social comparison and burnout: the role of relative burnout and ... · social comparison and...

Social comparison and burnout: The role of relativeburnout and received social support

JONATHON R. B. HALBESLEBEN1 & M. RONALD BUCKLEY2

1University of Missouri-Columbia, USA, 2University of Oklahoma, USA

(Received 16 February 2004; revised 26 January 2005; accepted 20 December 2005)

AbstractAlthough there has been a great deal of research concerning myriad aspects of burnout, relatively littleof that work has concerned the influence of social comparison processes in the etiology of burnout. Weargue that social comparisons, in the form of perceptions of burnout relative to others, can influencethe development of burnout, particularly when interacting with social support. A longitudinal studywas designed to investigate the role that perceptions of relative burnout play in the development offuture burnout. Downward comparison led to decreased levels of burnout and upward comparison ledto increased levels of burnout, after a 2-month interval. We find support for the interactive effect ofrelative burnout and received social support (in the form of supportive conversations with coworkers)in predicting later emotional exhaustion and cynicism. We discuss the implications of this research forburnout theory and reduction and conclude with suggested directions for the future of research on theinfluence of social comparison on burnout.

Keywords: Burnout, relative burnout, social comparison, social support

Since the recognition of burnout as an important construct, there have been proposals

about the processes underlying burnout (cf., Golembiewski & Munzenrider, 1988;

Golembiewski, Munzenrider, & Stevenson, 1986; Hobfoll & Freedy, 1993; Maslach,

1982; Maslach, Schaufeli, & Leiter, 2001), many of which have focused on how an

individual worker experiences burnout. Moreover, a great deal of that research has focused

on the significant dimensions of burnout and their specific causal chain (Golembiewski,

1989; Lee & Ashforth, 1993; Leiter, 1989, 1993). On the other hand, relatively little

research has been concerned with the social context of burnout, particularly those elements

of social comparison that occur as one experiences burnout (Buunk & Schaufeli, 1993).

Research on the role of social comparison in burnout has largely taken one of two forms.

A growing body of research has explored the social comparison processes related to equity

and social exchange between a service provider and his or her clients (Buunk & Schaufeli,

1993; Schaufeli, Van Dierendonck, & Van Gorp, 1996; Taris, Peeters, LeBlanc, Schreurs, &

Schaufeli, 2001; Truchot & Deregard, 2001; Van Dierendonck, Schaufeli, & Buunk, 2001).

On the other hand, comparatively less research attention has been given to the social

Correspondence: Jonathon Halbesleben, Department of Health Management & Informatics, School of Medicine,

University of Missouri-Columbia, 324 Clark Hall, Columbia, MO 65211, USA. E-mail: halbeslebenj@

missouri.edu

ISSN 1061-5806 print/ISSN 1477-2205 online # 2006 Taylor & Francis

DOI: 10.1080/10615800600747835

Anxiety, Stress, and Coping,

September 2006; 19(3): 259�278

comparisons that occur between employees and the influence of these comparisons on

burnout (Buunk, Ybema, Gibbons, & Ipenberg, 2001). This paper is an attempt to broaden

the existent burnout research by exploring the role of a specific social comparison,

perceptions of burnout relative to others, in the experience of burnout.

The purpose of this paper is to illuminate the manner in which social comparison,

through perceptions of relative burnout, plays a key role in the process of burnout,

particularly as social comparisons can interact with supportive communication in the

workplace. Our intent is not to propose a new model of burnout; instead we aim to highlight

the mechanisms by which one’s perceptions of the social environment play a critical role in

the experience of burnout. To this end, we present a discussion of the process of social

comparison (in terms of relative burnout) and how it interfaces with burnout through

downward and upward comparison. We discuss the role of social support in the process of

social comparison and burnout. Finally, we present the findings of a research study in which

we examined relative burnout, social support, and burnout in a sample of American

working adults in a variety of industries.

‘‘My coworker are more burned out than me:’’ Downward comparison and

burnout

In terms of social comparisons, while individuals would ideally compare themselves with

others that appear equal in terms of the trait being compared (Festinger, 1954), research

has suggested that it is common to engage in comparisons with those who are believed to be

worse off (downward comparison) or better off (upward comparisons) than the individual

making the comparison (Buunk & Gibbons, 2000).1 The consequences of downward and

upward comparison may be positive or negative for those making the comparison and vary

depending on the situation (Alicke, 2000; Buunk, Collins, Taylor, van Yperen, & Dakof,

1990; Collins, 1996, 2000; Smith, 2000).

Although the consequences of downward comparison will vary based upon the situation,

it is typically assumed that comparisons made between an individual and others who are

worse off would result in feelings of positive affect (Major, Testa, & Bylsma, 1991; Smith,

2000). In the case of relative burnout, this would mean that an individual who looks to his

or her coworkers and sees that he or she is less burned out might experience positive feelings

because of the contrast with negative situations of others (Gibbons & Gerrard, 1991;

Heider, 1958). Such a pattern would lead the individual to experience positive affect and

result in a perceived superiority over others who are less able to cope with work related

demands.

Interestingly, this downward comparison pattern can occur even when individuals are

experiencing relatively high levels of burnout. For example, Brenninkmeijer, van Yperen,

and Buunk (2001), in their study of secondary education teachers, found that even those

who were burned out occasionally believed that others were worse off than themselves. In

this case, the individual is experiencing burnout, but still perceives superiority over others.

However, Brenninkmeijer et al. did not test the consequences of these perceptions of

superiority in terms of the further development and/or coping with burnout; this study is an

attempt to fill that void.

