s culturelearning fs- institute honotuiu · the makyong dance-theatre is...

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CULTURELEARNING

Fs- INSTITUTEHonotuIu

East-West Center 4-3 East-West Culture Learning Institute August 1976

The law as a social trapBy

Melvin J. Lerner

IntroductionAmerica is very much a 'nation of

laws" both in spirit and fact. The lawand its institutions are one of thefewsacred totems in our society. Thestrength of Americans' faith in thelaw as a concept and method (re-gardless of changing currents ofpublic option about due process,police methods and gun control) isattested to by the readiness withwhich most of us will agree that "ifthe law were abolished today, itwould have to be re-invented tomor-row." The increasing rates at whichpeople harm one another areblamed not on the ineffectiveness oflegal institutions per se but on theimperfections of the people whoman those institutions. The law en-forcement agencies, the courts, andthe prisons are not generally seenas invalid social devices, but merelyas in need of reform-if more andbetter trained legal personnel hadimproved procedures and facilities,then crime would be brought undercontrol. And even the most vocalcritics of our domestic legal institu-:ions tend to agree on the desperateneed for a system of international

law to prevent wars and create theinternational cooperation requiredfor the survival of our species.

Given the overwhelming consen-sus that the rule of law is both desir-able and essential, it seems prudentto wonder whether such total faith isever justified. Is it true that we needa system of laws with the institutionsto enforce them if we are to live and

work together? It is not easy tospecify what the counter argumentswould be or to conceive of an alter-native to the rule of law in humanaffairs. But it is probably wise-to at-tempt a re-assessment of any as-sertion which is so fundamental inshaping our perceptions and policydecisions.

(Continued on Page 2)

Dr. P. J. Philip and Dr. Melvin Lerner chat outside their offices at the Culture Learning Institute,where both are Senior Fellows.

Ethics as a mode of culture learning

40

ByP. J. Philip

One of the areas of great interestto the Culture Learning Institute isthat of "thought and expression" incultures. "Thought," in this context,refers to "those areas which thepeople of the culture themselves re-

gard as the most formative, educa-tive and illuminating; those which inthe vernacular expression, makesmost sense of them; those whichshape the culture and give form andstructure to it; those which thepeople hear or read without ques-tioning because it seems im-

mediately clear and congruent tothem; that which comes closest tostating the ideas on which the cul-ture rests and as embodying thevalues, feelings, ideals and at-titudes which it most respects."(Walsh, 1973, p. 5.)


Social Trap(From Page 1)

Law and social pathology

The incidence and prevalence ofcriminal behavior in our civilizedsocieties are sufficient reason toexamine the role of law in maintain-

ing social order. We have alwaysassumed that the more elaborate

contemporary legal systems werecreated in response to problemsstemming from industrialization or,as we currently term it, moderniza-tion. As primary ties break down be-cause of urbanization, social mobil-ity, rapid social and cultural changeof various kinds, then secondary in-stitutions are created to meet theresultant social needs. Legal institu-tions are required to provide the in-

tegrative and control mechanisms ina complex, industrialized mass cul-ture. This is the most commonlyheld assumption about the ob-served association of industrializa-tion, legal institutions and social

psychology.But the relation among these var-

iables may be more complex. A con-trasting hypothesis or model is thatlegal processes and institutions aswe know them in western industri-alized societies are dysfunctionaland create social pathology. Ofcourse, in some circumstances theydo the job for which they areexplicitly designed. Police, courtsand prisons maintain a degree oforder by isolating those prone to en-gage in illegal acts and intimidatingothers who might commit a legallydefined crime. The courts and legis-lative bodies engage in juridical actswhich reflect the sentiments andmeet the needs of a significant por-tion of the population. Is it possible,however, that these legal proce-dures, over the long run, increasethe probability that criminal acts willbe committed, that serious disputesand conflicts will occur so thatgreater efforts of maintaining controlthrough legal institutions will beneeded-more laws, more dis-putes, more enforcement?

The entrapping effectsof legal actions

Is there any evidence which linkssocial pathology and disintegration

to the use of legal institutions? Ifthere is such evidence, how can weexplain the personal and socialdynamics involved? And finally,what other means are there to re-solve disputes, engage in coopera-tive efforts, allocate resources,create a sense of trust and securityin our social environment?We can begin with the simple ob-

servation that in our society rates ofcrime and signs of social disintegra-tion have increased along with theelaboration of our legal system andthe extent of our reliance on lawsand legal institutions as the devicesto control crime and provide themeans of social integration. Is itconceivable that our continuing re-liance on legal institutions to dealwith these central issues of our so-cial existence constitutes at thisstage in our society the basis of a"social trap" (Hardin, 1968). Thecreation and enforcement of laws orlegal agreements appears to solvethe problem at hand-the offenderis apprehended, prosecuted andpunished. He is for a time preventedfrom committing further crimes, vio-lations of contractual agreements,etc. In this way-through thelaw--we have acted directly not onlyto keep criminals off the streets, butalso to raise taxes, reduce discrimi-nation in the schools, enable busi-nesses to function. And one can seethe immediate consequences of theenforcement of the laws, contracts,regulations. One sees it work.

That is the "immediate reinforce-ment" which provides the induce-ment to continue or increase the useof that device. But what of the longterm consequences? Is that im-mediate reinforcement entrappingus in a cycle where the later con-sequences of the act are essentiallydestructive, so much so that theycreate the need for greater use ofthe seemingly effective device?An example of an "individual

trap" is the use of some drug to re-duce stress. Initially, that drugprobably does make the person feelbetter and enable him to function ina stressful situation. Eventually,though, he needs larger quantitiesto accomplish the same narcotic ef-fect and eventually these lead to adeterioration in his ability to func-tion, which increases the stress andthe need for even greater quantities

which leads to greater deterioration,etc. A common "social trap" in-volves the construction of superhighways to eliminate the trafficcongestion created by urban com-muters from newly developed sub-urbs. Initially the problem and thesolution seem obvious: the oldcountry road was not designed forand cannot handle the trafficcreated by the suburb. It "makessense," then, to spend the funds toacquire land and build wider, betterhighways. And for a relatively briefperiod after construction, thatworks. But with the newly createdeasy access to the city, developerscreate new, larger suburbs whichproduce greatly increased numbersusing the highway until, lo and be-hold, the new highway is as con-gested and probably more danger-ous than the old country road hadbeen before the "obvious" solutionwas adopted. Other examples thatcome readily to mind are the de-structive effects of the widespreaduse of antibiotics, highly effectivepesticides such as DDT, and the re-duction in infant mortality without al-tering the life-support systems of theenvironment (Hardin, 1974).

Continued dependenceon legal institutions

But what of the Law and legal in-stitutions? How might their use con-tribute to creating the problems theyare designed to solve?The essence of our system of

laws-legal justice-is that all citi-zens are equal before the law. Weare all entitled to the same re-presentation in the formulation ofthe laws and to the same protectionof our rights and privileges by theagencies of the law. We are all"guaranteed" equal and full re-presentation of our interests and"due process" in the courts of law.But of course it doesn't work thatway and most of us know it.

If you are a member of one of thevisible minorities-Black, Chicano,Puerto Rican-and/or from thelower economic stratum in our soci-ety you tend to get a bad deal allalong the way. The chances ofbeing apprehended, questioned,"hassled" by the police are muchgreater, as is the likelihood of being


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Ethics(From Page 1)

In her famous study of Japaneseculture, Ruth Benedict explains the

idea in lucid words: "As a cultural

anthropologist also I started from

the premise that the most isolatedbits of behavior have some sys-tematic relation to one another. Itook seriously the way hundreds of

details fall into overall patterns. A

human society must make for itself

some design for living. It approvescertain ways of meeting situations,

certain ways of sizing them up.People in that society regard these

solutions as foundations of the uni-verse. They integrate them, no mat-

ter what the difficulties. Men whohave accepted a system of values

by whichto livecannotwithoutcourt-

ing inefficiency and chaos keep for

long a fenced-off portion of theirlives where they think and behave

according to a contrary set of val-ues". (Benedict, 1946, pp. 11-12.)

