alla luce di alcuni contesti. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Marco cavalieri, Enrica BolDrini, Charles Bossu, Paola De iDonè & Antonia Fumo
Aspetti della cultura materiale nelle fasi di riutilizzo (V–inizi VII sec. d.C.) della villa romana di Aiano- Torraccia di Chiusi (San Gimignano, Siena/Italy). Note preliminari. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Fulvio coletti
La ceramica invetriata di età tardoantica a Roma: nuovi dati da recenti scavi stratigrafici. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Daniela cottica & Luana toniolo
La circolazione del vasellame ceramico nella laguna nord di Venezia tra I sec. d.C. e VI sec. d.C. Osservazioni preliminari. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Christiane De micheli schulthess & Fabiana FaBBri
I bicchieri a bulbo dal territorio italiano: contributo per la definizione di una koiné produttiva. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Fabiana FaBBri
Ceramica di epoca tardo-imperiale dalla Valdinievole e dalla cittá di Pistoia (Toscana, Italia). Contributo per la storia economica e commerciale dell’Etruria romana. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Archer martin
Composition by functional groups of contexts at Pompeii. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Simonetta menchelli & Marinella Pasquinucci
Ceramiche con rivestimento rosso nella Tuscia settentrionale. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Luana toniolo
Napoli tardo-antica. Nuovi dati dal centro urbano: il contesto dei Girolomini . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Paola ventura
Materiale ceramico da recenti scavi presso la villa di Torre di Pordenone (Provincia di Pordenone, Friuli Venezia Giulia, Italia) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Sicily and Lampedusa
Valentina caminneci «Animam in sepulchro condimus»: sepolcreto tardoantico in anfore presso l’Emporion di Agrigento (Sicilia, Italia). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Armida De miro & Antonella Polito
Lucerne in sigillata africana, ceramica fine e da fuoco dalla necropoli paleocristiana di Lampedusa (Sicilia)
Marek PalacZyk
Spätantike und mittelalterliche Transportamphoren von Ietas (Sizilien). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Maria Concetta Parello & Annalisa amico
Ceramica fine e ceramica comune di provenienza africana dal sito in contrada Verdura di Sciacca (Agrigento, Sicilia/Italia). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Maria Serena riZZo & Luca ZamBito
Ceramiche da fuoco di età tardo-antica e della prima età bizantina dal territorio agrigentino: nuovi dati da Cignana e Vito Soldano. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
133
147
155
159
169
181
195
205
217
225
229
239
249
259
267
273
281
289
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Africa
Marzia GiulioDori (con collaborazione di Moufida jenen, Sofia cinGolani & Chokri touihri) Ceramica tardoantica e bizantina dal teatro romano di Althiburos (Tunisia). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Mohamed kenawi
Beheira Survey: Roman pottery from the Western Delta of Egypt. Surface pottery analysis – Kilns. . . . . . . . .
Florian schimmer
Amphorae from the Roman fort at Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Meike weBer & Sebastian schmiD
Supplying a desert garrison. Pottery from the Roman fort at Gheriat el-Garbia (Libya). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Iberian Peninsula
Macarena Bustamante ÁlvareZ
La terre sigillée hispanique tardive: un état de question à la lumière de nouvelles découvertes. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Macarena Bustamante ÁlvareZ & Francisco Javier heras
Nouvelles données stratigraphiques pour la connaissance de la forme Hayes 56 en ARSW-D à Augusta Emerita (Mérida, Badajoz/Espagne). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Adolfo FernÁnDeZ FernÁnDeZ
Datos preliminares sobre las ánforas orientales tardías de dos yacimientos de Vigo (Galicia, Espana), con el ejemplo de un contexto de la primera mitad del s. VII . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Ana Patricia maGalhães
Late sigillata from fish-salting workshop 1 in Tróia (Portugal). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
José Carlos quaresma & Rui morais
Eastern Late Roman fine ware imports in Bracara Augusta (Braga, Portugal). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Albert V. riBera i lacomBa & Miquel rosselló mesquiDa
Las ánforas tardoantiguas de Valentia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Inês vaZ Pinto, Ana Patrícia maGalhães & Patrícia Brum
Un depotoir du Ve siecle dans l’officine de salaisons 1 de Tróia (Portugal). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Catarina vieGas
Imports and local production: common ware from urban sites in southern Lusitania (Algarve). . . . . . . . . . . . .
Transalpine Gaul, Germany and Austria
Martin auer
Late Roman local production in southwestern Noricum. Municipium Claudium Aguntum – a case study . . . .
Loes lecluse
Typological characterisation of kilns in north western Gaul in the Roman period. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
299
309
319
327
337
349
355
363
373
385
397
407
419
423
VII
Der 27. RCRF-Kongress fand vom 19. bis zum 26. September 2010 im Nationalmuseum in Belgrad statt.Thema des Kongresses war: „Late Roman and eaRLy Byzantine PotteRy: the end or continuity of Roman production?“.
