society of pakistan

7/28/2019 Society of Pakistan

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Table of Contents

Introduction________________________________________________________________3

Origin_____________________________________________________________________5

Indus Valley Civilization and Occupation of Indo-Aryans ....................................................................... 5

The Pakistan Movement ......................................................................................................................... 6

Overview ................................................................................................................................................. 8

Regional Diversity ................................................................................................................................. 10

Punjabi .............................................................................................................................................. 10

Sindhi ................................................................................................................................................ 11

Baloch ................................................................................................................................................ 12

Pashtun ............................................................................................................................................. 12

Kashmiri ............................................................................................................................................ 13

Ethnic Groups .................................................................................................................................... 14

Pakistani Culture ................................................................................................................................... 14

Features of Pakistani Society ................................................................................................................ 15

Population ......................................................................................................................................... 15

Religion ............................................................................................................................................. 17Islam in Pakistani Society .................................................................................................................. 17

Education and Literacy ...................................................................................................................... 18

Structure of the System ................................................................................................................ 18

Female Education .......................................................................................................................... 19

Reform Efforts ............................................................................................................................... 20

Living Standards of Pakistani People ................................................................................................ 21

Men and Women, Gender Relations ................................................................................................ 22

The Status of Women and the Women's Movement ....................................................................... 23

Non-Muslim Minorities ..................................................................................................................... 26

Health and Welfare ........................................................................................................................... 26

Maternal and Child Health ............................................................................................................ 27

Health Care Policies and Developments ....................................................................................... 27

Smoking, Drugs, and AIDS ............................................................................................................. 28

Zakat as a Welfare System ................................................................................................................ 29

Crime and Law Enforcememt ........................................................................................................... 30


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Comparison of Cities and Rural Areas ............................................................................................... 31

Marriages in Pakistan ........................................................................................................................ 32

Families in Pakistan ........................................................................................................................... 33

Social Enterprise ............................................................................................................................... 34

Conclusion________________________________________________________________35

Refrence__________________________________________________________________37

Bibliography______________________________________________________________38


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Introduction

A society is a large social grouping that shares the same geographical territory and is subject to the

same political authority and dominant cultural expectations. Human societies are characterized by

patterns of relationships between individuals sharing a distinctive culture and institutions.

Pakistani Society is ethnically diverse yet overwhelmingly Muslim. It is largely rural yet beset by the

problems of hyper urbanization. Since its independence in 1947, Pakistan has enjoyed a robust and

expanding economy--the average per capita income in the mid-1990s approached the transition line

separating low-income from middle-income countries--but wealth is poorly distributed. A middle-

class is emerging, but a narrow stratum of elite families maintains extremely disproportionate

control over the nation's wealth, and almost one-third of all Pakistanis live in poverty. It is a male-

dominated society in which social development has lagged considerably behind economic change, as

revealed by such critical indicators as sanitation, access to health care, and literacy, especially among

females. Increasing population pressure on limited resources, together with this pattern of social

and economic inequity, was causing increased disquietude within the society in the early 1990s.

Pakistan was created in 1947, as a homeland for Muslims in South Asia, and about 97 percent of

Pakistanis are Muslim. The founders of Pakistan hoped that religion would provide a coherent focus

for national identity, a focus that would supersede the country's considerable ethnic and linguistic

variations. Although this aspiration has not been completely fulfilled, Islam has been a pervasive

presence in Pakistani society, and debate continues about its appropriate role in national civic life.

During the 1990s, Islamic discourse has been less prominent in political controversy, but the role

that Islamic law should play in the country's affairs and governance remains an important issue.

There is immense regional diversity in Pakistan. Pakhtuns, Baloch, Punjabis, and Sindhis are all

Muslim, yet they have diverse cultural traditions and speak different languages. Ethnic, regional,and--above all--family loyalties figure far more prominently for the average individual than do

national loyalties. Punjabis, the most numerous ethnic group, predominate in the central

government and the military. Baloch, Pakhtuns, and Sindhis find the Punjabi preponderance at odds

with their own aspirations for provincial autonomy. Ethnic mixing within each province further

complicates social and political relations.

Expectations had been raised by the return of democracy to Pakistan in 1988 after the death of

Mohammad Zia ul-Haq, by the continued economic expansion in the 1990s, and by some observable

improvement in the volatile relations among ethnic groups that had so divided the country in years

past. Also in the early 1990s, previously peripheralized social movements, particularly those

concerning women and the environment, assumed a more central role in public life. As bilateral and

multilateral development assistance has dwindled, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)

committed to economic and social development have emerged and begun to take on important

responsibilities. Nonetheless, the problems that confront Pakistan pose a significant threat to its

cohesion and future.

Sociologists speak of a loss of a sense of social contract among Pakistanis that has adversely affected

the country's infrastructure: the economy, the education system, the government bureaucracy, and

even the arts. As population pressure increases, the failure of the populace to develop a sense of

publicly committed citizenship becomes more and more significant. The self-centeredness about

which educator Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi complained soon after independence is increasingly

noticeable in many areas of social life. Although many people once imagined that economic

development would by itself improve the quality of life, few any longer believe this to be true.


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Family or personal interest and status take precedence over public good in Pakistan. Thus traffic laws

are often enforced solely according to a person's political clout rather than due process, and

admission to school depends more upon connections or wealth than on ability. Salaries, as

compared with bribes, are so inconsequential a privilege of employment that people sometimes

plead to be given appointments without pay.

Failure to develop civic-minded citizenship is also evident in public administration and imbalanced

government spending. For example, military expenditures vastly exceed combined expenditures on

health and education. The bureaucracy, a legacy of the British colonial period, has not modernized

sufficiently to incorporate new technologies and innovations despite efforts by the government staff

colleges.

Although in the mid-1980s the World Bank forecast the advancement of Pakistan to the ranks of

middle-income countries, the nation had not quite achieved this transition in the mid-1990s. Many

blame this fact on Pakistan's failure to make significant progress in human development despite

consistently high rates of economic growth. The annual population growth rate, which hoveredbetween 3.1 and 3.3 percent in the mid-1990s, threatens to precipitate increased social unrest as

greater numbers of people scurry after diminishing resources.