This is also true of other Asianand Pacific cultures, which are

highly integrated and cohesive.Studies of tribal societies (by Mar-

garet Mead, Clifford Geertz andothers) have shown how diffusedandbinding the influence of culturesare on their lives. Belief systems,rituals, celebrations etc., have their

appointed roles to play to make lifemore meaningful and endurable forthem. Though the 'rationale" of

practices, ceremonies and conven-tionsmaybe seldom articulated, pa-rents, elders and wise men com-mend them to the rest as indispens-able for their social health, well

beingand even survival. Butas newconditions come into being, the

generally approved order of life iscalled into question, generally bymembers of younger generations,who see incongruities in changingcircumstances. Especially in com-

plex societies with long literarytradi-tions, like the Chinese, Indian, Is-lamic and Jewish societies, effortsare made from time to time by lead-ers of thought to explain ritualisticobservances, articles of faith androles of religious and communityfunctionaries.

In "liberal" societies, there is amuch greater diversification of func-tions, demarcation of spheres of in-

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Participants in the 'Mediating Person" workshop, held at the East-West Culture LearningInstitute from June 21 to July 4, 1976, explored concepts, theory, and research in the field ofcultural mediation. The mediating personhas been defined as someone who acts as a link or

bridge between differentcultural systems. Participants from a varietyof disciplines addressedthe topics of social psychology, personality, andpsychopathologyof the mediating person;international educational and cultural exchange; language and mediation; and the scientific,

governmental, technological, and legal aspects ofmediation. The various papers will form abook to be edited by Dr. Stephen Bochner, CLI visiting researcher.

dividual and social action, coopera-tion in the satisfaction of mutualneeds and, most importantly, adivi-sion ofconcerns between the"secu-lar" and the "sacred." As thesesocieties have advanced technolo-

gically, special prominence hastended to be given to individualchoice: "in politics (democracy); ineconomic consumption (the com-

petitive market); in moral attitudes(the permissive society); and in re-

ligious belief (denominationalismand tolerance) Wilson, 1971, p.249.). At the same time it is notewor-

thy that individual choices are notallowed to be exercised whimsical-

ly. They are regulated by clearlystated rules, which prevent en-croachments being made on eachother's freedom of thought and ac-tion. Within each person's area offreedom moral conduct can rise tohigher levels than those indicated

by laws.With the increasing dominance of

science and rationality in modernsocieties, ethical values and belief

systems have been losing theinfluence they once exercised in thelives of large numbers of people. Inthe absence of a value and beliefconsensustherehas been a declinein the importance attached to reli-

gion and ethics as regulators ofconduct and a deeper stress is laidon legislation to bring about the ob-servance of a "minimum" morality.Conscience and religion have been

relegated to the private sphere ofhuman conduct.The doctrine of scientific rational-

ity that only those aspects of realitywhich can be understood in purelyrational termswere acceptable, suf-fered a nasty jolt at the hands of

Sigmund Freud and Karl Marx. The

pioneering work done by Freud in

psychology, with reference to therole of the unconscious, and byMarx in sociology, in regard to the

primacy of the economic factor insocial development, shookthis doc-trine to its foundations. It becameclear that there is more to life thanwhat is represented and em-

phasized by rationality. From Freudand Marx to Max Weber, EmileDurkheim and Paul Tillich and, inour own day, to Talcott Parsons,Robert Bellah, Peter Berger andThomas Luckmann, was but a logi-cal step. (Continued on Page 13)

Culture Learning Institute Report 3

Revival of an ancient tradition:the Makyong dance-theatre of Malaysia

ByGhulam Sarwar

Ghu!am Sarwar is a degree-seeking par-ticipant in the Culture Learning Institute and

a Ph.D. candidate in the Department ofDrama, University of Hawaii. This is a reporton his 16-month field education experiencewhichwas carriedout in Michigan, Thailand,

Malaysia and Indonesia. Malaysia was the

focus of attention, and particular emphasiswas given to the Makyong dance-theatre in

Kelantan state. Kelantan is the traditionalhome of the genre and the state in which

most of the existing Makyong groups are tobe found.

The research was sponsored and funded

by the East-West Culture Learning Institute,with assistance provided by Dr. William P.

Maim ofthe University ofMichigan SchoolofMusic; by the Malaysian Ministry of Culture,Youth, and Sports; by the Universiti Sains

Malaysia in Penang; by the studios of Radioand Television Malaysia in Kota Bharu; bythe members of the Seri Temenggong

Makyong Group in Kelantan; andbyahostof

individuals in all the above countries.

Introduction

The Malay peninsula is the homeof dozens of ancient and oftenhighly sophisticated traditional per-forming arts. In this respect it is bothan extremely rich area and a highlycomplex one, considering the manyand varied cultural influences thathave made themselves felt in theregion. This complexity is particu-larly marked in the border region be-tween West Malaysia and Thailandwhere animism, Hinduism, Buddh-ism, and Islam, as well as the laterwestern influences, have left theirindelible mark. In this region are tobe found examples of the perform-ing arts in a relatively unmodernizedstate whereas in the moretechnologically developed regionsof Malaysia they have either beencompletely overcome by wester-nized forms of theatre and are nolonger recognizable as 'traditional'or have completely succumbed tothe more powerful popular arts in-cluding cinema and television.The Makyong dance-theatre is

perhaps one of the most beautiful ofdance-theatre forms anywhere inSoutheast Asia. The Makyong, once

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thought to be an entirely femaledance-theatre form, served as themajor royal entertainment in theMalay courts of Patani and Kelan-tan. This royal patronage was en-joyed by the genre until about 1920when a decline set in. The groups nolonger received royal support, leftthe palace, and became itineranttroupes, bowing before the pressureof their new village-audiences tomake the style of Makyong morepopular'. They shed much of theearlier refinement, and reducedelements such as music, elaboratedance-movements, and costumes.It is not clearly known how manygroups of performers existed inKelantan at the height of theMakyong's popularity, but today,there are about nine groups inMalaysia, distributed in the statesKelantan, Kedah and Trengganu. Inthe Patani area of southern Thai-land, there are perhaps about thesame number of troupes, and in In-donesia there is one group of veryold performers. Of all these groups,the Seri Temenggong Group ofKelantan, founded in 1970, is mostactive and the best organized groupin the country.We do not know the exact age of

the Makyong dance-theatre form,

but based on the antiquity of lan-guage, the stories, the place-namesand the names of characters, theMakyong probably predates the in-troduction of Islam to the Malaypeninsula (c. fourteenth century).Among the major theatre forms ofthe region, such as Bangsawan andWayang Kuilt, the Makyong may beregarded as the purest extant Malaytheatre, and it represents a highflowering of the genius loci.There were many factors con-

tributing to the decision to concen-trate on this genre. The Makyongstories have never before been writ-ten down except in short, often inac-curate, synopses. They are interest-ing both as "folk" literature and ascustoms in the royal courts of an-cient Malaysia. An in-depth study isneeded at the present time so as tocapture the performance tech-niques, costuming, make-up, ritu-als, etc., before they are alteredcompletely through contact with theflood of Western influences.