One would expect that feelings of superiority, even those of negative superiority of the

nature studied by Brenninkmeijer et al. (2001) would lead to positive outcomes for those

making such downward comparisons. By feeling that they are in a better situation than their

peers, one would expect those individuals to reassess their perceptions of work-related

260 J. R. B. Halbesleben & M. R. Buckley

stressors and coping abilities in a manner that would lead to reduced burnout in the future.

This conclusion, that those in difficult situations would be more likely to engage in

downward comparison with resulting emotional benefit, is consistent with the findings of

others in the area of social comparison targets among those with serious illnesses (e.g.,

Buunk & Gibbons, 1997, 2000; Buunk, Gibbons, & Reis-Bergan, 1997; Buunk & Ybema,

1997; Tennen, McKie, & Affleck, 2000; Van der Zee et al., 1996).

Indeed, such an interpretation fits well with the three-component conceptualization of

burnout (cf., Maslach, 1982). One would expect perceived superiority to lead to lower

emotional exhaustion, as the individual realizes that they may actually have more emotional

resources to dedicate to their job than they had once thought, at least compared with others.

Moreover, one would expect that those individuals would be less likely to pull away from

their jobs (reflecting the depersonalization/cynicism component of burnout) as they now

realize that they are functioning better than others who are similarly situated. Finally, the

notion of perceived superiority is quite consistent with the personal efficacy dimension of

burnout, where one would expect higher levels of personal efficacy among those who

perceive they are coping better with the job demands and stressors than their peers.

‘‘My coworker are less burned out than me:’’ Upward comparison and burnout

Although one would predict that downward comparison would lead to reductions in

burnout, the opposite might be argued in the case of upward comparison. In this case, the

upward comparison reflects a social comparison situation characterized by a belief that

others are less burned out than the individual in question. Various authors have proposed

that forms of upward comparison play a role in burnout. In their review of burnout in the

clergy, Daniel and Rogers (1981) suggested that burnout might be exacerbated by the

perceptions that others are less burned out. Their contention was that if an individual

perceived that he or she was in a significant minority with regard to his or her experiences of

burnout, the person may feel even worse about the situation, and in turn, more burned out.

Maslach (1982) suggested that upward comparison would play a similar role, essentially

leading the employee to feel isolated in their burnout.

In the case of burnout perceptions, the upward comparison may be exacerbated by a

strong desire for the employee to maintain the social identity that they have developed from

their job, organization, and work group (Ashforth & Mael, 1989). One aspect of the social

identity of most jobs is that those in the job are competent and in control of their work. As a

result, there is a strong tendency for employees not to reveal personal information or

emotional reactions that might be interpreted as unprofessional by their peers (Maslach,

1982; Buunk & Schaufeli, 1993). Despite their experience of emotional exhaustion

associated with burnout, employees may avoid talking about their experiences with others.

This occurs despite a desire to affiliate with those who are better off (Buunk, Schaufeli, &

Ybema, 1994).

This form of relative burnout perception results in important, often deleterious,

consequences for both employees and organizations. Social comparison researchers,

particularly in studies of mental health (e.g., depression), have suggested that upward

comparison can exacerbate the consequences of negative life events, particularly if the

person experiencing the event underestimates the extent to which others have experienced

similar problems (Miller & McFarland, 1991; Valins & Nisbett, 1971). Underestimating the

prevalence of burnout leads the employee to perceive they are alone with their problems.

This perceived isolation leads to the further depletion of emotional resources (emotional

Social comparison and burnout 261

exhaustion), an impetus to pull away from the job (depersonalization/cynicism), and

feelings that one cannot perform on the job as competently as he or she was once able

(reduced personal efficacy).

The above discussion suggests important relationships between the outcomes of social

comparison in a burnout setting and their implications for the development of burnout.

Specifically, the literature suggests that downward comparison is associated with lower

levels of burnout and upward comparison is associated with higher levels of burnout.

Hypothesis 1: Relative burnout perceptions are associated with the development of burnout, where

upward comparison is related to higher levels of burnout and downward comparison is associated

with lower levels of burnout

The role of social support

The implication that this process has for social support is critical. Although some authors

have argued that the link between social support and burnout is equivocal (Burisch, 2002;

Rafferty, Friend, & Landsbergis, 2001), there appears to be some evidence that support �whether from supervisors, coworkers, or family members � can serve as a buffer against

stress and burnout (Baruch-Feldman, Brondolo, Ben-Dayan, & Schwarz, 2002; Carlson &

Perrewe, 1999; Greenglass, Burke, & Konarski, 1997; Lloyd, King, & Chenowith, 2002;

Sargent & Terry, 2000; Tamara & Ishikuma, 2001; Winnubst, 1993; Winnubst,

Marcelissen, & Kleber, 1982). If employees are avoiding utilizing social support because

of perceptions of relative burnout, they may be more susceptible to future burnout.

Furthermore, some perceptions of relative burnout, in particular upward comparisons,

tend to keep individuals from sharing their true feelings about a situation (Prentice &

Miller, 1993, 1996). Coupled with the finding that burned-out employees are less likely to

discuss their problems with coworkers (Buunk et al., 1994), it would seem that burned-out

employees end up in a vicious cycle whereby their mistaken perceptions about the

prevalence of burnout leads them to feel worse about their situation while concurrently

reducing the available social support because of self-imposed isolation from coworkers. In

this sense, the relationship between help-seeking behavior and upward social comparison is

iterative, whereby burned-out employees want to seek out help from those who are better

off but do not (Buunk et al., 1994) and, as a result, the employees become more burned out

(Tamara & Ishikuma, 2001).