An anonymous Pakistani writer has said that three things symbolized Pakistan's material culture in

the 1990s: videocassette recorders (for playing Hindi films), locally manufactured Japanese Suzuki

cars, and Kalashnikov rifles. Although the majority of the people still reside in villages, they

increasingly take social cues from cities. Videocassette tapes can be rented in many small villages,

where residents also watch Cable News Network (CNN)--censored through Islamabad--on televisions

that are as numerous as radios were in the 1970s. The cities are more crowded than ever; parts of

Karachi and Lahore are more densely populated even than Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh. In many

areas, tiny Suzuki automobiles have replaced the bicycles and motorcycles that were in greatdemand merely a decade earlier. Whereas urban violence was traditionally related to blood feuds, it

has become more random and has escalated dramatically.


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Origin

Seeing the name of the document, most of the people start thinking that this topic is not

required to picture the society of Pakistan. Well this is false. To study the social structure of Pakistan,

we have to trace it back to its ancestors so that we can see a complete link between the prehistoric

origins of this society. Well, coming to the point, the archeological research carried out has revealed

Pakistani nation to be a part of the Indus valley.

Indus Valley Civilization and Occupation of Indo-AryansThe Indus Valley Civilization (IVC) was a Bronze Age civilization (33001300 BCE; mature period

26001900 BCE) which was centered mostly in the western part of the Indian Subcontinent and

which flourished around the Indus River basin.Primarily centered along the Indus and the Punjab

region, the civilization extended into the Ghaggar-Hakra River valley and the Ganges-Yamuna Doab,

encompassing most of what is now Pakistan, as well as extending into the westernmost states of

modern-day India, southeastern Afghanistan, and the easternmost part of Balochistan, Iran.

The reach of the Indus civilization is

extensive. After the discovery of Harappa

and Mohenjo-Daro, further sites have been

revealed - as far down the coast as Lothal,

making the spread of the Indus civilization

greater than that of Egypt and Mesopotamia

together. At Lothal there is even a specially

designed dockyard, of kiln-baked bricks, from

which vessels trade along the coast and

possibly up the Persian Gulf as far asMesopotamia. The sense of order, so evident

in the Indus cities, begins to diminish after

about 1900 BC. Less imposing buildings, of

more flimsy construction, are inhabited now

by a declining population. Many reasons

have been suggested - an impoverished

agricultural base due to over-exploitation, or

a succession of devastating floods. The discovery of several unburied bodies in a street in Harappa

has led to suggestions of a sudden and violent end.

The Indo-European group known as the Aryans (from their own word for themselves) becomes

established in northwest India from about 1500 BC. As a nomadic people of the steppes, fighting

with bow and arrow from light and speedy chariots, their advance proves hard to resist on open

ground - as proves to be the case with other Indo-European tribes elsewhere. (This has recently

become a controversial topic. Some archaeologists claim that the lack of any visible change in the

archaeological record disproves Aryan invasion of south Asia. Linguists reply that the Indo-European

elements in north Indian languages can have no other explanation.)

The Mauryan kingdom is the first in India's history to deserve the broader title of empire. It reaches

its greatest extent under Chandraguptasgrandson, Asoka, who defeats his brothers in a battle for

the throne in about 272 BC. According to later Buddhist chronicles he murders them all, but this may

be a pious legend. A great sinner is the most welcome of converts. The Mauryan dynasty ends in

The Ancient Indus Valley Civilization
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indus_Valley_Civilization#cite_note-6http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indus_Valley_Civilization#cite_note-6http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indus_Valley_Civilization#cite_note-6


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about 185 BC. The last king is assassinated by one of his own military commanders, who seize the

throne. The gradual collapse of the Gupta Empire is followed by a period when many small

principalities compete for power. The odd one out is a portent of the future - though as yet

seemingly insignificant.

The Arrival of Muslims in Sub Continent

The Muslim conquest in the Indian subcontinent mainly took place from the 12th century onwards,

though earlier Muslim conquests made limited inroads into the region, beginning during the period

of the ascendancy of the Rajput Kingdoms in North India, although Sindh and Multan were captured

in 8th century.

According to Muslim historical accounts such as the Chach Nama, the nature of the expeditions was

punitive, and in response to raids carried out by pirates on Arab shipping, operating around Debal.

The allegation was made that the King of Sindh, Raja Dahir was the patron of these pirates. The third

expedition was led by a 17-year-old Arab chieftain named Muhammad bin Qasim. The expedition

went as far North as Multan, then called the "City of Gold thatcontained the extremely large Hindu

temple Sun Mandir.

Bin Qasim invaded the sub-continent at the orders of Al-Hajjaj bin

Yousef, the governor of Iraq. Qasim's armies defeated Raja Dahir at

what is now Hyderabad in Sindh in 712. He then proceeded to

subdue the lands from Karachi to Multan with an initial force of only

six thousand Syrian tribesmen; thereby establishing the dominion of

the Umayyad Caliphate from Lisbon in Portugal to the Indus Valley.

Qasim's stay was brief as he was soon recalled to Baghdad, and the

Caliphates rule in South Asia shrank to Sindh and Southern Punjab in

the form of Arab states, the principal of who were Al Mansura and

Multan. This was the turning point for the civilization of SubContinent who accepted Islam in great numbers through Saints at

that time. The arrival of Islam is one of the most important factors in

determining the social makeup of Pakistan.

The attacks of several Muslim conquerors continued till the arrival of mughals. The Mughals

dominated Indian politics from the thirteenth through the nineteenth centuries, lasting until the

British took colonial control in 1857. Under the emperors Akbar, Jahangir and Shah Jahan, art and

architecture flourished. By the early 19th century, the Sikhs had consolidated their power and

declared Lahore their capital. Within a few decades, however, the Sikhs were defeated in battle by

the English

The Pakistan MovementThe Pakistan Movement has its origins in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh. Muslims there

were a minority, yet their elite had a disproportionate amount of representation in the civil service

and overall influence. Muhammad Ali Jinnah desired to build a state on a principle, composed of

three parts, "one nation, one culture, one language".

The Role of Pakistani society comes here as this

society didnt share its cultural, religious and

moral norms with any other nation of subcontinent, the Muslims felt quite separate, giving

The Mughal Empire

The Pioneer Muslim Leaders


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rise to the idea of separatism. The idea was seeded back to 712 AD but was never sowed. The Urdu-

Hindi Controversy started in 1867 refreshed this idea. The people of sub continent were now feeling

different and distinct. This gave rise to two nation theory which later fueled the Pakistan movement.