There has been in recent years arevival of interest both within andoutside Malaysia in the Malay lan-guage and literature as well as in thetraditional arts of that culture. This isdemonstrated by the work that isnow being undertaken inthat culture

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by UNESCO and also by the factthat the National Cultural Confer-ence held in Kuala Lumpur in 1972accepted the principle that theMalay culture should be the basisfor the national culture of Malaysia.Thus it seems only logical that suchan important and ancient artform asthe Makyong should be researchedand documented.The most important problem that

is faced by any researcher, how-ever, is the fact that the most re-spected Makyong performers arenow in their 60's and 70's. Some ofthese persons belonged to the lastMakyong court-group in the palacein Kota Bharu. They represent thelast link between the court style andthe folk tradition of the Makyong.They are an invaluable asset in anyattempt at research and reconstruc-tion, and unless their services areutilized soon, much information maynever be obtained again, andMakyong without them is nevergoing to be the same again.

Preparations

Initial preparations for researchinto the Makyong were started in theUniversityof Hawaii's Department ofDrama and Theatre, where the pre-sent writer, with the cooperation ofDr. William P. MaIm, a noted author-ity on Asian music, presented anadaptation and translation of theMakyong story The Spell of a Gian-tess (Raja Tangkai Hati) at the Ken-nedy Theatre in summer, 1973. Dr.Maim was then a seniorfellow attheCulture Learning Institute.The play is one of twelve authen-

tic Makyong stories. Material for theproduction was obtained from alarge collection of video-tapes re-corded by Dr. Maim in Malaysia dur-ing an expedition in 1969. Choreog-raphy for the production was doneby Judy Van Zile, a University ofHawaii instructor with considerableexperience in South and SoutheastAsian dance and dance-theatre.Local students served as the musi-cians, trained by Dr. Maim.An examination of the total collec-

tion of 125 hours of video-tapes atthe University of Michigan in 1974-1975 marked the next phase of theresearch. This was a continuation ofwork already initiated with Dr. Maim

at the Culture Learning Institute.This video and audio tape collectionis the largest resource of Makyongmaterial anywhere in the world.Here the present writer attempted todigest the structure of the Makyongperformances. Synopses ofthe ninestories recorded were prepared,and 53 hours of the material wascopied on audio-tape for compara-tive work to be undertaken with laterrecordings in the field. Visits to theBritish Museum Library in London insearch of Malaysian Makyong mate-rials, and the Thai National Library,and National Theatre for PataniMakyong materials turned up littleuseful information. Apparently inThailand too, much research needsto be done in the area of traditionalperforming arts, particularly of thesouthern region.

Research methodology

The major portion of the research,lasting about a year, was conductedin the villages of Kelantan andTrengganu in Malaysia. This con-sisted of the following activities: (1)watching all performances thatcould be found anywhere in Penin-sular Malaysia; (2) collecting datathrough interviews with both activeand retired actresses, with musi-cians, with members of audiences,and others familiar with theMakyong; (3) documentation onvideo-tape, slides, and photographsand preparation of sketches and re-

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constructions of theatre buildings,costumes, hairstyles; (4) collectingspoken and sung texts andmelodies of several plays in theMakyong repertoire; (5) preparationof 'final' scripts for the most impor-tant play, Dewa Muda; (6) atten-dance at rehearsals of the leadingMakyong group in Malaysia, the SeriTemenggong Group of Kota Bharu,Kelantan; (7) the collection of sev-eral different versions of the ritualformulae for the opening and clos-ing of the Makyong theatre; (8) therecording of dance-movements andhand gestures; (9) reconstruction oftraditional-style make-up and cos-tumes; (10) organization ofMakyong rehearsals in a 'recon-structed' style for performances inPenang and Kuala Lumpur; (11)documentation of related genres,especially the Puteri and Puteri-Makyong shamanistic healing ritu-als.

Although an attempt was made towatch as many performances aspossible that could be traced in thevillages, this was not always aneasy task, for many villages inKelantan are quite isolated. Fortu-nately, however, in most cases per-formances could often be tracedthrough District Offices which is-sued permits for performances. Inseveral instances, performanceshad to be specially commissioned,especially in the case of the DewaMuda story.


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detected andprosecuted foragivencrime. Access to adequate legal re-

presentation is more limited, thechances of being convicted of a

crime or losing a litigation are great-er, andthe outcome is more likely tobe aprison sentence than if you arean affluent, non-minority citizen.Add to that the fact that you aremuch more likely to become the vic-tim of a major violent criminal actthan the "nice folks." And, finally,add to all of this the realization that

you have relatively little influence onlawmakers who tend to reflect thevalues and interests of the whitemiddle class (Carlin and Howard,

1965; Caplovitz, 1963; Cicourel,

1968; Nader, 1974).

Disillusioned majority

The relatively more affluent and

powerful citizens in the middle and

working classes are becomingaware of the inequities in the legalsystem. Most people feel rather

frightened of the "courts" and cer-

tainly intimidated by the prospect of

any litigation. The cost of adequatelegal representation is a seriouseconomic penalty or at least "risk"for most citizens. Large businessesandcorporations have aseriousad-

vantage in their ability to use thethreat of litigation as a means of in-timidation andin their abilityto "buy"better representation in a court oflaw. They can hire "better" lawyersand spend considerably more in

gathering supporting evidence

(Hirschman, 1970). To be sure, all ofthis is "legal" in the sense of not

violating any statute or legal prece-dent. But it is in clear violation ofwhat people know and feel to be"fair and just" After all, we are sup-posed to have equal access to relieffrom the courts andto the protectionof our rights and property.

It is possible that the public expo-sures of the way both legal and il-

legal lobbies are able to press for

special privileges with govern-mental agencies and create favora-ble legislation may account for the

rapid decline in the public's trust ofthe government and large busi-nesses. Forexample, in response tothe question, "Would you say the

government is pretty much run by afew big interests looking out forthemselves or that it is run for thebenefit of all people?", the clear

majority of the people in a national

survey thought it was run "for thebenefit ofall" (74%)and only asmall

minority thought it wasrun by a "few

big interests" (17%). The rest

(8.9%) were "don't know" andmixed reactions. That was in 1958.

Subsequent surveys showed atrend in the direction of increased

cynicism so that in the most recentdata reported (April/May 1973) the

majority (58%) thought it was run bya "few big interests" and those whobelieved our government was run"for the benefit of all" had dwindledfrom 74% to 34.2% of this national

sample of Americans (Katz, et a!.,1975, p. 146). If anything, onewouldbelieve that a more recent surveywould indicate even greater cyni-cism and sense of alienation fromthe government and sources of

power.

Conflict escalation

and resentment from litigation

A number of people have come to

recognize that our judicial system is

ill-equipped to provide constructivesolutions to citizens' conflictinginterests (Nader, 1975). Typically,judicial proceedings center on the

assignment of blame-finding a

party at fault. Once guilt or culpabil-ity has been established then the

punishment is assigned or the

judgment of theamount of liability isrendered. This procedure typicallyplaces the contestants in a "zero-sum" relation so that one must winat the expense of the other. It is verydifficult in this context to take intoaccount the complexities involved inall human encounters. The judg-ment is likely to underplay the validclaims of the "loser" and enhancethe victor's senseof "moral" as wellas economic superiority. Thismeans of rendering justice between

disputants tends to create the cli-mate for escalation rather than anend to the basesof the conflict. One

party feels "unjustly treated" andhas become more cynical about our

judicial system. As a result he ismore likely to want to retaliate, to gethis revenge-justice in his "own

way"-and the winner is more likely

to engage in behaviorswhich reflecthis sense of "superiority" andthereby exacerbate the desire for

revenge (Nader, 1974).To be sure, we are, at least in

some areas, moving toward legalsanctioning of direct negotiationand

problem solving rather than "fault-

finding" and punishment as meansof resolving disputes. And thatshould have a healing influence inthe social climate.