Von den anlässlich des Kongresses präsentierten Postern und Vorträgen wurden folgende nicht publiziert:
m. BeRgamini, P. Comodi & i. Faga Scoppieto: La produzione di vasi a pareti sottili
D. BeRnaL CasasoLa, m. LaRa medina & J. VaRgas giRón Roman clay fishing weights in Hispania. Recent research on typology and chronology
A. BieRnaCki & E. kLenina Red slip ware from Novae (Moesia Secunda): 4th–5th local production and imports
M. CasaLini Circolazione ceramica a Roma tra l eta delle invasione e la riconquista bizantina. Nuovi dati dai contesti delle pendici nord orientali del Palatino
sV. ConRad Pottery of the second half of the 3rd century from Romuliana
T. CVJetićanin Late Roman pottery in Diocese Dacia: overview, problems and phenomena
M. daszkiewiCz & H. HameL Roman pottery from Baalbek (Lebanon): provenance studies by laboratory analysis
J. daVidoVić Late Roman burnished pottery from Srem
E. doksanaLti The late Roman pottery from “the Late Roman House” in Knidos and the Knidian late Roman pottery
D. doBReVa Late Roman amphorae on the Lower Danube: trade and continuity of the Roman production
D. doBReVa & g. FuRLan Progetto Aquileia: Fondi ex Cossar. Commercio e consume ad Aquileia. Analisi delle anfore tardoantiche alla luce di alcuni contesti
kR. domzaLski Late Roman light-coloured ware: tradition and innovation
P. dyCzek Remarks on the so called legionary pottery
a. Jankowiak & F. teiCHneR A household inventory of a Mirobrigensis celticus
G. kaBakCHieVa Spätrömische Keramik in den Provinzen Dacia Ripensis und Moesia Secunda
T. kowaL & J. ReCLaw Scientific Investigations – Program EU – Central Europe: The Danube Limes project
J. kRaJsek Late Roman pottery from Municipium Claudium Celeia
J. LeidwangeR Economic crisis and non market exchange: fabric diversity in the Late Roman 1 cargo amphoras from the 7th century shipwreck at Yassiada (Turkey)
T. LeLekoVić Pottery from the necropoleis of Mursa (1st–4th centuries)
B. Liesen First century fine ware production at Xanten (Germany)
R. PaLma La ceramica dipinta di Schedia (Egitto)
D. PaRasCHiV, G. nutu & M. iaCoB La ceramique romaine d’Argamum (Moesia Inferior)
S. PetkoVić Late Roman pottery from tower 19 of the the later fortification of Romuliana
P. PuPPo Ceramiche comuni di VI–VII sec. d.C. nella Sicilia occidentale: produzioni regionali ed importazioni dall Africa settentrionale
D. RadiCeVić Early Byzantine pottery from Liška Ćava, near Guča (Western Serbia)
D. RatkoVić The territory of Serbia in Roman times
CHR. sCHaueR Pottery of the late Roman and early Byzantine periods in Olympia
Vorwort der redaktion
VIII
Bei der Korrektur und Durchsicht der Artikel stand mir das editorial committee zur Seite. Ganz besonders danke ich Philip Kenrick für die zuverlässige Unterstützung und Dieter Imhäuser (ars) für die gute und freundschaftliche Zusammenarbeit bei Satz und Layout.
Die Zitierweise wurde den Richtlinien der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts angeglichen (Ber. RGK 71, 1990, 973–998 und Ber. RGK 73, 1992, 478–540).
Susanne Biegert
G. sCHneideR & M. daszkiewiCz In-situ chemical analysis of pottery using a portable X-ray spectrometer
A. staRoVić & R. aRsić Cherniakhovo-type ceramic vessels from NW Serbia and the question of inhabitants of the central Balkans in the late 4th century AD
M. tekoCak Roman pottery in the Aksehir Museum
P. Vamos Some remarks about military pottery in Aquincum
M. VuJoVić & E. CvijEtić Mortaria from Komini-Municipium S. (Montenegro)
Y. waksman “Byzantine White Ware I”: from Late Roman to Early Byzantine Pottery in Istanbul/Constantinople
I. Žižek Late Roman pottery in Roman graves in Poetovio
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Catarina Viegas
IMPORTS AND LOCAL PRODUCTION: COMMON WARE FROM URBAN SITES IN
SOUTHERN LUSITANIA (ALGARVE)
1. Introduction
The geographic scope of this study is the southern part of the Iberian Peninsula which became, after Augustus, the province of Lusitania. Recent research has focused on the study of urban contexts, specifically directed to three Roman towns of south central coastal Algarve: Ossonoba, Balsa and Baesuri (fig. 1).
The systematic analysis of the consumption patterns and rhythm of imports of fine wares (Campanian wares and terra sigillata) and amphorae, from the Roman Republican until the Late Roman period from these three sites, allowed the understanding of the evolution of these urban centers during the Roman period and beyond. The research of di-verse and often contradictory data as epigraphic, numismatic and written sources showed the divergent evolution of this different towns1.