Pioneer Muslim leaders like Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Allama Muhammad Iqbal realized the

problem of rivalry of both groups on the basis of religion,, culture, moral and social values and

found the only solution in separating the to nations by means of land division thereby givingindependent identity to muslims of Sub Continent.

Soon by the continuous efforts of these prominent leaders, the Muslim community of India started

progressing towards this goal and within a period of two to three decades, they were able to achieve

Pakistan, a separate social identity. Pakistan emerged on the map of the world on 14 thof August,

1947.


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The Present Society

OverviewPakistan is a society in transition; it is a society defined by its keen acceptance of new production

methods but maintains a strict adherence to more traditional values. It is unfortunate, however, that

we cannot have our cake and eat it too. The adversarial relationship that these new modes of

productions have with old values and traditions is seldom immediately evident. It is akin to changing

the brick-pattern of the pavement while passers-by continue to walk on, one does not notice the

changes until one consciously goes in search of them.

Pakistan, as a State, came into existence due to two fundamental class-movements. The first was the

movement of the Bengali middle class and constituted the bulk of the intellectual and cadre base of

the two-nation theory. The second movement was of the feudals in West Punjab who joined forces

with the proponents of the two nation theory simply because they wanted to free themselves from

the threat of Land Reforms that were rumoured to be on the Congress Partys agenda. Valuesystems in Pakistan were a result of the balance between different class forces finding dominance

from time to time. It is for this reason that the values inherent in Pakistani society, along the

changing decades, can be classified very neatly into distinct blocs.

1947 to 1958

Pakistan was, predominantly, led by individuals from the salariat who had risen to high posts in the

Muslim L eague by dint of services rendered during the independence movement. It is for this

reason that the two dominant classes of Pakistan, i.e. classes which enjoyed an intimate contact with

the functioning and the state apparatus, at the time, were either the upper middle class of the

feudal class. It must be mentioned here that while the feudal class in Pakistan was an

overwhelmingly powerful oneit was content at the time to merely be powerful yet silent partners

with the upper middle class. All this with the implicit understanding between both that the

interests of the feudal class would not come into contention or controversy. It was a precarious

relationship but, given the fact that Pakistans economy was overwhelmingly agrarian, a necessary

one.

It is for this reason that these eleven years are identified, primarily, with the emergence of social

norms and values attributed to the upper middle class. Professionalism was one of the stronger

points of this decade and a quasi-democratic culture came into existence. Although these years are

also remembered for incidences of gross incompetence by some leaders, they are also remembered

for some radical good decisions as well.

An example of this is the decision to set up infrastructure within the country to facilitate eventual

industrial growth, during this particular decade rather than that of Ayub Khan who is sometimes

erroneously praised for setting up the industrial backbone of Pakistan.

1958 to 1971

These years are known for the military rule that Ayub Khan instituted within Pakistan by deposing

the con government of Iskandar Mirza. While this had a profound and everlasting affect on Pakistani

politics, the real affect (of which politics is only a reflection) was on the very make-up of Pakistani

society and class dynamics.

The upper middle class of Pakistan was virtually thrown out of the political arena by Ayub Khansregime and was replaced by a new artificial class of crony capitalists. I call this class artificial


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because unlike the bourgeoisie freedom movements in other countries, which led to the

establishment of the bourgeoisie as a distinct and dominant class industrial units and agriculatural

lands in Pakistan the bourgeoisie followed the Junkers Path, i.e was literally constructed by the state

itself by giving out to individuals and families selected from the feudal and mercantile class of

Pakistan.

As can be expected, these years were known for the rise of political and social corruption within

Pakistani society. One of the defining features of any dictatorial regime is the eventual emergence of

nepotism, and Ayub Khans regime was no exception. Economic and financial corruption along with

the rise of the 22 families was another blemish on an already dirty record.

General. Agha Yahya Khan inherited the state of Pakistan from General. Ayub Khan when the latter

stepped down from office due to his plummeting popularity in Pakistan. Yahya Khan, also a military

dictator, was further confounded in his efforts to rule the country due to the heap of political,

economic and social incompetence that the 11 year old rule of Ayub Khan had left in its wake. In

comparison, this regime was both short and floundering from the beginning. The military campaigns

and the loss of East Pakistan only exacerbated the problems for Yahya Khan and he handed over

office to Z. A. Bhutto in 1971.

Not much can be said about the condition of values and ethics under Yahya Khan since he, himself,

became a victim of the ghosts of Ayub Khans corrupt policies. Society under Yahya Khan, however,

came together and gelled to form a democratic backlash to 13 years of unconstitutional military rule.

This era is known for an increase in social consciousness and emphasis on concepts of fairplay and

justice. Social cohesion and mass-politics also defined this era.

1972-1977

Also known as the Bhutto years, this particular era was known for its radical and status-quo-

shattering policies. The re-nationalisation of the industrial units that Ayub Khan had given away for

peanuts was also one of such policies.

The class-divide in Pakistan changed once again as peasants and workers of Pakistan found more

power in their hands than they had earlier. Feudal values started to disappear one by one but the

rise of religious political parties was the inevitable consequence of the military years before Bhutto.

It is for this reason that these years saw the bifurcation of Pakistani society into two well-defined

camps. The first were the secular and progressive lobby represented by the PPP, NAP and various

communist and leftist parties. The second was the religious and traditionalist camp, which was

represented by religious parties and some other mainstream parties. Although Bhutto tried to

placate the religious mullahs by disenfranchising minorities such as the Ahmedis, but it was felt that

the chasm between Bhutto and the religious parties had grown too wide. It was for this reason that

General. Zia was able to overthrow Bhutto with the consent of various powerful classes (bourgeoisieand feudals both of which had been affected by Bhuttos reforms bourgeoisie by industrial

nationalisation and feudals by land reforms introducing a land holding ceiling and tenancy laws,

various, religious parties and United States.

The best word to describe the nature of values held by Pakistani society under Bhutto is awaami.

There is no disputing the fact by friend or foe, that Bhutto was a man of the crowds. He knew how

to talk the talk, so to speak. His (relaxed to say the least) adherence to socialist principles made him

stand out in a society where, up until that point, socialist ideals were conspicuous only by their

absence. It is this quagmire of pseudo-socialist, quasi-democratic and populist values that defines

both this era and Bhutto himself.