Along these lines, Buunk and Schaufeli (1993) linked social comparison and social

support in the context of burnout when explaining why nurses would be less likely to

associate with others when they experience stress. They proposed that when experiencing

the uncertainty associated with stress, nurses would want to talk to others about the

situation but would refrain from doing so because they misperceive that they are the only

individual who is experiencing burnout. This might be in part because of lower

identification with those who are perceived to be coping well with burnout (Buunk et al.,

2001).

Based on the work of Buunk and his colleagues (2001), we specifically sought to

understand how social support in the form of supportive conversations with coworkers

would be related to perceptions of relative burnout and subsequent burnout. Fenlason and

Beehr (1994) found that exploring the nature of conversations individuals have at work will

better account for variance in strains than more general measures of social support.

Moreover, given the implications of relative burnout for the nature of communication in the


workplace as discussed above, thinking of social support in terms of the manner in which it

is received through conversations with coworkers is particularly valuable.

Researchers have proposed a number of different mechanisms for understanding the

relationship between social support and burnout (see Beehr, 1985). The dominant

hypothesis has been a ‘‘buffering effect,’’ whereby social support interacts with a stressor

to predict strain (Ganster, Fusilier, & Mayes, 1986). In the present context, this would

suggest that those individuals who experience high levels of received social support at work

through positive conversations with coworkers will be less likely to experience the

potentially negative influence of relative burnout perceptions on the development of

burnout. Instead, these conversations will buffer the relationship between potentially

negative relative burnout information and subsequent burnout, such that the influence of

relative burnout on subsequent burnout is lower among those who engage in more

supportive conversations with coworkers.

Hypothesis 2: Relative burnout and supportive work conversations will interact in predicting

burnout, such that the influence of relative burnout on subsequent burnout is lower among those who

experience more supportive conversations with coworkers.

Method

Pilot study

As an initial test of the role of relative burnout in burnout, we conducted a pilot study with a

sample of Roman Catholic priests. Burnout has important implications for most positions;

the clergy is certainly no exception. It has been reported that a sample of priests had a

higher rate of burnout than a non-pastoral control group (Strumpfer & Bands, 1996).

Another study reported that, among the different types of Roman Catholic priests, secular

priests (those working most often with the public) had the highest levels of burnout

(Virginia, 1998). Many reasons have been suggested for the high levels of burnout among

priests, including the physical isolation of many priests as well as the involvement in a

vocation where they must be all things to all parishioners and their duties are not clearly

defined. This may result in reduced feelings of efficacy with a diminished possibility of

successful outcomes (Daniel & Rogers, 1981). A competitive atmosphere during pastoral

meetings that ‘‘inhibits sharing of problems’’ (Daniel & Rogers, 1981, p. 245) may also

contribute to the isolation of priests. The identification of clergy as models for calmness,

infallibility, and perfection may exacerbate the perception of isolation (Grosch & Olsen,

2000).

Overall, because of their increased incidence of burnout, we believed that priests might

offer a reasonable starting point for the investigation of social comparison in perceptions of

burnout. In the next section, we describe a study of the role of social comparison in burnout

in a sample of Roman Catholic priests in the USA. The purpose of the study was to

establish a pattern of relative burnout whereby the priests who were more burned out

believed that others were less burned out.

Participants and procedure. The pilot study participants were Roman Catholic priests derived

from a nationwide stratified sampling technique. Four priests from every state in the USA

(and two from the District of Columbia) were randomly mailed a burnout survey. The

priests’ addresses were obtained from an Internet-based directory of US Catholic parishes.


A total of 195 priests received surveys and 74 surveys were returned, giving a response rate

of 38%.

The mean age for the sample was 56.31 (SD�/9.90) years with a mean of 27.86 (SD�/

11.02) years of experience as a Catholic priest. The priests celebrated Mass at a mean of

1.63 (SD�/0.98) parishes and had spent a mean of 8.03 (SD�/6.31) years at their current

primary parish. The number of other priests working at their primary parish ranged from

zero (the mode) to four, with a mean of 0.59 (SD�/0.86).

The surveys were mailed to the priests with an informed consent cover letter that asked

the priest to fill out the survey and return it in the postage-paid envelope that was provided.

They were also thanked for their time and participation. A follow-up letter (with another

copy of the survey) was mailed to priests about 6 weeks after the first mailing to encourage

those that had not already returned the survey to do so.

Measures. The Maslach Burnout Inventory General Survey (MBI-GS; Schaufeli, Leiter,

Maslach, & Jackson, 1996) was used as the primary assessment of burnout in the priests.

The overall MBI-GS contains three subscales tapping three latent burnout constructs that

are commonly identified in the burnout literature: emotional exhaustion (EE), cynicism

(CY), and personal efficacy (PE). The MBI-GS contains 16 statements where the

respondent is asked how frequently the statement applies to him or her on a seven-point

frequency scale from ‘‘never’’ (0) to ‘‘every day’’ (6). Table I shows descriptive statistics for

the three MBI-GS subscales, including mean scores, standard deviations, and Cronbach’s

coefficient alpha.