It is our goal to proceed this line of investigation inclu-ding other categories of pottery and consequently the main objective of this study is to compare the consumption patterns of amphorae to those of common ware, analysing the weight of both regional/local productions and imports. We want to understand if the patterns of provincial interdependence shown by amphorae and fine wares (Campanian ware and terra sigillata) were similar to those of common ware.
The identification of different fabrics of common ware was based on macroscopic analysis and a typological ap-proach was also followed. Apart from the imported wares which are better known as Italian common ware, Pompeian red slip ware, Gaulish kaolinite ware, Baetican common ware, African cooking ware and Pantellerian ware, we iden-tified fabrics which were considered as locally produced, although we weren’t able to recognize their specific area of manufacture. Despite their close geographical proximity, productions originated on the Ulterior (the later Baetican province) were considered as imports, as we have done with the amphorae series. It should be emphasized that these Baetican productions show the same white/buff calcareous fabrics as the amphorae from the same origin, either from the Cadiz region or the Guadalquivir valley2.
1 Viegas 2011.2 The «Cádiz fabric» and the «Dressel 20 fabric» are described in the
online database «Roman Amphorae: a digital resource. University of Southampton, 2005» that includes references to previous publica-
Our present knowledge of locally produced amphorae shows that they were manufactured with a series of non calcareous orange-red fabrics although recent geochemical and mineralogical characterization of the coastal Algarve clays proved that white/buff calcareous rich clays are also present in some parts of southern Portugal but rare3. Locally produced common wares have used mainly these orange-red iron rich fabrics as well as a series of grey wares.
2. Brief evaluation of the evolution of Ossonoba, Balsa and Baesuri
It should be stressed that the materials studied have their pro-venience in archaeological works that took place in the past
tions. 3 M. J. Trindade, Geoquímica e mineralogia de argilas da bacia algarvia:
transformações térmicas. PhD dissertation presented to the Aveiro University (Aveiro, 2007).
Fig. 1. Location of Ossonoba, Balsa and Baesuri in sou-thern Lusitania and other sites mentioned in the text.
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CaTarina Viegas
and therefore the quality of the archaeological record is very different. Some have their origin in limited scale preventive excavations while others in pluri-annual research projects.
Castro Marim Castle is the ancient Baesuri and the archa-eological excavations were integrated in a research project directed by Ana Margarida Arruda, from 1983 to 1988 and from 2001 to 2003. The site was occupied since the Bronze Age and shows an important Iron Age settlement. The Roman republican period is well documented in a specific context wich has been dated from 50 to 30 BC4. Ancient Baesuri has minted coins and the name of a magistrate M.AN.ANT.ET / CON.is also known from one of these mints5. The site of Baesuri is also mentioned in literary sources as in the Antonine Itinerary, wich establishes the names and distances of the different towns in the Roman road system. Despite the extensive archaeological works that took place in the site, most Roman features identified are parts of walls which are difficult to integrate in a broader town plan and the original topography of the urban center is still unknown to us. Despite this fact, the abundant archaeological findings recovered in the site, particularly the south Gaulish and Hispanic terra sigillata series, show that the Castle area was suddenly abandoned in the end of the 1st or the beginning of the 2nd century AD6. The site lies in the place where the Medieval Castle was located.
The ancient town of Balsa was first identified in the 19th century by the Portuguese pioneer archaeologist Estácio da Veiga who conducted «explorations» in the town area and its necropolis. References to Balsa were known in ancient sour-ces and epigraphic data was recovered, as well as abundant and diversified materials which are deposited in the National Museum of Archaeology in Lisbon. In 1977 excavations took place at the site, directed by M. and M. Maia, and focused in an area of the water supply or drainage system, a fish sauce factory and part of the possible residential area7.
Publication of pottery (terra sigillata, thin walled ware and common ware) and glass objects from Estácio da Veiga «explorations» and a selection of the ceramics from the 1977 excavations were presented in 1994 by J. Nolen (with the colaboration of C. Fabião concerning the amphorae)8.
As we have already mentioned, when the study of ampho-rae imports was presented9 and according to the subsenquent research that we undertook, Roman occupation is attested since the Augustan period and as has occurred in other towns
4 A. M. arruda, Nota sobre a ocupação romana - republicana do Castelo de Castro Marim. In: Actas do 5º Congresso do Algarve (Silves 1988) 13–17.
5 A. M. Faria, Moedas da época romana cunhadas em território actual-mente português. In: M. P. García-Bellido/R. M. S. Centeno (eds.), La moneda hispánica. ciudad y territorio. Anejos Arquivo Español Arqu. 14 (Madrid 1995) 143–153.
6 C. Viegas, Les sigillées du sud de la Gaule à Castro Marim et Faro (Algarve-Portugal). SFECAG Actes Congrés Saint-Romain-en-Gal (Marseille 2003) 641–646; Viegas forthcoming
7 M. G. P. Maia/M. Maia, Relatório da Campanha de escavações realizada em Torre de Ares (Tavira) entre 24 de Outubro e 25 de Novembro de 1977 (Lisbon 1978).