19771988


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The years under General Zia-ul-haq can be conveniently summed up in one sentence they were

years in which free or profound thought were a crime that was punished swiftly and severely. These

years mark the steady rise of religious and militant forces in Pakistan,- all because Pakistan was

taking part in a very different form of proxy war back then, the war against the communists.

These jihadis, trained by the best facilities Pakistan could provide, were the front line offensive

against USSR in Afghanistan. However, the cost incurred to Pakistani society for taking part in this

war has gone beyond simple figures, the echoes of our past resound in our ears even today. Militant

fundamentalism, a phenomenon that the state and people of Pakistan have been battling ever since

the (in)famous 9-11 incident is a direct consequence of having trained those so-called jihadis to

begin with.

All in all, these years are known for a general retrogressive and downward traditionalist spiral in

cultural norms and values. Religious indoctrination and militant fundamentalism were encouraged as

state policy and all democratic norms and notions of freedom of thought or expression were flogged

out of people.

1988

1999

These years were a veritable merry-go-round of the same old faces coming back into office over and

over again in nothing short of leap-frog fashion. However, as corrupt as they were or as haughty as

the individuals in the regime were, we are better able to assess those years for what they really were

now that we have been granted the wisdom of further years and experience.

The class-clash in these years was a dynamic one. Power was given to and wrested back from the

lower-classes over and over again as Benazir and Nawaz Sharif played their years long game of tug-

of-war. However, these years are also known for the rampant corruption that came to exist in

Pakistan as a result of the many manners in which both rulers made efforts to cling to power.

Benazir had her Mr. 10 percent and Nawaz Sharif had illusions of everlasting glory as the first Caliph

of Pakistan. Pakistani society became a complex mixture of discontent, distrust, disillusionment and

despondency. These were the sentiments on the street up until General. Pervaiz Musharraf carried

out his, now, historic coup of 1999.

Regional DiversityThe land of Pakistan is divided into five parts, each having its own diverse and ethnical structure. The

regional division also creates different social and cultural characteristics which are as follows:

PunjabiThe Punjabi people are an Indo-Aryan ethnic group from South Asia. They originate from the Punjab

region, which has been host to some of the oldest civilizations in the world including one of the

world's first and oldest civilizations, the Indus Valley Civilization. The Punjabi identity is primarily

cultural and linguistic, with Punjabis being those whose first language is Punjabi, an Indo-European

tongue

Geographically, the North West region of India is known as Punjab. This is called the land of five

rivers as the word Punjab is made up of two words 'Panj'+ 'Aab' where 'Panj' means five in Punjabi

and 'Aab' mean rivers in Punjabi.


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Punjabi culture is one of the oldest and richest cultures of the world. The Punjabi Culture is the

culture of the Punjabi people who are now distributed throughout the world. The scope, history,

sophistication and complexity of the culture are vast.

Punjab is the largest state in Pakistan. Many races of

people and religions made up the cultural heritage of

the Punjab. The genius of Punjabis finds expression in

love stories, lusty dancing and in humor. Punjab is

very rich in terms of dance and is known for its dance

forms. Most popular Punjabi dances are Bhangra,

Giddha, Jhumar, Luddi, Dankara Julli, Sammi, Dhamal,

Jaago, Kikli and Gatka.

Now a day, many non-Punjabis are also getting into

Punjab's folk dances and you can occasionally see a

European or Chinese in various Bhangra competitions. These non-Punjabis have simply made Punjabi

dance a part of their own culture as well.

Museums in Punjab-Punjab museums possess an extensive range of paintings and sculptures by

many Indian artists as well as a collection of Indian miniatures of the Mughal Rajsathani, Pahari and

Sikh schools. The museums also house a fine collection of medals and arm, as these are objects of

princely states with sections on Archaeology, Anthropology, Tribal and folk arts depicting different

concepts and scopes in the patterns of Art and Culture.

Art and craft of Punjab- Punjab art is described as a creation or expression of something beautiful

especially in visual form and many a time in Art and craft. Many phrases have decorative designs and

handicrafts. Many things which are associated with art and craft of Punjab are known all over the

world for their quality and beauty.

SindhiSindhis are a Sindhi speaking socio-ethnic group of people originating from Sindh, a province of

Pakistan. Today Sindhis that live in Pakistan belong to

various religious denominations including Muslim,

Zorastrian, Hindus and Christians. After the Partition of

India in 1947, a large number of Indian Muslim refugees

(Muhajirs) flocked into Pakistan and settled in the

prosperous Sindh region. At the same time Sindhi Hindus

migrated to India in large numbers. The culture of Sindh

has its roots in the Indus Valley Civilization. Sindh has

been shaped by the geography of the largely desertregion, the natural resources it had available and the

continuous foreign influences.

The original inhabitants of ancient Sindh were believed to be aboriginal tribes speaking languages of

the Indus Valley civilization around 3000 BC. The prehistoric site of Kot Diji in Sindh has furnished

information of high significance for the reconstruction of a connected story which pushes back the

history of South Asia by at least another 300 years, from about 2500 BC. Evidence of a new element

of pre-Harappan culture has been traced here. When the primitive village communities in

Balochistan were still struggling against a difficult highland environment, a highly cultured people

were trying to assert themselves at Kot Diji, one of the most developed urban civilizations of the

Bhangra - Culture of Punjab

Typical Sindh Culture


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ancient world that flourished between the 25th century BC and 1500 BC. The ancient civilization

centered on the towns whose modern names are Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa

Sindh, as a western frontier of the South Asia, has always been exposed to the entry of migrants

from Central Asia and the Middle East. Sindhi culture is also highly Persianized as Sindh was exposed

to cultural, religious and linguistic influence from Islamic Persia. Most significantly, numerous

Persian loanwords made their way into the Sindhi language along with the Nasta lq script, in which

modern Sindhi is written today. Muslim Sindhis tend to follow the Sunni Hanafi fiqh with a

substantial minority of Shia Ithna 'ashariyah. The Sufism has made a deep impact on Sindhi Muslims

and Sufi shrines dot the landscape of Sindh.

BalochThe Baloch are an ethnic group that belong to the larger Iranian peoples. Baloch people mainly

inhabit the Balochestan region and Sistan va Balochistan in the southeast corner of the Iranian

plateau in Western Asia. The Baloch people mainly speak Balochi, which is a branch of the Iranian

languages that is highly influenced by that of Mesopotamia and shares similarities with Kurdish,

Persian, Avestan and other languages. The Baloch inhabit mountainous terrains and deserts and

maintain a very distinct cultural identity. The Baloch people are descendants of ancient Median and

Persian tribes. Historical references of ancient Persia have made it possible to arrive at this

conclusion.