The law as defenderof repression and exploitation

From the perspective of thosewho identify with the deprived seg-mentsof our society-our victims of

poverty, discrimination, chronic ill-ness, crime, inadequate access toeducation, etc.-the legal institu-tions in our society are cast in theirmost "conservative" light. Legalsolutions to social problems taketime; however, the demands arisingfrom the victim's suffering are im-

mediately compelling. Suffering and

deprivation, especially if clearly "un-

just," cry for immediate relief. Forthose who feel and respond to this

message it is easy not only to view

legal institutions as relatively slowand deliberate in their moves to pro-vide relief, but to construe these

procedures as impediments to reliefor direct agents of harm. It may be

just this side of paranoia, but in areal sense our legal institutions do

protect the "system" which favorsthe status quo. To the reformer thevivid part of that status quo is thevictim's undeserved suffering-theinjustices.Our legal institutions can lead in

the direction of reform but typicallythey must concentrate on the thedifficult task of emphasizing pro-cedural safeguards in order to meetthebasic functions of social stability.This is time-consuming, "conserva-tive" and easily seen as repressive(Reiss, 1972).

The juridical model of man

Probably the most destructiveinfluence generated by our systemof laws and legal institutions arisesfrom the implicit but quite clear and

compelling influence it has on the

way we view ourselves and others.It is easier to detect these mes-

sages if we step back a bit and look

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at ourselves from the perspective ofa visitor from an entirely differentculture-or from the perspective ofa child who must learn to adapt to

this system. To begin with, our vis-itor would certainly be impressedwith the fact that we have elaborate

systems of rules which govern or atleast apply to every activitywe could

possibly attempt-including themost private, spontaneous acts aswell as the coordinated efforts in-volved in the production, distribu-tion, and consumption of desired re-sources. These statutes, by-laws,

regulations describe what we mustdo and what we must not do. Theyare also quite explicit about the

penalities that will follow if the rulesare violated. And enormous re-sources are devoted to the detec-tion, prosecution, and punishmentof violators-the courts, the legalprofession, the police, the prisonsystem, etc.The omnipresence of these laws

and legal institutions provides themost eloquent testimony to the ef-fect that:

a. People need to be protectedfrom each other -we are all

potentially dangerous to oneanother's safety. That is whywe need these elaborate rulesof conduct that are writtendown and recorded for all tosee so that there is no chanceto claim we were unaware orconfused. And that is why weneed to attach external

sanctions-penalties to these

rules. If we did not need these

externally imposed con-straints on our private greedand avarice, why would wehave so many rules with their

penalties, for failure to com-

ply?People are wise enough toassess and act according totheir best interest. Obviouslythat is whythe rules andpenal-ties are effective. If it is clearthat they will be punished-itwill cost them more than theygain- then people will refrainfrom a given behavior. But

only as long as it is profitableto do so-as long as the costis perceptibly greater than the

gain. People are intelligentenough to seek out this kind ofinformation about the relevant

"pay-offs" and make rational,'wise" judgment. Certainly ifwe did not believe that peopleacted in this manner we wouldnot bother to make explicit the

penalties involved forfailure to

comply with these rules.

Essentially, then, our laws arebased upon and convey the imageof man as aselfish animal but also a"rational" one capable of acting onthe basis of "enlightened self-interest."

It appears that regardless of how

valuable laws and legal institutionswere, or are now, in maintaining so-cial stability and protecting eachcitizen from exploitation by themore

powerful elements in the society,their presence in our society re-quires that we live in a climate ofdistrust, fear, and alienation fromoneanother. Their proliferation pre-vents us from discovering alterna-tive ways of living and working withone another based upon trust and

willing cooperation. How does this

happen?

The need to know "why?"It is well established that people,

at least in western civilization, seekcausal explanations for importantevents in their world. We decidehowtoact, what to do in order to getthe things we want and avoidthosewe don't, on the basis of the expla-nations we accept for why thingshappen. And we assume that other

people do the same thing (Heider,1958). Some explanations arerather simple or at least we thinkthey are. I have agnawing feeling in

mystomach andthe sight or smell offood is appealing-obviously thismeans I am hungry. And I "know"that is "caused" by the lack of foodor at least it will go away if I eat. Andthe way to get food is to go out, picka banana, and eat it. When we intro-duce other people into thescenetheentire matter becomes more com-plex in important ways. Let us saynow that as we go out the door wemeet someone who offers us abanana. Before responding (orknowinghowto respond), everyone,whether implicitly or quite explicitly,


CLI sponsors language planning courseworkAt the 1977 Summer Institute of

Linguistics of the Linguistics Societyof America, July 11 to August 18,1977, in addition to the regular lin-

guistics offerings, aspecial series ofcourses on language planning willbe presented, sponsored by theCul-ture Learning Institute. This will bethe first time that such an intensivecourse offering in this field has everbeen presented.Language planning is a con-

scious attempt to solve national andinternational language problems.Specifically it refers to decisionsmade about the choice and im-

plementation of languages to be

used in the public sphere for bothinternal and external use, and to the

process of modernizing a languagefor use by the public. Such proces-ses include standardization of spel-ling, script, pronunciation, and

grammar; development and stand-ardization of terminology; and de-

velopment of distinct discourse

styles.Two-week workshops on Techni-

cal Terminology, Lexicography, andMass Media will be offered in addi-tion to the regular six-weekcourses.The program will feature outstand-

ing scholars in the field of languageplanning, including Joshua

Fishman, John Gumperz, Robert

Cooper, Björn Jernudd, LachmanKhubchandani, J. V. Neustupny,Joan Rubin, Einar Selander, andLadislab Zgusta. For further detailsabout this program, write to thecoordinator, Dr. Joan Rubin, at theCulture Learning Institute.A limited number of grants are

available to participants from Asia,the Pacific, and the United States.

Applications can be obtained bywriting to the Director, Culture

Learning Institute, East-WestCenter, Honolulu, Hawaii 96822,U.S.A.

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Social Trap(From )

tentatively answers the question,"Why is that person making the of-fer?" Many possible reasons for theother's behavior might cross one'smind. For example, it might be that

people of his status areexpected tooffer "us" bananas if they havesome and we do not... or, he is anold friend who likes to share thingswith me...he is full and has so manyextra bananas he wants to barterthem for something else I can givehim...he is doing it to shame meeither now or later when he tells

everyone that I owe him a banana,etc.

We use various means to decidewhich cause or causes are operat-ing but suffice it to say at this pointthat to the extent we believe there ismore than one "sufficient" causeforsomeone's behavior we will notbeable to have much confidence inany explanation (Kelley, 1973). For

example, as long as we knowthat a)he is a member of a caste that is

required to give their bananas to

people of my caste, I will never beable to have much confidence thathe did it b) because he is a kind

person or C) because he likes me,etc.

Now, back to the law and legalinstitutions. To the extent that thereare "laws" which define how wemust treat one another or be subjectto penalty-fine, imprisonment,public scandal-and legal institu-tions designed to enforce theserules, then we will infer, quite natur-

ally, inevitably that:

a. People need these rules to tellthem how to behave and the"external sanctions" to over-come their internal motiva-tions to do otherwise.

b. People can and will learnthese rules and adapt theirbehavior to avoid the costs ofthe sanctions.

c. In addition, any behaviorwhich is in accord with thelaws cannot be interpreted as

indicating an intention or moti-vation other than the desire toavoid the punishments for fai-lure to comply.