8 nolen 1994; C. Fabião, As Ânforas. In: Nolen 1994, 17–36.9 C. Viegas, Amphora imports in southern Lusitania (Algarve): recent
evidence from urban sites. The town of Balsa. Acta RCRF 40, 2008, 493–504.
in the Iberian Peninsula, Balsa was elevated to a municipium by Vespasian.
The chronology of the later ARS imports show that Balsa was abandoned in the post-Roman period, around the end of the 6th or the beginning of the 7th century AD. Epigraphic data attest the existence of several public buildings, like e. g. a circus10, but none of these features has been identified and the knowledge of the ancient town is very incomplete.
Ancient Ossonoba, mentioned by ancient authors as Strabo, Pliny the Elder or in the Antonine Itinerary, was mis-takenly identified with the ruins of the Roman villa at Milreu until the excavations that took place in the beginning of the 20th century in the frontal area of the medieval cathedral in Faro have revealed the podium of the Roman temple. In the 70’s the mosaic showing Neptunus was discovered and the subsequent emergency excavations revealed that the site was occupied from the middle of the 1st century until the third quarter of the 5th centrury AD. Unfortunately no detailed reports or publications of these excavations are known and the only information available is the tags that were together with the archaeological findings, a few photographs, and plans and sections, deposited both in the National Museum of Archaeology (in Lisbon) and in the Faro Museum. More recently, preventive excavations were undertaken in the area of the local museum, directed by D. Paulo and N. Beja, about 150 m from the podium previously identified. They have exposed a complex stratigraphy and identified earlier occupations dating to the 4th century BC.
Archaeological evidence shows that the first Roman im-ports in Ossonoba date from the 2nd century BC supported by the presence of campanian ware A and greco-italic amphorae/Dressel 1 although most of the imports are from the Ulterior (later Baetica), particularly the coast of the today Andaluzia and the Guadalquivir valley. The town must have been an early municipium, most probably since the Augustan period, and its importance is reinforced by coin mints and abundant epigraphy which shows, as in Balsa, a relevant elite that was occupied in local administration and in euergetic activities.
3. Imports versus local: the case of amphorae and com-mon ware from Roman republican until late Roman period
3.1. Roman Republican period
Systematic analysis of both form and fabric of amphorae from the Republican period in Ossonoba (Faro) and Baesuri (Castro Marim) showed massive importation of foodstuffs to southern Lusitania and no local production is known11 (fig. 2).
Amphorae imports demonstrate that most of the foodstuff imported were fish based products from the coast of Cadiz, but also wine and olive oil from the Guadalquivir valley. Different percentages registered on the italian imports were explained mainly by the distinctive chronologies of the con-texts studied in Faro and Castro Marim. Local production of
10 On the epigraphy of southern Lusitania see enCarnação 1984.11 Viegas forthcoming.
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Fig. 2. Percentage of amphora imports according to their provenience in Ossonoba and Baesuri in the Roman Republican period.
Fig. 3. Baesuri. Percentage of common ware forms imported from the Ulterior in Roman Republican period.
amphorae in this period hasn’t been identified yet although the exploration of maritime resources is a reality materialized in objects such as bronze hooks and fishing weights. Also no structures related to fish processing were identified to the present date.
As mentioned above the Roman Republican context in Castro Marim allowed some observations on the different proportions of common ware both imported and locally
produced. Most frequent common ware was originated in the Ulterior (77%) with a small proportion of other imports from Italy (1%). If seen in detail, the distribution of forms from the Ulterior importations, which are mainly from the Cadiz region although also from the Guadalquivir valley, show that tableware related forms are a majority (fig. 3)
There is a clear dominant position of the bowl which correspond to 47.2% (fig. 4,1–2), but jugs were also present
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showing quite diverse variants in their rims and necks (fig. 4,3–4). Large vessels related to the preparation of food or diversified functions are also present, such as large basins that show two distinctive variants: one has the everted rim and is originated in the Guadalquivir valley and the other variant with a carinated wall has its provenience in the Cadiz region (fig. 5,2–4). The mortaria, that will be one of the most exported types during the High Empire, show the characteristic concentric grooves in the inner surface (fig. 4,8). Storage vessels are also present in this assemblage represented either by large seria or dolia or by smaller pots (fig. 4,7; 5,1). The latter may have their origin in the Cadiz region and it is possible that they were also used to transport the high quality fish sauce garum. Lids used to seal amphorae are also very common in this context (fig. 4,5–6).
Despite the large amount of common ware imported from the Ulterior, 22% was locally produced.The fabrics identi-fied are the orange iron rich fabric, where the cooking pot is the most common form followed by the bowl; the orange fabric with calcite inclusions where the most common type is the cup/bowl; and the medium grey ware where the most common forms are the basins.