The origins of Balochi culture and traditions can be

traced back to Mesopotamia, which is widely

accepted as the origin of the Baloch people. Balochi

customs and traditions are conducted according to

codes imposed by tribal laws. These strong traditions

and cultural values are important to Baloch people

and have enabled them to keep their distinctive

ancient cultural identity and way of life with littlechange to this day. The Baluch men wear long shirts

with long sleeves and loose pants resembling the

Achaemenid outfits of ancient Persians; the dress is

occasionally accompanied by a turban or a hat on

their heads. The women put on loose dress and pants

with sophisticated and colorful needlework, including a large pocket at the front of the dress to hold

their accessories.

Baluch people are culturally and traditionally regarded as secular. However, Baluch people are a

minority and growing fundamentalism in the region is seen as a threat to Baluchi culture. Other

challenges include violations of basic human rights, psychological warfare, and propaganda in massmedia of their modern geography enabled by poverty, illiteracy and inaccessibility to information in

the digital age.

PashtunPashtuns also called Pathans or Afghans are an Eastern Iranian ethno-linguistic group with

populations primarily in Afghanistan and western Pakistan, which includes Pakhtunkhwa, Federally

Administered Tribal Areas and Balochistan. The Pashtuns are typically characterized by their usage of

the Pashto language and practice of Pashtunwali, a traditional set of rules and ethics guiding

individual and communal conduct. Pashtun society consists of many tribes and clans who were

unsuccessful in establishing an independent government in their land until the rise of the Hotaki

dynasty and Durrani Empire in the early-18th century.

A Tribe of Balochistan


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The history of the Pashtun people is ancient and much of it is not fully researched. Since the 2nd

millennium BC, cities in the region now inhabited by Pashtuns have seen invasions and migrations,

including by early Aryan tribes, the Mediian and Persian empires of antiquity, Greeks, Mauryas,

Kushans, Hephthalites, Sassanids, Arab Muslims, Turks, Mongols, and others. In recent age, people

of the Western world have explored the area as well.

Pashtun culture is mostly based on Pashtunwali and the use or understanding of the Pashto

language. Pre-Islamic traditions, dating back to Alexander's defeat of the Persian Empire in 330 BC,

possibly survived in the form of traditional dances, while literary styles and music reflect influence

from the Persian tradition and regional musical instruments fused with localized variants and

interpretation. Pashtun culture is a unique blend of native customs with some influences from South

and Western Asia.The Pashtuns speak Pashto, an Indo-European language. It belongs to the Iranian

sub-group of the Indo-Iranian branch.

Numerous intricate tenets of Pashtunwali influence

Pashtun social behavior. One of the better known

tenets is Melmastia, hospitality and asylum to all

guests seeking help. Perceived injustice calls for Badal,swift revenge. A popular Pashtun saying, "Revenge is a

dish best served cold", was borrowed by the British and

popularized in the West. Men are expected to protect

Zan, Zar, Zameen, which translates to women,

treasure, and land. Some aspects promote peaceful co-

existence, such as Nanawati, the humble admission of

guilt for a wrong committed, which should result in

automatic forgiveness from the wronged party. Other

aspects of Pashtunwali have attracted some criticism, particularly with respect to its influence on

women's rights. These and other basic precepts of Pashtunwali continue to be followed by many

Pashtuns, especially in rural areas.

A prominent institution of the Pashtun people is the intricate system of tribes. The Pashtuns remain

a predominantly tribal people, but the worldwide trend of urbanization has begun to alter Pashtun

society as cities such as Peshawar and Quetta have grown rapidly due to the influx of rural Pashtuns

and Afghan refugees. Despite this trend of urbanization, many people still identify themselves with

various clans.

The overwhelming majority of Pashtuns follow Sunni Islam, belonging to the Hanafi school of

thought. A smaller Shi'a community exist in the northeastern section of Paktia province of

Afghanistan and in neighboring Kurram Agency of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa in Pakistan.

KashmiriThe Kashmiri people are a Dardic ethnic group living in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir and

Pakistani territory of Azad Kashmir who speak the Kashmiri language. Kashmiri is "a Northwestern

Dardic language of the Indo-Aryan branch of the Indo-Iranian subfamily of the Indo-European

language family." which is also known as Koshurand hence are classified as a Dardic people.

Originally, the Kashmiris were mostly Buddhist, Hindu, and Pagan. Islam was introduced by Sufi

saints from Central Asia, Hazrat Bulbul Shah of Anatolia and Hazrat Shah Hamadan of

Hamadan,being the most prominent of them. Prince Rinchin of Ladakh, a Buddhist who was living in

Jammu & Kashmir at the time came under the influence of Saint Bulbul Shah and converted to Islam.

Later on after the defeat of the Hindu ruler Suhadeva by Dulchu, Suhadeva fled Kashmir, and Rinchin

became King of Jammu & Kashmir and adopted the name Malik Saduruddin. Eventually the majority

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of Kashmiris adopted Islam and became Muslim, although there are still small communities of

Hindus and Sikhs living in the Kashmir Valley, the former being known as Kashmiri Pandits.

Ethnic GroupsAbout 98% of languages spoken in Pakistan are Indo-Iranian (sub-branches: 75% Indo-Aryan and 20%

pure Iranian), a branch of Indo-European family of languages. Most languages of Pakistan are writtenin the Perso-Arabic script, with significant vocabulary derived from Arabic and Persian. Punjabi

(Shahmukhi), Seraiki, Sindhi, Pashto, Urdu, Balochi, Kashmiri (Koshur), etc. are the general languages

spoken within Pakistan. The majority of Pakistanis belong to various Indo-Aryan-speaking ethnic

groups, while a large minority is various Iranic peoples and Dardic language groups. In addition, small

groups language isolates such as Burusho and Brahui-speaking peoples also live in the country. The

major ethnic groups of Pakistan in numerical size include: Punjabis, Pashtuns, Sindhis, Seraikis,

Muhajirs, Balochis, Hindkowans, Chitralis and other smaller groups.