In other words the fact that we

might live and work together quiteamicably tells me very little aboutwhat you think of me or would do ifthere were not a contract and by-laws which governed howwe acted.I will never know what kind of personyou "really" are or your 'true" feel-

ings until I seewhat u do when the"external" incentives and con-straints are removed. This is notun-like the dilemma of the very rich orthe very beautiful in trying to findsomeone who loves them for"themselves" and not for the other

gratifications they can offer. As the

story goes the critical test can occurwhen the man "loses" his fortuneand the girl her "looks." (But aren'tthere less painful tests? Thinkabout

it.)

The creation of a 'legal"device-a statute or bindingagreement-implies, clearly, theneed for these additional externalconstraints and the possibility ofconfusion of obligations and

privileges.

This follows from the assumptionwe all make that people do thingsfora reason and that the reason isrevealed in the intended consequ-ences of the act (Jones and Davis,

1965). If we did not believe therewere genuine risks that the peopleinvolved would take advantage of

any ambiguities to advance their

private interests, then we would nothave bothered to create a law ordraw up a contract. We would nothave gone through the effort or ex-

pense.

This implicit message of distrustcreated by a legal structuring of aninteraction is recognized even in thecontext of the supposedly "crass,"no-nonsense world of business. AsMacaulay reports from his research

(1969):

"Not only are contracts and con-tract law needed in many situa-tions, their use may have, or maybe thought to have, undesirable

consequences...Detailed

negotiated contracts can get inthe way of creating good ex-

change relationships betweenbusiness units...Such planningindicatesalack oftrust and bluntsthe demands of friendship, turn-

ing a cooperative venture into an

antagonistic horsetrade" (p. 205)

Sense of alienation

Our legal institutions have selec-

tively supported, if not created gen-eral norms in our society which in-crease the sense of alienation andisolation among the population.Mostcontemporary thinking in the

social sciences (e.g. BIau, 1964;Thibaut and Kelley, 1965; Walster,Berscheid and Walster, 1973) is re-

markably similar to the view that

laymen have of human motivationand the rules of interpersonal rela-tions. It is a view which, if not im-

posed, is certainly reinforced by our

legal institutions. The legal institu-tions are based on the assumptionthat people's behavior hasto be or ismost reliably controlled by man-

ipulating the ratio of costs and be-nefits associated with a given act. If

you want someone to do somethingu have to make it more profitable

for himto do it than for him not to orto do something else. If that is thecase, then our main task is to teachourselves and our children how toobtain the resourcesneeded to pro-vide the incentive for others to dowhat we want.

In other words (1) We have cometo believe that human relations are

governed by norms or rules of

"profitable exchange." People willbe friendly, cooperate, if they seethat it is to their benefit and the best"deal" they can make.(2) As aresultof our dependence on others tomeet ourneeds, we then developan"instrumental orientation" to our-selves and other people. One'sownattributes and efforts as well asthose of other people come to beviewed as "commodities" of varyingvalue to be used in the exchangeprocess. (3) The most general normor rule governing our relations withone another then has become anelaboration of "enlightened self-interest"-termed "justified self-interest." If it is true that human en-counters are governed by the rule of

profitable exchange between sepa-rate negotiating individuals then itfollows that everyone must look outfor his own welfare. "When pushcomes to shove, all other thingsbeing equal, I have aright to look outformy own welfare. I wouldbe afoolto do otherwise. That is just 'com-mon sense.' If I don't look out formyown welfare, who will?" (Homans,1974)

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8 Cu/Wre Learning Institute Report

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..;:::.

East-WestCenterProgram Representatiyesfromtwelve countiles met with CultureLearning Institute staffmembersonJune9, 1976, to discuss in

detail the four new Institute project areas. .MMM

The "alienating norms"create their own proof

These general norms placepeople in abasically competitive re-

lationship. In all important contextsthey become contestants whosebehavior is interpreted as furtherevidence that everyone is outfor hisown welfare and no onecan be re-

ally "trusted." That is why it is sooften necessary to use laws and

legal institutions as safeguards, re-ferees to protect ourselvesfrom oneanother's exploitation.The dynamics involved in these

situations have been observed ex-

tensively in thesocial psychologicallaboratory (Deutsch and Krauss,

1958), labor-management rela-tions, and in international relations

(White, 1966). Essentially what canand often does occur is a rather

simple process of "self-fulfillingprophecy."

If the participants assume thateach person is motivated primarily if

not solely by thedesire-to make themost profitable bargain for himself,then any act which appears to be

relatively selfless, altruistic, helpful,generous, etc. will be interpreted tofit the assumed underlying self-interest motive. It will beviewed as a

strategem designed to gain greaterprofits at alatertime, or as the resultof the desire to avoid some other,

greater cost-legal or social sanc-tion, the pain of guilt, public shame,etc. (Walster, Berscheid and Wals-ter, 1973), As a result, any kind,gentle, friendly, helpful actdoes lit-tle to reduce the degree of distrustand the competitive orientation.On the other hand, anyactwhich

is directly competitive, which in-creases my "costs," is seen as

confirming what we already know tobe true-that you cannot be trustedand it is up to me to take further

steps to protect myself and control

your aggressive, selfish behavior.From your perspective my acts arenot seen as defensive but rather as

obviously aggressive in intentionand so, t erefore, you act in waysdesigned to protect yourself againstmy aggressive assaults. Your be-haviorthen clearly confirms howjus-tifiable my defensive aggressionswere and how dangerous and un-

scrupulous you truly are. Thesefamiliar "cycles of escalation" typi-cally spiral to the point of openconflict and/or the construction offurther "legal devices," with

stronger constraints designed to

keep us from destroying oneanother.

Some Concluding ThoughtsThis analysis of the destructive

consequences of the reliance onlaws and legal institutions is notmeant:

a. to discount the central rolethese institutions have playedin the developmentof westerncivilizations.




b. to deny the important contribu-

tions which legislative andjud-icial acts have made to our

society. e.g. thosedesigned to

help disadvantaged minoritygroups and protect the rightsof the individual from exploita-tion by the centers ofeconomic and political power.It should be remembered

though that each of these

generally constructive events

probably adds an increment tothe "juridical construction" ofour social reality, with the at-tendant destructive consequ-ences.

c. to imply that all laws and legis-lative institutions are" repres-sive" in the sense of being im-

posed upon people with thethreat of external sanctions.

Actually, the most insidious

consequences probably occurwhen free citizens come to-

gether spontaneously to solvea common problem by usingthedevice of drafting alawand

establishing a regulatoryagency. This "legal event"creates the strongestconfirmation of the messagethat we need the additionalconstraints to protect our-selves from one another's ac-tions.

d. to cast laws and legal institu-tions in the position of the soleand complete cause of anyand all social pathology.

e. to set up the choice between

anarchy-a society of nolaws-and one of increasingsocial pathology under legalinstitutions. There are non-

utopian alternatives alreadyunder discussion in varioussectors of our society andconsiderable evidence that

people can and will move inthe direction of creative alter-natives, gradually and withcareful analyses of the

dynamics involved in contem-

porary life. In addition, there is

good reason to believe thatmost people have the abilityand desire to lead lives basedon genuine concern for oneanother's dignity and welfare

(Lerner, 1975).

This analysis is meantto describethe clearly unintended destructive

consequences-the "social

trap'-created by our continued re-liance on laws and legal institutions.

The juridical construction of oursocial reality creates the norms andmodel of human motivation whichmake it inevitable that people re-main distrustful of one another as

they engage in basicallycompetitively-oriented exchanges.