According to the evidence from amphorae and common ware there seems to be a clear dependence from the Ulterior in what concerns the supply of fish sauces and manufactured products which follows a previous Iron Age tradition12. One explanation for this can be the geographic proximity, but there is an economic integration of southern part of Portugal
12 A. M. arruda, Los Fenicios en Portugal. Fenicios y mundo indígena en el centro y sur de Portugal (siglos VIII–VI a.C.). Cuad. Arqu. Mediter-ránea 5/6, 1999/2000; E. sousa/A. M. arruda, A Gaditanização do Al-garve. In: A. Ferrer Albelda (coord.), 205 Púnicos de Iberia: Proyectos, revisiones, síntesis. Mainake 32 (Seville 2010) 951–974.
in the Ulterior with the port of Cadiz playing a major role in this process.
3.2. High Empire: Consumption patterns of foodstuff transported in amphorae
The economic development of the region since the Augus-tan period was intensified during the second half of the 1st century AD. Administrative reorganization due to Augustus established the municipium of Ossonoba, as we have propo-sed following what J. d‘Encarnação had already defended13, and has also drawn the main road network as the Bias do Sul milestone suggest. From the Augustan period onward we enlarge the framework of our analysis with evidence from the town of Balsa, besides Ossonoba and Baesuri.
The integration or dependance of the southern lusitanian economy on the Baetican province was a reality also during the High Empire14. Amphora imports show that fish based products played an important role in the supply of the sou-thern lusitanian towns of Ossonoba, Balsa and Baesuri (fig. 6)
Traditionally, it has been considered that this period marked the beginning of local production of fish based products although most of these structures were dug or identified without rigorous stratigraphical excavations. As local amphorae production is confined to only two sites, S. Bartolomeu de Castro Marim15 and Manta Rota16, it has been
13 enCarnação 1984.14 Viegas 2011.15 J. L. de VasConCelos, Olaria luso-romana em S. Bartolomeu de Castro
Marim. O Arqueólogo Português (Lisboa 1898) 329–336; M. G. P. Maia, As ânforas de S. Bartolomeu de Castro Marim. Clio/Arqu. 1979, 141–144; Fabião 2004, 379–410.
16 C. Viegas, O Forno romano da Manta Rota (Algarve). Setúbal Arqu. 13. 2006, 117–196; Fabião 2004, 379–410.
Fig. 4. Baesuri. Common ware forms imported from the Ulterior in Roman Republican period.
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Fig. 5. Baesuri. Common ware forms imported from the Ulterior in Roman Republican period.
argued that southern lusitanian fish sauces would have to de-pend on baetican amphorae in order to export their products17.
Apart from a massive importation of fish based products from Baetica, these towns have also imported olive oil, as well as wine related produts, from the Guadalquivir valley. The taste for luxurious products is well shown by the wine imports from several regions which indicates the need for re-presentation of social prestige of the local elites. The presence of eastern Mediterranean wine in Balsa, as well as italian ou Gaulish wines in Ossonoba can be explained in this context, although local wine and olive oil production must have been a reality in the proximate villas18.
17 ead., Garum na Lusitânia rural? Alguns comentários sobre o povo-amento romano do Algarve. In J.-G. Gorges / M. Salinas de Frías (eds.), Les campagnes de Lusitanie romaine. Occupation du sol et habitats. Table ronde internationale (Madrid, Salamanca 1994) 227–252.
18 Olive oil and wine production must have been a reality in the Algarve region villae and its production is attested, e. g., in Milreu since the middle of the 1st century AD see TeiChner 2008. For further evidence on olive oil and wine production in the region see the synthesis by J. alarCão, Roman Portugal (Warminster 1988) and A. CarValho, Evidências arqueológicas da produção de vinho nas villae romanas do território português. Gaínhas de uva, alfaias vitícolas e lagares de vinho. In: J.-G. Gorges/F. G. Rodríguez Martín (eds), Économie et territoire
The last decades of the 1st century AD can be considered the period when these towns flourished most, and the Ves-pasian edit, which conceded the ius latii to all the towns in the Iberian Peninsula, must have played an important role in this context. As we have already mentioned epigraphic evidence from Faro and Balsa, mainly dated from the 2nd century AD, suggest the presence of a relevant elite that oc-cupied important public positions in the local administration and that showed its power through acts of euergetism, but it also demonstrates that relevant new constructions and/or urban renovations took place at this period.
The end of the 1st or the beginning of the 2nd century AD is marked by the sudden abandonment of Baesuris. A comparison of the pattern of the importation of fine wares show the same vitality as the other urban centers with re-levant imports of terra sigillata (italian type, south gaulish and hispanic) although no public buildings are known. The causes of this abandonment are still undetermined but other sites in the area continue to be occupied and the reference
en Lusitanie romaine. Collect. Casa de Velázquez 65 (Madrid 1999) 361–390.
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to Baesuri in the Antonine Itinerary shows that the region was still important in that period. One possibility is that the Gaudiana river has changed its course and consequently the access to the port area was modified.