The population comprises several main ethnic groups (2009):

Punjabis (44.15%) 78.7 million

Pashtuns (15.42%) 27.2 million

Sindhis (14.1%) 24.8 million

Seraikis (10.53%) 14.8 million

Muhajirs (7.57%) 13.3 million

Balochs is (3.57%) 6.3 million

Others (4.66%) 11.1 million

Smaller ethnic groups, such as Kashmiris, Hindkowans, Kalash, Burusho, Brahui, Khowar, Shina, andTurwalis are mainly found in the northern parts of the country. The people of the Potohar Plateau in

Northern Punjab, (Potoharis) are sometimes listed separately from Punjabis. This would tend to

decrease the Punjabs population further.

Pakistan's census does not include the registered 1.7 million Afghan refugees from neighbouring

Afghanistan, who are mainly found in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and Federally

Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) areas, with small numbers in the cities of Karachi and Quetta.

Around 2 million refugees from Bangladesh, Iran, Africa, and other places are also found in Pakistan.

Pakistani CulturePakistani Culture is very unique in terms of its social and ethical values. These values are something

which are given due importance. This culture revolves around the religion of Islam which teaches

equality among every human being that exists on this planet. Pakistan's culture is very diverse. It has

been invaded by many different people belonging to different races. These people include the white

Huns, Persian Arabs, Turks, Mongols, and various Eurasian groups. These groups differ in there way

of dressing, food, religion. Pakistani culture consists of different cultures starting from the Punjabis

and sindhis to the tribal cultures of the easternmost Pakistani provinces. Now these cultures have

strongly been influenced by surrounding cultures of India, Central Asia and the Middle East along

with other places.

Pakistani society is largely multilingual and multicultural. There are some similarities than differencesthat can be found as most Pakistanis belong to Aryan heritage. Like sindhis and Punjabis obviously


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have a language difference. Traditional family values are known everywhere in this multicultural

environment. The rural areas of Pakistan are still dominated by their own tribal customs dating back

hundreds of years.

Today due to globalization, Pakistani

culture is largely influenced by the

western society. Our traditional dress is

shalwar kamiz which is mostly turned in to

shirt and trousers. This main influence is

due to the fact that many Pakistani are

living abroad and they come back with this

change. Many restaurants from other

countries have started business in Pakistan

and are making a lot business here. Media

has played a wide role in bringing this

change. There are many channels of

different countries that we can see these

days. This is something that is to some

extent positive and negative also.

Positively the new generation gains

knowledge while negatively they are

attracted to it and want to bring it in to

practice. Indian movies can be seen here in

Pakistani cinemas and Pakistani movies can be seen in India. This is positive in terms of Indo Muslim

Relations but Indian culture can not be accepted here. Some major differences occur. Like they

worship Gods consider them as statue stone. We believe in one God and it's a belief within our

souls. We do not make statues. Like movies our industry is not well known but we still do make

movies.

We are doing almost everything done in other parts of the world. Large number of Pakistanis lives in

other parts of the world like UK, United States, Canada, Australia as well as the Scandinavian nations.

Large number Pakistanis are also living in Middle East. These emigrants and their children influence

Pakistan culturally and economically by travelling to Pakistan and returning and investing there. At

the same time there is also a reactionary movement in Pakistan which wants to move away from

these changes made by the western influence in Pakistan. This group is strongly conflated with Islam

and is on a strong mission.

Features of Pakistani SocietyThe key features of Pakistani Society are as follows.

PopulationPakistan's estimated population in 2010 is over 170 million making it the world's sixth most-

populous country, behind Brazil and ahead of Russia. During 1950-2008, Pakistan's urban population

expanded over sevenfold, while the total population increased by over fourfold. In the past, the

country's population had a relatively high growth rate that has, however, been moderated by

declining fertility and birth rates. The population growth rate now stands at 1.6%. According to the

2009 Human Development Report of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP),60.3% of

Pakistanis live on less than $2 a day.

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Dramatic social changes have led to rapid urbanization and the emergence of megacities. During

1990-2003, Pakistan sustained its historical lead as the second most urbanized nation in South Asia

with city dwellers making up 36% of its population. Furthermore, 50% of Pakistanis now reside in

towns of 5,000 people or more. The statistical data for population is as follows:

Population: 172,800,000 (July 2008 best estimation) Growth rate: 2.2% (2008 estimation)

Birth rate: 31 births/1,000 population (2008 est.)

Death rate: 8 deaths/1,000 population (2008 est.)

Net migration rate: -1.0 migrant(s)/1,000 population (2008 est.)

Age structure

014 years: 42% (male 33,293,428; female 31,434,314)

1564 years: 54.9% (male 48,214,298; female 46,062,933)

65 years and over: 4.1% (male 3,256,065; female 3,542,522) (2006 est.)

014 years: 36.7% (male 33,037,943/female 31,092,572)

1564 years: 59.1% (male 53,658,173/female 49,500,786)

65 years and over: 4.2% (male 3,495,350/female 3,793,734) (2009 est.)

Gender ratios

Sex ratio at birth: 1.00 male(s)/female

under 15 years: 1.06 male(s)/female

1564 years: 1.05 male(s)/female

65 years and over: 0.82 male(s)/female

total population: 0.98 male(s)/female (2006 est.)

Mortality and life expectancy

Infant mortality rate: 62 deaths/1,000 live births (2009 est.)

Maternal mortality rate: 320 deaths/1,000 live births (2009 est.)

Life expectancy at birth:

o Total population: 65.5 years (2007 est.)

o Male: 66.5 years (2009 est.)

o Female: 67.2 years (2009 est.)

Religious population In Pakistan

Muslims: 175,376,000 (Sunnis are the majority while Shi'as are minority who make up 5-

20%[)

Hindus: 3,200,000 (approx. 1.6%)

Christians: 2,800,000 (approx. 1.6%)

Buddhists: 20,000

Sikhs: 20,000

Zoroastrian/Parsis: 5,000

Others (included Animists, Atheists, Jews, etc.): unknown


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Religion

About 97 percent of Pakistanis are Muslim, 77 percent of whom are Sunnis and 20 percent Shia;

remaining 3 percent of population divided equally among Christians, Hindus, and other religions.

The following is a list of all the religions that are practised in Pakistan. The percentages are

estimations depending on the source.