We chose the MBI-GS over other forms of the MBI (e.g., the MBI-Human Services

Survey; MBI-HSS) for a number of reasons. First, the MBI-HSS refers to recipients in the

sense of recipients of services. We felt that this may be confusing to the priests, as many of

them do not see parishioners as ‘‘recipients’’ of pastoral services in the same manner that

people may view their service relationship with other occupations such as therapists or

nurses. While we could reword the survey, replacing ‘‘recipients’’ with ‘‘parishioners,’’ this

could potentially influence the standardization of the scale. Second, the MBI-HSS would

be better suited for priests that work with the public on a regular basis (secular priests). We

did not restrict the study to secular priests, and as such, thought the MBI-HSS survey

would be inappropriate for religious and monastic clergy that do not have much contact

with the public in a counseling role. Third, while offering counseling assistance to parish

members is a critical component of the secular pastorate, there are many other important

aspects of their job that could also lead them to experience stress, strain, and burnout.

Table I. Descriptive statistics for pilot study sample.

Variable Mean SD 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

1. Exhaustion 1.90 1.31 .91

2. Cynicism 1.36 1.16 .64 .82

3. Personal efficacy 4.96 .92 �/.43 �/.38 .81

Relative burnout (self-other comparison)

4. Exhaustion 2.50 1.17 .60 .30 �/.16 .91

5. Cynicism 2.71 .83 .37 .48 .006 .60 .83

6. Personal efficacy 4.65 .83 �/.26 �/.10 .58 �/.36 �/.19 .87

Note: n�/74. Scores along the diagonal are internal consistency estimates (Cronbach’s coefficient alpha).

Correlations larger than .24 are p B/.05; correlations larger than .30 are p B/.01; correlations larger than .37 are

p B/.001.


Finally, the MBI-GS and MBI-HSS appear to measure very similar latent constructs of

burnout (Maslach, Jackson, & Leiter, 1996). Overall, we felt that the MBI-GS would be an

acceptable measure of burnout for this study.

Relative burnout. In addition to the regular MBI-GS, the questions on the scale were

modified to measure relative burnout, in terms of the perceived burnout of the participant

compared to the average Catholic priest. Generally speaking, these questions were identical

to the MBI-GS questions except for minor wording changes. An example modification was

rewriting ‘‘I feel emotionally drained from my work’’ to ‘‘Compared to the average priest, I

feel more emotionally drained from my work.’’ The scaling for the 16 new questions was

consistent with the scaling of the original MBI-GS questions. Higher scores on this measure

would indicate that the participant feels that he is more burned out than others; lower

scores indicate that the participant feels he is less burned out than others. Table I gives

descriptive statistics for the three MBI-GS subscales for the comparison to average priest.

Results and discussion. Table I contains the Pearson correlations between the variables of

study. These findings offer initial support of Hypothesis 1, where higher burnout scores are

associated with relative burnout. They suggest that those with an upward social comparison

pattern have higher levels of burnout and those with a downward social comparison pattern

have lower levels of burnout.

Despite these encouraging findings, we recognized that there were a number of

limitations to the pilot study. The most significant limitation comes in the potential

interpretation that those who are more burned out show greater self-other differences where

they perceive that others are less burned out. Without considering the role upward

comparison can play in perceptions of burnout, one might argue that this is simply an

accurate perception � those that are more burned out accurately perceive that others are

less burned out. We acknowledge that with the present dataset, we simply cannot rule out

that possibility. However, the data do not rule out upward comparison as a possible

explanation either.

Also problematic are a number of methodological concerns. The response rate raises

questions in the context of burnout research. Although the relatively wide ranges of scores

on the burnout dimensions suggest that a number of burned out individuals did complete

the survey, we cannot rule out the possibility that the most burned out individuals simply

did not respond to the survey, restricting our range. Moreover, the cross-sectional nature of

our data collection limits the conclusions that we can draw with regard to the causal

direction of the self-other perception and burnout. Finally, while the clergy represents a

potentially interesting and important population for the study of burnout, there are clear

limitations in the extent to which these findings might be generalized to a more typical

working population. To address these concerns, we conducted a more complete, long-

itudinal study design to provide evidence that self-other comparisons in burnout lead to

heightened levels of burnout.

Participants and procedure

A second sample of participants included a group of 360 working adults. The sample was

75% female (with ten participants not providing a gender), 75% were White, and the mean

age was 38.99 years. The participants had held their current positions for an average of 5.05

years and had been working for their current organization for 7.84 years. A wide variety of

industries were represented, including education (n�/51), healthcare (n�/36), banking or


financial services (n�/28), government (n�/24), manufacturing (n�/20), retail (n�/18),

and telecommunications (n�/14).

The data from the second sample were collected with the assistance of undergraduate

management students as part of a research experience assignment. The students collected

measures from three working adults at two points during the semester (with approximately

two months separating time 1 and time 2). To ensure that the surveys were indeed

completed by the working adults, we randomly selected 30% of the surveys and directly

contacted the participants to verify their participation. Of those contacted, all of the

participants verified that they had completed the survey. This method of survey collection

has been effectively used by field researchers in organizational settings, especially when used

in conjunction with samples drawn from a single organization or occupation (Halbesleben

& Bowler, in press; Kolodinsky, Hochwarter, & Ferris, 2004).