During the 2nd century AD archaeological and epigraphic data provide information on relevant construction in Balsa, where the circus is built or refurbished and in the second half of the 2nd or the beginning of the 3rd century AD, a new building was constructed in Ossonoba, possibly the head-quarters of a navicularii schola that was finished with the mosaic pavement showing Neptunus.
3.3. Late Roman period
During the Late Roman period epigraphic data are rare but the tribute to the emperors Valerian and Aurelian by the Ossonobensis is a clear confirmation of the vitality of the municipal institutions19 in a period traditionally designated as decadent. The epigraphic evidence also shows the diver-gent evolution of Ossonoba and Balsa (favouring the first), although the consumption patterns of foodstuff transported in amphorae to these towns is very similar(fig. 7).
In fact, the period between the 3rd and the 5th century AD is characterized by an important modification in the
19 R. ÉTienne, Le culte impérial, vecteur de hierarchisation urbaine. In: J. G. Gorges (ed.), Les villes de Lusitanie romaine. Hiérarchies et Ter-ritoires. Table ronde internationale du Centre Nacional de Recherche Scientifique. Collect. Maison Pays Ibériques 42 (Paris 1990) 215–231.
provincial interdependence framework20 in what concerns the amphorae imports. The relatively less importance of Baetican importations to southern lusitanian towns is a reality in this period and there is also evidence for a greater relevance of local or regionally produced amphorae. Most of the fish sauce factories in coastal Algarve should be at their full force and the multiplication of amphorae kilns is also evident21. Des-pite this local production being a reality, baetican products are still significant although now they are restricted almost only to fish based products as the wine and olive oil show a significant decrease in their imports. The economic strenght of the north African provinces (today Tunisia) is manifested in relevant importation of foodstuffs (both olive oil and fish based products) to southern lusitanian towns. The importation of north african products began during the Flavian period with the presence of ARS A and african cooking ware, but it increased during the second half of the 2nd century AD. Apart from north African imports which are a clear majority, these towns are also supplied by Late Gaulish products (DSP and «luisante») as well as eastern Mediterranean (Late Phocaean).
20 Viegas 2011.21 Apart from the sites mentioned before (see note 15 and 16), amphorae
production is documented in central Algarve in S. João da Venda and Quinta do Lago, and in the western part of the coast in Martinhal and Lagos. For a recent synthesis on the lusitanian amphora production in Late Roman period see Fabião 2004 with complete bibliography on the different production centers. For the amphora production specifically in the Algarve region: J. P. bernardes/C. Viegas, A produção oleira no Algarve. In: Actas do Encontro de Arqueologia do Seixal (forthcoming).
Fig. 6. Percentage of amphora imports according to their provenience in Ossonoba and Baesuri in the High Empire.
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Fig. 7. Percentage of amphora imports according to their provenience in Ossonoba and Baesuri in the Late Roman period.
3.5. Imported and locally produced common ware during High Empire and Late Roman period
The systematic analysis of common ware from Balsa allo-wed the identification of different fabrics, some classified as imported and other were considered as locally produced. Unfortunately, the archaeological record doesn’t allow a clear chronological phasing so we had to consider the common ware assemblage from the site as a whole. The problems that this arises lead us to consider such data with greater prudence. However we believe that the interpretations we made are relevant and contribute to a better understanding of this reality. The information that we obtained in Balsa was completed with other from Ossonoba and Baesuri, with recent publications of other sites and with the results of the research project in the region of Monte Molião (Lagos) .
The general distribution of common ware fabrics in Balsa shows that imported wares are 59.8% and locally produced are 40.2% (fig. 8).
Imported wares are composed of italian common ware and Pompeian-Red ware (0.6%); gaulish kaolinitic ware (0.7%); baetican common ware (28.8%), Pantellerian ware (0.1%) and african cooking ware (29.6%).
Italian common wares were imported to Balsa in the second half of the 1st century AD and as in other regions, such as the Guadalquivir valley,22 the most common forms
22 C. aguarod oTal, Cerámica romana importada de cocina en la Tar-raconense (Zaragoza 1991); M. a. sanChÉz, Producciones importadas en la vajilla culinaria romana del Bajo Guadalquivir. In: J. Aquilué/
are the platters and the corresponding lids with the typical black sand inclusions and the Pompeian-Red ware platters (form Luni 5).
With a likely origin in Gaul, the grey kaolinitic ware is represented in the Algarve mainly by the trilobed jar. C. Batigne and A. Desbat pointed that in Gaul this vessel was mainly used as a kettle, (because of the limestone deposits inside) and was dated from the 1st and the 2nd centuries AD23. This seems to prove right also for the Algarve examples that show the same features.