Islam

Sunni Muslims: 80-95%

Shia Muslims: 5-20%

Ahmadi Muslims: approximately 2.3% or 4 million

Other religions

Christians: approx. 1.6% or 2,800,000 people

Hindus: approx. 1.6% or 2,443,614 people

Bah's: 79,000

Sikhs: 20,000

Zoroastrian/Parsis: 20,000

Buddhist: Unknown

Jews: Unknown

Islam in Pakistani SocietyIslam was brought to the South Asian subcontinent in the eighth century by wandering Sufi mystics

known as pir. As in other areas where it was introduced by Sufis, Islam to some extent syncretized

with preIslamic influences, resulting in a religion traditionally more flexible than in the Arab world.

Two Sufis whose shrines receive much national attention are Data Ganj Baksh in Lahore (ca. eleventh

century) and Shahbaz Qalander in Sehwan, Sindh (ca. twelfth century).

The Muslim poet-philosopher Sir Muhammad Iqbal first

proposed the idea of a Muslim state in the subcontinent in

his address to the Muslim League at Allahabad in 1930. His

proposal referred to the four provinces of Punjab, Sindh,

Balochistan, and the NorthWest Frontier--essentially whatwould became the post-1971 boundary of Pakistan. Iqbal's

idea gave concrete form to the "Two Nations Theory" of

two distinct nations in the subcontinent based on religion

(Islam and Hinduism) and with different historical

backgrounds, social customs, cultures, and social mores.

Islam was thus the basis for the creation and the unification of a separate state, but it was not

expected to serve as the model of government. Mohammad Ali Jinnah made his commitment to

secularism in Pakistan clear in his inaugural address when he said, "You will find that in the course of

time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious

sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of

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the State." This vision of a Muslim majority state in which religious minorities would share equally in

its development was questioned shortly after independence. The debate continued into the 1990s

amid questions of the rights of Ahmadiyyas (a small but influential sect considered by orthodox

Muslims to be outside the pale of Islam), issuance of identity cards denoting religious affiliation, and

government intervention in the personal practice of Islam.

Education and Literacy

At independence, Pakistan had a poorly educated population and few schools or universities.

Although the education system has expanded greatly since then, debate continues about the

curriculum, and, except in a few elite institutions, quality remained a crucial concern of educators in

the early 1990s.

Adult literacy is low, but improving. In 1992 more than 36 percent of adults over fifteen were

literate, compared with 21 percent in 1970. The rate of improvement is highlighted by the 50

percent literacy achieved among those aged fifteen to nineteen in 1990. School enrollment also

increased, from 19 percent of those aged six to twenty-three in 1980 to 24 percent in 1990. However, by 1992

the population over twenty-five had a mean of only 1.9

years of schooling. This fact explains the minimal criteria

for being considered literate: having the ability to both

read and write (with understanding) a short, simple

statement on everyday life.

Relatively limited resources have been allocated to

education, although there has been improvement in

recent decades. In 1960 public expenditure on education

was only 1.1 percent of the gross national product (GNP);by 1990 the figure had risen to 3.4 percent. This amount

compared poorly with the 33.9 percent being spent on defense in 1993. In 1990 Pakistan was tied

for fourth place in the world in its ratio of military expenditures to health and education

expenditures. Although the government enlisted the assistance of various international donors in

the education efforts outlined in its Seventh Five-Year Plan (1988-93), the results did not measure up

to expectations.

Structure of the System

Education is organized into five levels: primary (grades one through five); middle (grades six through

eight); high (grades nine and ten, culminating in matriculation); intermediate (grades eleven and

twelve, leading to an F.A. diploma in arts or F.S. science; and university programs leading toundergraduate and advanced degrees. Preparatory classes (kachi, or nursery) were formally

incorporated into the system in 1988 with the Seventh Five-Year Plan.

Academic and technical education institutions are the responsibility of the federal Ministry of

Education, which coordinates instruction through the intermediate level. Above that level, a

designated university in each province is responsible for coordination of instruction and

examinations. In certain cases, a different ministry may oversee specialized programs. Universities

enjoy limited autonomy; their finances are overseen by a University Grants Commission, as in

Britain.

Teacher-training workshops are overseen by the respective provincial education ministries in order

to improve teaching skills. However, incentives are severely lacking, and, perhaps because of theshortage of financial support to education, few teachers participate. Rates of absenteeism among

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teachers are high in general, inducing support for community-coordinated efforts promoted in the

Eighth Five-Year Plan (1993-98).

In 1991 there were 87,545 primary schools, 189,200 primary school teachers, and 7,768,000

students enrolled at the primary level, with a student-to-teacher ratio of forty-one to one. Just over

one-third of all children of primary school age were enrolled in a school in 1989. There were 11,978

secondary schools, 154,802 secondary school teachers, and 2,995,000 students enrolled at the

secondary level, with a student-to- teacher ratio of nineteen to one.

Primary school dropout rates remained fairly consistent in the 1970s and 1980s, at just over 50

percent for boys and 60 percent for girls. The middle school dropout rates for boys and girls rose

from 22 percent in 1976 to about 33 percent in 1983. However, a noticeable shift occurred in the

beginning of the 1980s regarding the postprimary dropout rate: whereas boys and girls had

relatively equal rates (14 percent) in 1975, by 1979-- just as Zia initiated his government's

Islamization program--the dropout rate for boys was 25 percent while for girls it was only 16

percent. By 1993 this trend had dramatically reversed, and boys had a dropout rate of only 7 percent

compared with the girls' rate of 15 percent.

The Seventh Five-Year Plan envisioned that every child five years and above would have access to

either a primary school or a comparable, but less comprehensive, mosque school. However, because

of financial constraints, this goal was not achieved.

In drafting the Eighth Five-Year Plan in 1992, the government therefore reiterated the need to

mobilize a large share of national resources to finance education. To improve access to schools,

especially at the primary level, the government sought to decentralize and democratize the design

and implemention of its education strategy. To give parents a greater voice in running schools, it

planned to transfer control of primary and secondary schools to NGOs. The government also

intended to gradually make all high schools, colleges, and universities autonomous, although no

schedule was specified for achieving this ambitious goal.

Female Education

Comparison of data for men and women reveals significant

disparity in educational attainment. By 1992, among people

older than fifteen years of age, 22 percent of women were

literate, compared with 49 percent of men. The comparatively

slow rate of improvement for women is reflected in the fact that

between 1980 and 1989, among women aged fifteen to twenty-

four, 25 percent were literate. United Nations sources say that in

1990 for every 100 girls of primary school age there were only

thirty in school; among girls of secondary school age, only

thirteen out of 100 were in school; and among girls of the third

level, grades nine and ten, only 1.5 out of 100 were in school.