Measures

Similar to the pilot study, we employed the MBI-GS as our measure of burnout, and also

administered the reworded MBI questions to assess social comparisons. Again, the MBI-

GS was utilized because of its applicability to a wide variety of occupations, which freed us

from the limitation of utilizing only human services workers. The relative burnout questions

were worded in terms of coworkers at the participant’s present workplace because of the

varied nature of the industries represented (e.g., ‘‘Compared to my average coworker, I feel

____ burned out from my work’’); the relative burnout scale was completed following

completion of the MBI-GS. Respondents used a five-point scale, from much less (1) to no

more or less (3) to more (5). Higher scores on this measure would indicate that the

participant feels that he or she is more burned out than others; lower scores indicate that the

participant feels he or she is less burned out than others. These scales were collected at both

time 1 and time 2 of the data collection. The descriptive statistics for these scales can be

found in Table II.

Supportive work conversations. Following the burnout and relative burnout measures, we

administered a social support scale developed by Fenlason and Beehr (1994) during the

time 2 data collection. Their scale focuses on the content of conversations between

employees and important individuals at work as a more specific indicator of received

support in the workplace. They found that their more specific scale of received social

support accounted for more variance in job-related strains than did global measures of

support. Moreover, the nature of the conversations assessed represents more tangible forms

of social support (e.g., discussions about how to improve performance) than are typically

represented in social support measures. Given that finding, we utilized the eight work-

related conversation questions (both the positive and negative conversation content items;

the negative items were reverse scored so that all questions in the scale were scored in the

same direction). We modified the items slightly to reflect conversations with coworkers

specifically, more general wording of occupation (the original items were written for

secretaries), and added a specific timeframe of the previous 2 months. An example item

from this scale is ‘‘In conversations with my coworkers over the past two months, we shared

interesting ideas about performing our jobs.’’ The items were scaled on a five-point, Likert-

type scale, from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (5). The descriptive statistics for this

scale are shown in Table II.


Table II. Descriptive statistics for full study sample.

Variable Mean SD 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

Control variables (collected at Time 1)

1. Gender 0.76 .25 n/a

2. Age 38.99 6.54 .05 n/a

3. Tenure 7.84 3.98 .06 .21 n/a

4. Role Ambiguity 3.52 .85 �/.02 �/.10 �/.22 .87

Time 1

5. Exhaustion 2.61 .91 .06 .01 .03 .23 .86

6. Cynicism 2.53 .85 .03 .00 .05 .16 .59 .80

7. Pers Efficacy 3.92 .66 .04 .03 .11 �/.12 �/.18 �/.40 .77

Time 2

8. Exhaustion 2.62 .89 .08 .05 .06 .31 .50 .46 �/.24 .88

9. Cynicism 2.54 .78 .03 .01 .07 .20 .36 .53 �/.31 .64 .82

10. Pers Efficacy 3.79 .66 .02 .00 .09 �/.19 �/.18 �/.40 .43 �/.36 �/.43 .82

Relative burnout (self-other comparison)

11. Exhaustion 2.98 .81 �/.02 .05 .00 .15 .64 .36 �/.05 .34 .26 �/.17 .87

12. Cynicism 2.78 .72 .05 .01 .02 .11 .44 .55 �/.15 .35 .45 �/.11 .50 .73

13. Pers Efficacy 3.68 .60 .00 .02 .03 .14 �/.13 �/.32 .67 �/.26 �/.25 .42 �/.14 �/.24 .69

14. Coworker conversations 3.28 .59 .10 .08 .09 �/.12 �/.24 �/.30 .08 �/.40 �/.42 .28 �/.27 �/.37 .17 .75

Note: Personal Efficacy. n�/366. For gender, 0�/male, 1�/female. Scores along the diagonal are internal consistency estimates (Cronbach’s coefficient alpha).

Correlations larger than .10 are p B/.05; correlations larger than .13 are p B/.01; correlations larger than .20 are p B/.001.

Socia

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parison

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burn

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267

Control variables. Because of the heterogeneity of the sample and because of potential

relationships with burnout dimensions, we controlled for gender, age, and job tenure in the

analysis. These were assessed with one-item measures. Additionally, we controlled for the

existence of stressors on the job by asking the participants to complete the six-item role

ambiguity scale of Rizzo, House, and Lirtzman (1970). An example item from this scale is

‘‘I know exactly what is expected of me.’’ The items were scaled on a five-point, Likert-type

scale, from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (5). The control variables were placed in

the survey after the burnout and social support measures. The descriptive statistics for this

scale can be found in Table II.

Results

To test the hypotheses of the study, we utilized moderated multiple regression analysis

(Aiken & West, 1991; Cohen & Cohen, 1983). For each burnout dimension, this involved a

three-step procedure. First, we tested a multiple regression equation with the control

variables (gender, age, tenure, role ambiguity, and time 1 score of the burnout dimension;

step 1) and the relative burnout score predicting the time 2 score on the burnout dimension

(step 2). In the third step, we added the coworker work conversation scale. Finally, in the

fourth step, we added the interaction between relative burnout and supportive coworker

work conversations. The interaction terms were calculated by first mean centering burnout

score and coworker conversation score, then multiplying each participant’s mean-centered

relative burnout score by his or her mean-centered score on the coworker conversation

scale. The results of the moderated regression analysis are shown in Table III.

Hypothesis 1 predicted that relative burnout would be associated with time 2 burnout,

such that those engaging in downward comparison would experience a decrease in burnout

and those engaging in upward comparison would experience an increase in burnout. After

controlling for gender, age, tenure, role ambiguity, and time 1 burnout, relative burnout

was significantly positively associated with exhaustion (b�/.39, p B/.001, DR2�/.11),

cynicism (b�/.22, p B/.01, DR2�/.10), and reduced personal efficacy (b�/.22, p B/.01,

DR2�/.09). These findings support Hypothesis 1.