Social science manuscripts welcomed

The East-West Center is spon-soring the Cross-cultural Studiesseries of the Sage Research

Papers in the Social Sciences.

Manuscripts submitted for publi-cation in the series should be of across-cultural nature, preferablyresearch-oriented. First consid-eration will be given qualitysingle-topic research papers,syntheses of previous research,or other such studies.The editorscaution that collections of confer-ence papers, workshop reports,doctoral dissertations,or master'stheses are rarely suitable for pub-lication in the series without con-

siderable re-writing. Thereforethe author should attempt to pre-pare the material in suitable formbefore submitting the manu-

script.The series is designed to ac-

commodate works too long for

journal publication and too shortfor book publication; manuscriptsshould be 12,000-36,000 words

(unstretchable). Send manu-scripts to the Managing Editor:

Dr. Jerry BoucherCulture Learning InstituteEast-West CenterHonolulu, Hawaii 96822U.S.A.

They also prevent people from in-

terpreting non-competitive, non-selfish behavior as genuine reac-tions reflecting the true feelings andcharacter ofthat person. As aresult,we live in a state of more or less

cynically-oriented distrust, increas-

ingly dependent upon these exter-nally imposed structures-the lawand legal institutions-to protect usfrom one another. Inevitably theyare not sufficient to the task as frust-ration, fear, sense of isolation, alie-nation from one's self and otherstresses take their toll. The pathol-ogy is expressed in various ways,including illnesses, depression, andcriminal acts (Jessor, et a!., 1968).Naturally, we then turn to more lawsand lawenforcement...arid are trulyentrapped.

ReferencesBlau, P. Exchange andpower in social

life, New York: Wiley, 1964.Brooks, W. N. & Doob, A. N. "Justice

and the jury," Journal of Social Is-sues, 1975, 31, 171-182.

Caplovitz, D. The poor paymore, NewYork: Free Press, 1963.

Carlin, J. E. & Howard, J."Legal rep-

resentation and class justice' UCLALaw Review, 1965, 21, 381-437.

Cicourel, A. V. The social organizationof juvenile justice, New York: Wiley,1968.

Deutsch, M. & Krauss, R. M. "Studies ofinterpersonal bargaining," JournalofConflict Resolution, 1958, 2, 265-279.

Hardin, G. "The case against helpingthe poor," Psychology Today, Sept.1974.

"The tragedy of thecommons," Science, 1968, 162,1243-1248.

Heider, F. The psychology of interper-sonal relations, New York: Wiley,1958.

Hirschman, H. Exit, voice & loyalty: re-sponses to declines in firms, organi-zations arid states, Cambridge: Har-vard University, 1970.

Homans, G. C. Social behavior: itselementary forms, New York:Harcourt-Brace, Jovanovich, 1974.

Jessor, R., Graves, T. D., Hanson, R.C.&Jessor, S. L. Society, personality,and deviant behavior: a study of tn-ethnic community, New York: Holt,Rinehart & Winston, 1968.

Jones, E. E. & Davis, H. E., "From Actsto dispositions: The attribution pro-cess in person perception," in Ber-kowitz, L. (Ed.) Advances in experi-mental social psychology, Vol. 2,New York: Academic Press, 1965.

Katz, D., Gutek, B. A., Kahn, R. L., Bar-ton, E. Bureaucratic encounters: apilot study in the evaluation of gov-ernment services, Ann Arbor, Michi-gan: Institute for Social Research,1975.

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Twenty-one participants,mostly Alaskan Eskimos,gathered at CL! July 5-30,

.1976, for the Bilingual!Bicultural (Alaska) Work-shop. Pictured are Mr.James McDiarmidand Ms.Rita Joseph (top); CLI re-search associate Mr. LarrySmith and research internMs. Judith Weahkee (bot-tom).

LW

0 Kelley, H. H. "The processes of causalattribution," American Psychologist,1973, 28, 107-128.

Lerner, M. J. "The justice motive in so-cial behavior," Journal of Social Is-sues, 1975, 31, No. 3.

Macaulay, S. "Non-contractual relationsin business," in Aubert, V. (Ed.)Sociology of law, Baltimore: Pen-guin, 1969, 194-210.

Mysliwiec, S. R. 'Toward principles ofjury equity," The Yale Law Journal,1974, 83, 1023-1054.

Nader, L. "Forums for justice: a cross-cultural perspective," Journal of So-cial Issues, 1975, 31, 151-170.

Nader, L. "Perspectives on the lawandorder problem," in Lerner, M. J. &Ross, M. (Eds.), The quest for jus-tice: myth, reality, ideal. Toronto:Holt, Rinehart &Winston of Canada,1974, 65- 82.

Reiss, A. J., Jr. "Monitoring the quality ofcriminal justice systems," inCampbell, A. and Converse, P. E.(Eds.), Thehumanmeaning ofsocialchange, New York: Russell SageFoundation, 1972.

Thibaut, J. & Kelley, H. H. The social

psychology of groups, New York:Wiley, 1959.

Walster, E., Berscheid, E. & Walster, G.W. "New directions in equity re-search," Journal of Personality andSocial Psychology 1973, 25, 151-176.

White, R. 'Misperception and the Viet-nam war," Journal of Social Issues,1966, No. 3.

Field documentation

Makyong Dance-Theatre(From Page 5)

Special performance

Themost important performance,which the present writer helped to

organize, was the special SembahGuru or Salutation of the Teacher

performance organized for the

prima donna of the Makyongactres-sestoday, Khatijah Awang.Theper-formance was held in earlyNovember 1975, and lasted three

nights, with a total performance timeof almost 20 hours. For this perfor-mance all the oldest living perfor-mers in Malaysia were brought to-

gether, and in many ways it wasthemost significant performance thathad taken place in Malaysia for wellover a decade. The performance in-volved several trance sessions andelaborate offerings to the various

categories of spirits who inhabit theenvironment. It concluded with theactual Sembah Guru ceremonyheld in the morning of the fourth dayafter the final night's twelve-hour

performance. The complete per-formance was recorded on video-

tape.

250 hours of interviews with lead-

ing actors and actresses were re-corded in addition to recorded per-formances. The range of materialcollected during interviews coversalmost every aspect of the

Makyong: spiritual values, invoca-tions, stories, performancetechniques, and information ondance techniques, rehearsalmethods, hand gestures etc. The

tape and film documentation thusrecorded was a major aspect of thework in the field. In addition to theaudio and video tape recordings,more than 2000 photographs weretaken.

Collection of texts proved to beone of the most difficult aspects ofthe research. Of the twelve most

important plays, work was startedon three: Dewa Muda (The MagicKite), Dewa Pechll, and Anak RajaGondang (The Prince of the GoldenConch-Shell). Several problems re-lated to texts emerged. Many ver-sions (each with its variations) of thestories are being performed, and in-

terpretations of the spoken texts

vary from person to person. It was

possible, however, through several

day-longseminars involving the per-formers themselves to reach someconsensus on certain aspects oftextual interpretation. Major differ-ences still remain, and it was con-sidered necessary therefore to re-tain the varying texts as parallels.When all the texts are available in

first drafts (probably by late 1976),analysis will be conducted afterconsultation with performers again.The twelve texts will eventually be

published. The stories themselvesareextremely long, performances inthe past often lasting up to 45 nightsperstory. Portions of the final DewaMuda script, a total of 420 pages,are now in the process of beingtranslated. For the collection ofstories, in addition to the perfor-mances recorded, assistance was

sought from such well known per-formers as Che Abdullah Awang,Pak Hassan Jambi, Mak Zainab