Baetican common ware is very numerous (28.8%) and covers different functions of the domestic pottery such as tableware (bowls and jugs); food preparation (mortaria and basins); storage and transportation (pots and dolia), as well as the opercula used to seal the amphorae. Due to its clay composition this forms weren’t suitable for direct exposure to fire and consequently shouldn’t be used as cooking vessels. It is also possible that some of the larger basins were used for the preparation of fish in the fish processing factories. It has been emphasized that Baetican common ware, which has been found at several Roman sites on the Portuguese territory, should have been a complement to the main cargo
M. Roca (coords.), Cerámica comuna romana d’época Alto-imperial a la Península Ibérica. Estat de la questió. Monogr. Empuritanes 8 (Ampurias 1995) 251–279.
23 C. baTigne/a. desbaT, Un type particulier de «cruche»: Les bouilloires en céramique d’époque romaine (Ier–IIIe siècles). SFECAG Actes Con-grés Dijon (Marseille 1996) 381–394.
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in the ships transporting amphorae and that their main period of circulation would have been the first two centuries AD24.
According to the data available from other sites, the im-portation of African kitchenware to the coastal Algarve must have started at the end of the 1st century and the beginning of the 2nd century AD, the same moment when the importation of ARS A began. In Balsa the most common forms are the casseroles type Hayes 23B and 197, and the large lid/dish type Hayes 196/Ostia I fig. 261, but other less common forms are also present25, mainly from northern Tunisia, Byzacenca and Tripolitania26.
In what concerns the locally produced common ware we could distinguish three major groups which were generally analysed. Under the broad classification of well fired non calcareous iron rich fabrics there is a series of different orange brick fabrics. The different variants that each form show were considered as a hint to their diverse origin, within a local or regional scope. Examples are the locally produced common ware identified in the same production area as the ampho-
24 I. V. pinTo/r. Morais, Complemento de comércio das ânforas: cerâmica comum bética no território português. In: L. Lagóstena Barrios/D. Ber-nal Casasola/A. Arévolo (eds.), Cetariae, salsas y salazones de pescado en Occidente durante la Antigüedad. BAR Internat. Ser. 1686 (Oxford 2007) 235–254.
25 C. Viegas, Les céramiques tardives dans les sites du sud-ouest de la Péninsule Ibérique (Algarve-Portugal). In: M. Bonifay/J.-Chr. Tréglia (eds.), LRCW 2. Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Am-phorae in the Mediterranean: Archaeology and Archaeometry 2. BAR Internat. Ser. 1662 (Oxford 2007) 71–83.
26 M. boniFay, Études sur la céramique romaine tardive d�Afrique. BAR Internat. Ser. 1301 (Oxford 2004).
rae in Manta Rota27 and the production from of the kilns at Monte Molião (Lagos). It seems to have been a small scale production mainly destined for the community that inhabited the site and developed in a short period of time from the Flavian period until the middle of the 2nd century AD28. The most common forms documented were the cooking pots, but other types as the dish with curved wall, small pot/beacker, lid and mortaria were also represented.
Another series of forms was produced using different firing conditions in the kilns responsible for the grey colour of their fabric.
Because of our recent study and because of its easily iden-tifiable features the most recognizable southern Lusitanian fabric is a non calcareous sandy grey fabric. According to the data recovered in Balsa, Ossonoba, Baesuri and other sites such as Milreu or Pedras d’el Rei, we were able to define the major type-series and to make some observations on its distribution and chronology29. The major series of forms iden-tified were the double rim casseroles and the corresponding lids, cooking pots and deep bowls (fig. 9).
Concerning the casseroles it is the Vegas type 14A («plato con borde escalonado») that was also recovered at Spanish sites such as Munigua, dating from the third quarter of the 1st century AD30. For the grey clay examples M. Vegas proposes
27 Viegas 2006,117–196.28 arruda/Viegas/bargão 2010, 285–304. 29 C. Viegas, A cerâmica cinzenta grosseira do Algarve: caracterização
do fabrico, tipologia e difusão. In: Actas do Encontro de Arqueologia do Seixal (forthcoming).
30 Vegas 1973, 45 fig. 15,4.
Fig. 8. Balsa. Percentage of different fabrics of common ware.
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Fig. 9. Most common forms produced in local grey granular ware from the southern lusitanian sites.
a baetican origin. Studying the fish sauce factories along the coasts of today Andaluzia (Spain), Algarve (Portugal) and
Marroco M. Ponsich suggested that this form should be related to the production of fish sauces, such as garum31.
31 M. ponsiCh, Aceite de oliva y salazones de pescado. Factores geo-
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Similar forms were recovered in other contexts such as Pol-lentia32 and Málaga33 but when described the fabrics show different characteristics. The form is also present at the Algarve produced in the local orange-brick fabric.
On the other hand it must be pointed that apart from the Algarve region, this double rim casserole was not distributed to the Alentejo region (north of the Algarve) as the study of the common ware from S. Cucufate has shown34. This is clearly a cooking vessel with dark external surface due to fire exposure which might have also been used for a industrial purpose like fish processing (garum production).