Hypothesis 2 predicted that relative burnout and supportive conversations would interact

in predicting burnout, such that the influence of relative burnout on burnout would be

lower among those who have high levels of supportive conversations. After entering the

main effect of the conversations to the regression equations (in step 3) and then the

interaction between relative burnout and coworker conversations (in step 4), the interaction

term was significant for both exhaustion (b�/.31, p B/.001, DR2�/.10) and cynicism (b�/

.23, p B/.01, DR2�/.07). In both of these cases, the addition of the interaction term

explained a significant amount of additional variance in time 2 burnout (beyond that

explained by the control variables, relative burnout, and the coworker conversion scale).

The interaction term for reduced personal efficacy was not significant (b�/.03, ns).

Figures 1 and 2 are graphical depictions of the interaction found between social

comparison and coworker conversations in predicting time 2 exhaustion and cynicism. To

create the figures, we dichotomized social comparison by placing those who had a mean

relative score for the respective burnout dimension above three in upward comparison

group and those with a mean relative burnout score for the respective burnout dimension

below three in downward comparison group. Moreover, we dichotomized coworker

conversations by forming two groups based on scores above and below one standard

deviation of the mean conversation scale score (Aiken & West, 1991).2 The pattern of


interaction is consistent across emotional exhaustion and cynicism. It suggests that for those

participants who engage in more supportive work conversations with their coworkers, the

nature of their social comparison is not significantly related to time 2 emotional exhaustion

or cynicism. However, for those who have had less supportive conversations with

coworkers, those who think they are more burned out than others tend to have higher

time 2 emotional exhaustion or cynicism than those who think they experience less burnout

than others.

Discussion

This study found support for the contention that downward comparison led to decreased

levels of burnout and upward comparison led to increased levels of burnout after a 2-month

Table III. Moderated multiple regression results

Time 2 Exhaustion Time 2 Cynicism Time 2 Personal efficacy

Step 1

Gender .02 .00 �/.01

Age .11* .09 .12*

Tenure �/.06 .06 .11

Role ambiguity .25** .21** �/.19**

Time 1 burnout dimension .31*** .28*** .19**

R2 .17 .22 .13

Step 2

Gender .01 .01 .03

Age .09 .08 .11*

Tenure .08 .06 .07

Role ambiguity .18** .16* �/.18**

Time 1 burnout dimension .45*** .37*** .24**

Relative burnout .39*** .22** .22**

R2 .28 .32 .22

DR2 .11 .10 .09

Step 3

Gender .00 .01 .02

Age .05 .08 .09

Tenure .07 .05 .08

Role ambiguity .20** .19** �/.17**

Time 1 burnout dimension .41*** .31*** .36***

Relative burnout .22** .19** .24**

Coworker work Conversations �/.52*** �/.41*** .34***

R2 .37 .38 .26

DR2 .09 .06 .04

Step 4

Gender .01 .00 .01

Age .05 .05 .06

Tenure .08 .06 .06

Role ambiguity .18** .14* �/.16*

Time 1 burnout dimension .38*** .29*** .28***

Relative burnout .15* �/.12* .10*

Coworker work Conversations �/.19** �/.32** .09

Relative Burnout�/Conversations Interaction .31*** .23** .03

R2 .47 .45 .26

DR2 .10 .07 .00


interval. Moreover, we found support for the interactive effect of relative burnout and

received social support (in the form of supportive conversations) in predicting later

emotional exhaustion and cynicism.

The predictions concerning the effect of the interaction between relative burnout and

supportive work conversations on personal efficacy dimension of burnout were not

supported. However, while the interaction was not significant, we note that the main effect

of the supportive conversations was significant after accounting for the effects of relative

burnout. This is in line with previous research that has found support for the main effect of

1.5

1.7

1.9

2.1

2.3

2.5

2.7

2.9

3.1

3.3

Downward Comparison Upward Comparison

More Supportive

Conversations

Less Supportive

Conversations

Tim

e 2

Em

otio

nal E

xhau

stio

n

Figure 1. Time 2 emotional exhaustion as a function of social comparison and work conversations.

1.5

1.7

1.9

2.1

2.3

2.5

2.7

2.9

Downward Comparison Upward Comparison

More SupportiveConversations

Less SupportiveConversations

Tim

e 2

Cyn

icis

m

Figure 2. Time 2 cynicism as a function of social comparison and work conversations.


job resources on personal accomplishment, and suggests that social comparisons and social

support serve as independent predictors of this particular dimension of burnout.

Implications for theory and practice

The notion that relative burnout plays a role in the experience of burnout extends models of

burnout to include social comparison as an important contextual factor. Moreover, it sheds

light on the processes underlying and perpetuating burnout.

This research provides an important link to other research on the perpetuation of

burnout through emotional contagion. Researchers have suggested that burnout can be

related to social contagion processes, whereby one becomes burned out in part because of

the presence of others who are burned out (cf., Bakker, Demerouti, & Schaufeli, 2003;

Bakker & Schaufeli, 2000; Bakker, Schaufeli, Sixma, & Bosveld, 2001). Interestingly,

Bakker and Schaufeli (2000) found that exposure to colleagues with work-related problems

increased the likelihood of burnout, which appears to run contrary to the findings of the

present research, in that we found that the perception that others have fewer problems (e.g.,

they have less burnout relative to the participant) was associated with higher burnout. A key

difference between their work and the present study is that they were focused more on the

absolute levels of burnout among coworkers, while we focused on individual perceptions of

burnout relative to coworkers (without accounting for their actual level of burnout).