Raja, Mak Mah Hussein Keron-

chong, all veteran actors and ac-tresses.One of the more fascinating as-

pects of the research into Makyonginvolved a reconstruction of make-



EAST-WEST CULTURE LEARNING INSTITUTE PROGRAM ACTIVITIESJune 21, 1976 to December 10, 1976

Activities/Dates/Coordinators

1. The Mediating Person WorkshopJune 21-July 4, 1976Dr. Stephen Bochner

Dr. Verner BickleyCoordinators

Description-Toexploreconcepts, theoryand research in the field of cultural

mediation. The Mediating Person has been defined assomeone whoacts as a link or bridge between differentcultural systems. (Invitation only)

2. Bilingual/Bicultural Education Program (Alaska)July 1-30, 1976Mr. Gregory Trifonovitch, Coordinator

3. Workshop for Culture Teachers from Overseas Schools

July 21-August 11, 1976Dr. John Walsh, Coordinator

4. ESOL Administrators ProgramAugust 1-November 30, 1976Mr. Larry Smith, Coordinator

5. Cross-Cultural Counseling ProgramAugust 4-25, 1976Dr. Paul Pedersen, Coordinator

6. Emotion and Culture WorkshopAugust 5-19, 1976Dr. Jerry Boucher, Coordinator

7. The International Convergence of Literature and Culture

August 15-September 15, 1976Mr. Guy Amirthanayagam, Coordinator

-A joint East-West Culture Learning Institute, Bureau of IndianAffairs, and University of Alaska project on Eskimo First

Language Teacher Education. (By invitation and nomi-nation only)

-For teachers from "overseas" and international schools. Todevelop more effective materials for teaching culture to"third culture" children and to open up ideas and re-search channels that might contribute significantly to abetter understanding ofthe nature and meaning of cul-ture learning. (Invitation and nomination only)

-To disseminate information about and knowledge of recent

developments in the area of English teaching and ad-ministration to mid-career professionals responsible forthe administration of English asa second language and

English as a foreign language programs in their coun-tries. (OPEN COMPETITION-Applications accepteduntil March 31, 1976)

-Mid-career professionals in the field of counseling which hasbeen defined as the giving and receiving of help, rang-ing from voluntary advice-giving tothe use of standard-ized tests and procedures by trained professionals.(OPEN COMPETITION-Applications accepted until

April 15, 1976)

-Aplanning workshopofresearchers from Asia, the Pacificandthe United States interested in the language and be-havior of emotion, and whowishto engage in collabora-tive research on emotion and culture. The workshop isan activity ofthe CLI project, Culture andtheInteractiveProcess. (Invitation only)

-Aplanning workshop to be carried out as an activity of the CLI

project, Crisis of Cultural Values and to investigate the

ways in which literature and culture are converging in-

ternationally. (Invitation only)

8. Transnational Organizations and Networks and Cultural Depen- -A planning workshop to discuss the goals, content and pro-dency: Policy Options for Global Interdependencejected output of the Institute project, Transnational Or-

September 13-17,1976 ganizations and Networks and Cultural Dependency:Dr. Krishna Kumar, Coordinator Policy Options for Global Interdependence. (invitation

only)

9. Emerging Issues in Cultural Relations in an Interdependent WorldDecember 7-10, 1976Dr. P. J. Philip, Coordinator

-A conference sponsored jointly by the Culture Learning Insti-tuteandthe CouncilofFoundations. The primary objec-tive ofthe conference is to bring together, from different

parts of the world, representatives of various founda-tions and other agencies (which provide assistance inthe United States and Asian and Pacific countries) toconsider problems relating to their role in the context of

urgent problems facing human societies at present.(Invitation only)

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Makyong Dance-Theatre(From Page 11)

up and costumes. Several uniquefeatures were revealed in the exper-iments, based upon the memory of

people in their 70's and80's. Actorsand actresseswerefinally made-up,and as far as possibledressed in the"classical style" for photography.Lyrics and tunes were recon-structed, and finally recorded

through the cooperation of thestudios of Radio and Television

Malaysia in Kota Bharu. These re-cords now available will, hopefully,be used in reconstructions of the

Makyong by the Seri TemenggongGroupof Kelantan when moneyandtime become available.

"Secret" traditions

In the process of collecting thevarious spiritual formulae for the

opening of the Theatre ceremonies

(Buka Panggong), it was often

necessary for the present writer tobecome a 'disciple' or 'student' ofone of the shamans or bomohs.Several versions of these formulae,and other materials on spiritual mat-ters in the Makyong were collected.Some of these teachings are re-garded as 'secret' and cannot beshared until certain conditions havebeen fulfilled.On the whole it must be stated

that during the oneyear of field workin Malaysia avast amount of mate-rial has become available, far

beyond the needsof anyone disser-tation. Theresearch wastimely, andconsiderable interest has been

sparked in Malaysia, so that an at-

mosphere has been created for theestablishment of a training centerfor Makyong actresses. Such acenter will go a long way towards

ensuring the continuous existenceof Makyongin its traditional style. Atthe same time, there is a renais-sance of interest in conducting re-search on other traditional perform-ance genres in Malaysia. Othercur-rent developments include the rec-

ording of a story, The Spell of theGiantess, for Malaysian television.In Indonesia it was not possible toworkwith the only Makyong group inthat country, but records availableatTaman Ismail Marzuki, a nationalculture center in Jakarta, were ex-amined. It is hoped that a compara-

tive study of the Patani Makyong,the Malaysian Makyong, and theRiau Islands Makyong will soon be

possible.

Ethics(From Page 3)

Again, it became clear to discern-

ing social scientists that if meaningand coherence in the physical andnatural sciences and in languagesystems are dependent on "cogni-tive symbol systems", equal validitycould be extended, following identi-cal ground rules, to other kinds of

symbol systems-the aesthetic, theethical and the religious as well.

"Symbolic realism" takes the posi-tion that these symbolstooexpressreality, though they are not reduci-ble to strictly scientific propositions."Such a view", in Bellah's words,"will be based on the rejection of allunivocal understanding of reality, ofall identification of oneconception of

reality with reality itself. It will recog-nize the multiplicity of the human

spirit and the necessity to translatebetween different scientific and im-

aginative vocabularies" (Bellah,1971, p. 288.).

It needs, however, to be said thateven in technologically advancedsocieties today, ethical values and

religious beliefs that remain hiddenin everyday life suddenly come tothe fore on special and solemn oc-casions, as when a President is ves-ted with the authority of his office, ora Parliament is opened by a

Sovereign, or when ordinary peopleface crises in their lives. In the

changing panorama of life, peoplerealizethe need to hold on to veritieswhich can impart to them asense of

meaning and purpose, as they areaffected by changes, by cataclysmicchanges. In recent times, westernsocieties have witnessed an out-burst of moral and religious fervor

among their young people, often re-ferred to as the "counterculture."

In brief, the ethical and religiousinsights, values and perspectives tobe found in both developed and de-

veloping societies measure depthdimensions, to which, visibly or in-

visibly, other elements in their cul-tures are related. Cultural systemscannot be understood in their rich-


THE EAST-WESTCENTERisa nationaleducational institution established inHawaii by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to

"promote better relations and under-

standing between the United Statesand the nations ofAsia and the Pacific

through cooperative study, trainingand research."

Each year the East-West Center

brings together more than 1,500 menandwomen from the manynationsandcultures of these regions. They workand study together while exchangingideas and experiences in cooperativeprograms seeking solutions to impor-tant problems of mutual concern toEast and West. For each participantfrom the United States in Center prog-rams, two participants aresoughtfromthe more than 60 countries and ter-ritories in Asia and the Pacific area.