Apart from the double rim casserole with corresponding lid, there is a deeper bowl that shows different rim variants. The cooking pot is also well documented in Balsa showing two different sizes and rim variants. Complete examples of this cooking pot had already been published by J. Nolen, from the material of Balsa necropolis that was collected for the National Museum by the 19th century archaeologist Estacio da Veiga. The complete examples presented here (fig. 9,7–8) are those previously published by J. Nolen since the examples from contexts other than the necropolis are very fragmentary35.
The beginning of this production can be dated to the end of the 1st century AD, but it is difficult to establish its end. Recent data from the archaeological excavation at Milreu show that the double rim casserole is present in contexts with materials from the 3rd century and seems to continue until the 6th century36.
Without precise contexts in Balsa this production is also rare at Castro Marim what can be attributed to the date of the abandonment of the site, which is coincident with the moment of the beginning of its circulation, the end of the 1st century or the beginning of the 2nd century AD. Faro proves the longevity of this form as it is present in the levels im-mediate below the Neptunus mosaic, and the pavement was dated from the second half of the 2nd century or the beginning of the 3rd century AD37. The form is also documented in the abandonment levels that were dated from the third quarter of the 5th century AD.
4. Final remarks
The systematic evaluation of large series of amphorae and fine wares from urban sites in the southern coast of Portugal (Algarve) allowed the understanding of the evolution and the rhythm of imports of both foodstuff and fine wares from the 2nd century BC until the 5th century AD (in the case of the amphorae) or even later if we consider the latest forms of
económicos de Bética y Tingitana (Madrid 1988) fig. 19.32 Vegas 1973, 45.33 E. serrano raMos, Cerámica común romana: siglos II a.C. al VII d.C.
Materiales importados y de producción local en el territorio malacitano (Málaga 2000).
34 I. V. pinTo, A cerâmica comum das villae de S. Cucufate (Beja). Coll. Teses (Lisbon 2003).
35 nolen 1994, 142 cr-116-120.36 TeiChner 2008 Taf. 163,K1–2.37 J. lanCha, La mosaique d�Océan découverte à Faro. Conimbriga 24,
1985, 151–175.
ARS D.During the Roman Republican period and following a previous Iron Age tradition, both common ware and am-phorae were mainly imported from the Ulterior (coast of today Andaluzia). Local common ware productions are a minority and although maritime resources were explored, no structutres related to fish processing industries are known.
In the first two centuries of the Empire the imports of amphorae from the Baetican coast continue to be a majority and besides fish sauces, wine products and oil were also imported. In what concerns the common ware the imports from Baetica must have continued with a significant volume although local production began to rise. These local produc-tions, such as the granular grey fabric, seem to have started at the end of the 1st century as a local response to the need of supply of cooking pottery, since the Baetican common ware which was produced in calcareous rich fabrics was not appropriate to be exposed to direct fire or high temperatures. The end of the 1st or the beginning of the 2nd century AD was also marked by the early distribution of African kitchen ware to the southern coast of Lusitania. This type of pottery continues to be present during the Late Roman period as the material from Balsa has proved.
Several factors have been considered to be the cause of the growth of fish processing which took place in southern Lusitania in the period between the 3rd and the 5th century AD, which is evidenced by the number of fish tanks known (the production in some sites is documented until the beginning of the 6th century) and the development of amphorae produc-tion38. Contrary to what occurred in the first two centuries of the Empire when only two amphorae production centers are known39, in the Late Roman period evidence of amphora productions were identified on several sites along the coast of the Algarve40. Concerning the consumption patterns of foodstuff transported in amphora during this period there is a significant change in the provincial interdependence from what was observed in previous moments. Despite of being almost one third of the samples studied, Baetican products are no longer the majority and from the 3rd to the 5th century there are other provinces that play a major role in the supply of southern Lusitania. North African productions represent aproximately 31% of the amphora in Ossonoba and 18% in Balsa and also locally produced Lusitanian amphoras are 35 to 39% of the total of amphoras in these urban sites. The locally produced amphoras most probably came from Algarve production centers but some fabrics show similarities to the amphoras produced in the Sado valley. Locally produced common ware continued to be produced during the Late Roman period.
38 A. C. raMos/R. alMeida, O Complexo industrial conserveiro de época romana na Rua Silva Lopes. Principais resultados de uma intervenção de emergência no Centro Histórico de Lagos. Xelb 5, 2005, 101–118; id./T. laço/C. Viegas, Les céramiques communes du VIè s. du com-plexe industriel de salaisons de poissons de Lagos (Portugal). In: M. Bonifay/J.-Chr. Tréglia (eds.), LRCW 2. Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Amphorae in the Mediterranean: Archaeology and Archaeometry 2. BAR Internat. Ser. 1662 (Oxford 2007) 85–97.
39 See notes 15 and 16 for information on amphora produtions in High Empire.
40 see note 21.
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The discussion about the role of locally produced common ware as opposed to the imported ones is not closed and will certainly benefit, in a near future, from stratigraphical data
which will help us to evaluate, in a more precise way, the weight of the different common ware productions.
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