Additionally, they (as well as Bakker et al., 2001) noted that susceptibility to emotional

stimuli serves a moderating factor, whereby those more susceptible are more likely to

experience burnout contagion. Taken together with the present research, this suggests that

the social cognitive processes underlying burnout contagion, particularly as they relate to

personality variables and social comparison, will help to increase our understanding of the

dynamics of burnout perpetuation between individuals in the workplace. The key issue

seems to be who the participant affiliates with (and thus compares with), the manner that

affiliate choice interacts with their susceptibility to emotional stimuli, and the extent to

which the affiliate is experiencing burnout. The present study was not designed to capture

such an effect, but future research that accounts for specific burnout levels of affiliates in

addition to perceptions of relative burnout may help to sort out the underlying factors that

explain this effect.

Along those lines, one avenue for increasing our understanding of social contagion in

burnout would be to consider Kulik and Mahler’s (2000) recent work on the role that social

comparison and affiliation play in emotional contagion under threatening conditions. For

example, they suggest that when facing a threat, an individual will likely affiliate with

someone who has experienced the threat in the past (not someone currently experiencing

the threat) and has recovered or is recovering from the threat. For example, they found that

hospitalized patients awaiting surgery preferred to share a hospital room with a patient who

had completed and was in recovery (Kulik & Mahler, 1989). Moreover, they suggest that

this process then leads to emotional contagion as we mimic the emotional reaction of those

individuals who have experienced and recovered from the threat (Kulik & Mahler, 2000; see

also Schachter, 1959). In the context of burnout, this suggests that those who are burned

out may seek out those they perceive to have experienced burnout in the past (assuming

they can find someone, this is a tenuous assumption given the relationship between burnout

and turnover, cf., Drake and Yadama, 1996) as a source of coping. This would suggest that

emotional contagion may work to positively ameliorate burnout. We would suggest that this

is an area in need of empirical verification, but a potentially useful avenue for understanding

the etiology and reduction of burnout.


This research also underscores the importance of the trend of looking at upward and

downward comparison and their affective consequences. Nonetheless, a number of issues

are implied by this study that must be addressed in future research efforts. First, this

research does not address the question of the likelihood of upward or downward

comparison as the function of burnout; we focused on the outcome of relative burnout

rather than the choice of a social comparison target. Work by Wheeler and Miyake (1992)

would suggest that those who are burned out, because of priming of negative thoughts,

would be more likely to engage in upward comparison (which our study suggests would lead

to a spiral of increasing burnout). Nonetheless, this is an empirical question, one that can be

addressed through further longitudinal study of the relationship between burnout and social

comparison processes.

More research is also needed on the potential negative outcomes of downward

comparison. For example, Smith (2000) suggested that one consequence of downward

comparison is Schadenfreude, the feeling of pleasure that is the result of another’s

misfortune (see also Brigham, Kelso, Jackson, & Smith, 1997; Smith et al., 1996). One

might suspect that drawing pleasure from the burnout of others, particularly if coupled with

a lack of support provided to those experiencing the burnout, might lead one to experience

guilt over time. It is unclear whether such a process could serve as a stressor, such that it

might actually increase burnout over time.

This study also suggests other broader implications in terms of the study of social support

and burnout. In this study, we have focused on received social support in the form of

supportive conversations with coworkers rather than the more typical variable of perceived

social support (the belief that support would be there for an individual in a time of need).

The distinction in this study is notable, in part because of the interaction between a

psychological stressor (relative burnout) and received support on subsequent burnout.

Kaniasty (2005) noted that stress-strain buffering effects with received support are relatively

rare, emphasizing the importance in considering the differences between perceived and

received support. The findings of this research suggest that received support can be helpful

in reducing strain; however, more research looks at the mechanisms underlying the benefits

of received support. For example, the work of Norris and Kaniasty (1996) suggests that

received support may be helpful to the extent that it maintains perceived support in the face

of a traumatic experience. Moreover, the findings extend continued research suggesting

that for optimal outcomes, the type and source of support should match the types of

stressors encountered (Cutrona & Russell, 1990; Halbesleben, in press; Kanisty & Norris,

1992) and characteristics of the employee (Luszczynska & Cieslak, 2005) by noting the

potential benefits of receiving support from coworkers through conversations that might

allow the employee to better cope with and address stress at work. This effect is augmented

for individuals who make certain types of social comparisons, reflecting Luszczynska and

Cieslak’s (2005) work suggesting the need to consider characteristics of the individual in

interpreting the effects of social support.

Along those lines, our findings suggest an avenue of future exploration with regard to

social support buffering effects. Based on the present work, it is unclear of the specific

nature of the buffering effect, in other words, it is unclear whether the buffering effect exists

because the conversations we assessed create more accurate perceptions regarding social

comparisons or if there is a more general buffering effect. In other words, we cannot

necessarily determine whether the conversations helped to improve the accuracy of the

information used in social comparison or whether the conversations, regardless of their

effect on social comparison, simply lead to reductions in burnout through a more general


support process. While we recognize this as a limitation of our study, it also reflects a

broader concern within the burnout literature, specifically, the need for better theoretical

integration of social support (Halbesleben & Buckley, 2004a; Sargent & Terry, 2000). In

particular, there is a need to better understand the specific processes that lead support to

reduce strains. While the use of more specific measures of social support (e.g., our use of

supportive conversations as a specific operationalization of support) helps move us in the

right direction, more work is need to understand how support operates to reduce burnout

and other strains.