Five institutes with international,

inter-disciplinary academic and pro-fessional staffs conduct the East-WestCenter's problem-oriented programs.East-West areas on which Center

programs are focused include com-munication across national barriers,culture and language learning, foodsystems, population dynamics, and

technological adaptation in develop-mental processes aimed at improvingthe qualityof life. Each year the Centerawards a limited number of OpenGrants for graduate degree educationand innovative research by Senior Fel-lows in areas not encompassed by in-stitute programs.The Center is directed byan interna-

tional Board of Governors of a public,nonprofit educational corporation-known as the "Center for Cultural andTechnical Interchange Between Eastand West, Inc."-createdbythe HawaiiState Legislature in 1975. The UnitedStates Congress provides basic fund-

ing for Center programs and for the

variety of scholarships, fellowships,internships and other awards. Be-cause of the cooperative nature ofCenter programs, financial supportand cost-sharing arrangements arealso provided by Asian and Pacific

governments, regional agencies, pri-vate enterpriseand foundations. Addi-tional cost-sharing of programs and

participants is worked out withAsian/Pacific governments, regionalagencies, private enterprise and foun-dations. The Center is situated on land

adjacent to and provided by the Uni-

versity of Hawaii, which conductsclasses and grants degrees for

degree-seeking East-West Center stu-dents who also are involved In theCenter's problem-oriented programs.


Ethics(From Page 13)

ness or fullness, unless we have aclear understanding of the ethicalstandards and religious values onwhich they are based. Even in sucha seemingly insignificant culturalexpression as gestures, are to beseen the influence of the deeper di-mensions of culture. For example, itis, perhaps, not generally under-stood that the Indian manner ofgreeting one another with foldedhands signifies the recognition of di-vinity's presence in every person.A further difficulty has to be re-

moved, however. It relates to thecontroversy between philosophers"who analyse the nature of themoral act" and the anthropologists'who study different moral ordersand the relations between a cultureand its standards of value." Christ-opher Dawson explains: "Social an-thropology in no way underesti-mates the importance of ethics nordoes it try to devaluate or explainaway their distinctive character. Onthe contrary, it is through the studyof ethical values and standards of aculture that we can best understandits inner form, the ethos or spirit ofthe culture, to use a common ex-pression" (Dawson, 1948, p. 45.).The social anthropologist mostoften stresses the relative characterof ethics, since the values and stan-dards studied by him are the valuesand standards of particularsocieties, and not abstract valuesand standards. Believers in a univ-ersal system of morality and religi-ous beliefs, like Arnold Toynbee,look with hope and anticipation tothe emergence of a world culture.But we are currently living in a worldof particularist cultures, and thoughthere are signs to be seen of agradually shaping global communi-ty, with some common notions ofright and wrong, it is not certain thatwe are anywhere near the "oneworld" philosophers have thoughtabout or poets have described. Ourefforts will, therefore, have to becontinued to be directed to reducingthe causes of misunderstandingand misconceptions of cultures thatcreate tensions and conflicts be-tween them.

It is in this sense and against thisbackground that studies relating to

ethical and religious components ofliving cultures and cultural institu-tions can be looked at. Highly sig-nificant ethical and religious charac-teristics of societies are indicated bythe ways in which their own mem-bers are treated by them, especiallythe weaker ones. For example, theirattitudes to and concern for suchgroups as children, the elderly, thehandicapped or the poor will havemuch to say about their cultural val-ues. Valuable insights into culturalsystems can be obtained by examin-ing how people confront critical situ-ations in life, such as sickness, suf-fering and death. Equally significantwould be contemporary "images ofman", or man as western and east-ern societies perceive him, or, moreespecially, woman as viewed bythem. It will be necessary to relatethese images to questions of justice,equality, freedom, dignity, identityetc., to discern the cultural differ-ences between societies. Again,use of time and leisure, attitudes towork, loyalty to institutions, philan-thropic use of wealth-all lendthemselves to intercultural studiesfrom an ethical and religious point ofview.A most rewarding study could re-

late to the role of moral and religiousvalues as a factor in economic de-velopment or in processes of "mod-ernization", or in the acceptanceand utilization of technology. SinceMax Weber's famous work on the"Protestant Ethic", possibilitieswere opened up for studying thepart played by the religious factor innon-western societies, but very littlework on these lines has been done.In the west too, a restatement orupdating of the Weberian thesis willbe of real value.

References

Bellah, Robert, "Between religion and socialscience," in Rocco Caporale and AntonioGrumelli, The culture of unbelief, Ber-keley: University of California, 1971.

Benedict, Ruth, The chrysanthemumandthesword, NewYork: NewAmerican Library,1946.

Dawson, Christopher, "Notes on culture andethics," in Ethics and The Social Sci-ences. Notre Dame, Indiana: UniversityofNotre Dame, 1959.

Wilson, Bryan, "Unbelief as an object of re-search," in Rocco Caporale and AntonioGrumelli, The culture of unbelief, Ber-keley: University of California, 1971.

Walsh, John E., "Thought and expression inculture learning," the Topics in culturelearning, Vol. 1, Honolulu: East-WestCenter, 1973.

Two outstandingpopular singers from Sri Lanka performedat the East-West Centerunder thesponsorship of the Culture Learning Institute on May 12, 1976. The young couple, named"Eranga," was hailed as "the ambassadors from the Tea Island" during their recent tour ofEurope and North America. The EWC concert, part of the "cultural manifestations" series,included folk and popular songs from Sri Lanka, Africa, Europe, and the United States.

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0 THE EAST-WEST CENTERCULTURE LEARNING INSTITUTE MONOGRAPHS

We are pleased to announce the first three titles in the Culture Learning Institute Monographs, published by theUniversity Press of Hawaii. These and future volumes are written by scholars who have been associated with theInstitute.

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Counseling Across Culturesedited by Paul Pedersen, Walter Lonner, and Juris DragunsThese eleven essays provide a thorough review of the literature dealing withintercultural counseling, discussions of workable methods that have been usedin such counseling, sympathetic examinations of several target populations withwhich the professional counselor might be involved, the variations amongthesepopulations, and the life values that members of such groups are likely to bringwith them into the counseling dyad.240 pages, LC 75-37892, index paper, $7.50

FiigIiIiEnglish in Three Acts !hrtAiisRichard A. ViaThis step-by-step methodology for teaching oral English through drama im-merses the student of English in a series of activities that demand a rich verbalresponse.Thebook presupposes little or no background in dramaon the teach-er's part. "A book which belongs in the personal library of every teacher of W

English to intermediate and adult students" (Christina Bratt Paulston).

208 pages, LC 75-35816, biblio., illus.

paper, $5.95

QuantityTitle Item No. 10% Discount Price

Children of the Dispossessed02803620 $6.97

Counseling Across Cultures02803817

$6.75

English in Three Acts 02 803809 $5.35

Children of the DispossessedBarry NurcombeThis comprehensive review of research into the development of humancompe-tence will especially interest the reader concerned with the problems of educa-tion ofyoung children. Theauthor critically reviews Jensen's hypothesis concern-ing genetically determined racial differences in intellectual potential; the con-cepts of cultural disadvantage, deprivation, and difference with particular refer-ence to theories of language learning; and preschool techniques that have beenused with culturally disadvantaged children.304 pages, LC 75-35981, biblio., index paper, $7.75

o Payment enclosed (publisher pays postage). Note: pay-mentsfrom foreign countriesshouldbe made in U.S. dollarsdrawn on a U.S. bank.

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Return to: THE UNIVERSITY PRESS OF HAWAII2840 Kolowalu StreetHonolulu, Hawaii 96822


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