Moreover, the findings underscore a need to direct more attention to the role of

communication in burnout (Becker, Halbesleben, & O’Hair, in press). Despite clear

relevance to the development of burnout, relatively little research has explored the specific

nature of communication in terms of social support, interpersonal relationships at work,

and burnout (cf., Ray & Miller, 1994). Given the findings of this study and others that have

found meaningful relationships between communication and burnout (i.e., Fenlason &

Beehr, 1994; Leiter, 1991), more research is needed that integrates communication as a key

component of occupational strains in general and burnout in particular. Of particular

interest are conversations about burnout between coworkers. While the present study

investigated positive conversations, there was no attempt to assess whether they actually

discussed burnout; such measurement would be valuable.

From an organizational perspective, there are a number of potential negative con-

sequences of social comparison, particularly in terms of upward comparison, in perceptions

of burnout. If those employees experiencing higher burnout and upward comparison begin

to inhibit their problems, it may appear that an organization’s workforce is functioning

normally, when indeed they are experiencing burnout. Consequentially, if the employees

begin to turnover, request leaves of absence, or perform poorly because of their inhibited

burnout and stress, organizations may have a difficult time determining the source of the

human resource problem and alternatives that may resolve these problems.

The possibility of social comparison errors

The findings with regard to upward comparison and its long-term effects on burnout may

be the result of a specific upward comparison error known as pluralistic ignorance.

Pluralistic ignorance represents a mismatch between one’s attributes and their perceptions

of the group norm (Allport, 1924; Katz & Allport, 1931; Prentice & Miller, 1996). While

pluralistic ignorance has been studied in a variety of social contexts (cf., Miller &

McFarland, 1987; Miller, Monin, & Prentice, 2000; O’Gorman, 1975, 1980; Prentice &

Miller, 1993), it has not seen widespread application in organizational contexts (Halbesle-

ben & Buckley, 2004b; Harvey, Novicevic, Buckley, & Ferris, 2001). In the case of burnout,

it would represent a pattern whereby individuals are burned out, but mistakenly believe that

others are not burned out.

Due to the general nature of the present sample, we are unable to provide conclusive

evidence that pluralistic ignorance is the process underlying those making upward

comparisons in this sample. Testing for pluralistic ignorance would require the ability to

isolate the group-level data in order to create a mean level of burnout with which

perceptions of others’ burnout could be compared. Nonetheless, it would be interesting for

future research efforts to explore the extent to which social comparison of burnout is done

in error and the implications of such errors for those experiencing burnout.


Remedies for pluralistic ignorance in burnout perceptions. Given the deleterious effects of

pluralistic ignorance in the perception of burnout, organizations may seek strategies for

reducing the impact of social comparison errors in burnout perceptions. Schroeder and

Prentice (1998) have proposed that pluralistic ignorance can be reduced if people are taught

about pluralistic ignorance and its effects on perception and decision-making. They found

that a training program designed to reduce pluralistic ignorance in perceptions of college

student alcohol consumption was effective in reducing pluralistic ignorance, primarily

because of improvements in estimating the prevalence of drinking among their peers. Their

work, in concert with the findings of the present study, suggests that if organizations have a

culture that supports discussing problems related to burnout, pluralistic ignorance will be

reduced, effectively reducing burnout as well. This thinking reinforces the aforementioned

notion that conversations with coworkers facilitate the buffering effect of social support by

increasing the accuracy of social comparison information.

Despite the interesting findings of the present work, there are a number of limitations that

must be addressed. First, because the data are self-report and from a single participant

source, we cannot rule out the possibility that common method bias is influencing the

statistical analysis presented. Second, while we have accounted for as much as 46% of the

variance in time 2 burnout by including the variables of interest to this study, there are

clearly exogenous variables that could potentially influence time 2 burnout that have not

been accounted for in our model.

The objective of this study was to explicate the role of social comparisons in the process

of burnout, with particular consideration given to the role that social support plays in

moderating the effect of social comparisons on burnout. The findings of the present study

suggest a relationship between self-other perceptions of burnout and the development of

burnout two months later. Moreover, we found that social support moderates the

relationship such that those who experience social support, in the form of conversations

with their coworkers, exhibit a reduced influence of social comparison on their later

burnout.

This paper makes a number of important contributions. First, it offers a theoretically

grounded framework that advances our understanding of the experience of burnout. In

doing so, the notions of social comparison do not replace current process models of burnout

but instead complement them by identifying the social context of burnout. It also sets forth

an agenda for this potentially important stream of burnout research. Second, the paper

offers an initial investigation of the role that relative burnout, particularly when interacting

with social support, may play in predicting burnout among a generalized sample. Taken

together, this paper blends a conceptual argument with empirical findings to illustrate the

significant role that social comparison plays in the experience of burnout.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank Jenn Becker for her comments on an earlier draft of this

work and Nicole Salamon, Nicole Sauer, Tony Wheeler, and Dan O’Hair for their

assistance with data collection.

Notes

1 Note that the terms downward and upward comparison typically refer to the choice of a social comparison

target. In the present paper, we use those terms to refer to the outcome of the comparison; we are not assessing

who the individual has chosen to compare himself or herself with.


2 Note that in the analyses reported above, these scores were not dichotomized but instead treated as continuous

variables; dichotomization was only done for explanatory purposes and the cut-off point of 3 on the relative

burnout scale was arbitrarily chosen to reflect the nature of the scaling of the measure.

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