Slightly higher estimates by the National Education Council for

1990 stated that 2.5 percent of students--3 percent of men and 2 percent of women- -between the

ages of seventeen and twenty-one were enrolled at the degree level. Among all people over twenty-

five in 1992, women averaged a mere 0.7 year of schooling compared with an average of 2.9 years

for men.

The discrepancy between rural and urban areas is even more marked. In 1981 only 7 percent of

women in rural areas were literate, compared with 35 percent in urban areas. Among men, these

rates were 27 and 57 percent, respectively. Pakistan's low female literacy rates are particularly

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confounding because these rates are analogous to those of some of the poorest countries in the

world.

Pakistan has never had a systematic, nationally coordinated effort to improve female primary

education, despite its poor standing. It was once assumed that the reasons behind low female school

enrollments were cultural, but research conducted by the Ministry for Women's Development and a

number of international donor agencies in the 1980s revealed that danger to a woman's honor was

parents' most crucial concern. Indeed, reluctance to accept schooling for women turned to

enthusiasm when parents in rural Punjab and rural Balochistan could be guaranteed their daughters'

safety and, hence, their honor.

Reform Efforts

Three initiatives characterized reform efforts in education in the late 1980s and early 1990s:

privatization of schools that had been nationalized in the 1970s; a return to English as the medium of

instruction in the more elite of these privatized schools, reversing the imposition of Urdu in the

1970s; and continuing emphasis on Pakistan studies and Islamic studies in the curriculum.

Until the late 1970s, a disproportionate amount of educational spending went to the middle andhigher levels. Education in the colonial era had been geared to staffing the civil service and

producing an educated elite that shared the values of and was loyal to the British. It was

unabashedly elitist, and contemporary education--reforms and commissions on reform

notwithstanding--has retained the same quality. This fact is evident in the glaring gap in educational

attainment between the country's public schools and the private schools, which were nationalized in

the late 1970s in a move intended to facilitate equal access. Whereas students from lower-class

backgrounds did gain increased access to these private schools in the 1980s and 1990s, teachers and

school principals alike bemoaned the decline in the quality of education. Meanwhile, it appears that

a greater proportion of children of the elites are traveling abroad not only for university education

but also for their high school diplomas.

The extension of literacy to greater numbers of people has spurred the working class to aspire to

middle-class goals such as owning an automobile, taking summer vacations, and providing a

daughter with a once-inconceivable dowry at the time of marriage. In the past, Pakistan was a

country that the landlords owned, the army ruled, and the bureaucrats governed, and it drew most

of its elite from these three groups. In the 1990s, however, the army and the civil service were

drawing a greater proportion of educated members from poor backgrounds than ever before.

One of the education reforms of the 1980s was an increase in the number of technical schools

throughout the country. Those schools that were designated for females included hostels nearby to

provide secure housing for female students. Increasing the number of technical schools was a

response to the high rate of underemployment that had been evident since the early 1970s. The

Seventh Five-Year Plan aimed to increase the share of students going to technical and vocationalinstitutions to over 33 percent by increasing the number of polytechnics, commercial colleges, and

vocational training centers. Although the numbers of such institutions did increase, a compelling

need to expand vocational training further persisted in early 1994.

Literacy Rate:

Definition: aged 10 and over and can read and write

Total population: 57%

Male: 69%

Female: 45% (2009 est.)


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Maternal and Child Health

The average age of marriage for women was 19.8 between 1980 and 1990, and, with the rate of

contraception use reaching only 12 percent in 1992, many delivered their first child about one year

later. Thus, nearly half of Pakistani women have at least one child before they complete their

twentieth year. In 1988-90 only 70 percent of pregnant women received any prenatal care; the same

proportion of births was attended by health workers. A study covering the years 1975 to 1990 foundthat 57 percent of pregnant women were anemic (1975 to 1990) and that many suffered from

vitamin deficiencies. In 1988 some 600 of every 100,000 deliveries resulted in the death of the

mother. Among women who die between ages fifteen and forty-five, a significant portion of deaths

are related to childbearing.

The inadequate health care and the malnutrition suffered by women are reflected in infant and child

health statistics. About 30 percent of babies born between 1985 and 1990 were of low birth weight.

During 1992 ninety-nine of every 1,000 infants died in their first year of life. Mothers breast-feed for

a median of twenty months, according to a 1986-90 survey, but generally withhold necessary

supplementary foods until weaning. In 1990 approximately 42 percent of children under five years of

age were underweight. In 1992 there were 3.7 million malnourished children, and 652,000 died.

Poor nutrition contributes significantly to childhood morbidity and mortality.

Progress has been made despite these rather dismal data. The infant mortality rate dropped from

163 per 1,000 live births in 1960 to ninety-nine per 1,000 in 1992. Immunization has also expanded

rapidly in the recent past; 81 percent of infants had received the recommended vaccines in 1992. A

network of immunizations clinics--virtually free in most places--exists in urban areas and ensures

that health workers are notified of a child's birth. Word of mouth and media attention, coupled with

rural health clinics, seem to be responsible for the rapid increase in immunization rates in rural

areas. By 1992 about 85 percent of the population had access to oral rehydration salts, and oral

rehydration therapy was expected to lower the child mortality.

Health Care Policies and DevelopmentsNational public health is a recent innovation in Pakistan. In prepartition India, the

British provided health care for government employees but rarely attended to

the health needs of the population at large, except for establishing a few major

hospitals, such as Mayo Hospital in Lahore, which has King Edward Medical

College nearby. Improvements in health care have been hampered by scarce

resources and are difficult to coordinate nationally because health care

remains a provincial responsibility rather than a central government one. Until

the early 1970s, local governing bodies were in charge of health services.

National health planning began with the Second Five-Year Plan (1960-65) and

continued through the Eighth Five-Year Plan (1993- 98). Provision of health care for the ruralpopulace has long been a stated priority, but efforts to provide such care continue to be hampered

by administrative problems and difficulties in staffing rural clinics. In the early 1970s, a decentralized

system was developed in which basic health units provided primary care for a surrounding

population of 6,000 to 10,000 people, rural health centers offered support

and more comprehensive services to local units, and both the basic units and

the health centers could refer patients to larger urban hospitals.

In the early 1990s, the orientation of the country's medical system, including medical education,

favored the elite. There has been a marked boom in private clinics and hospitals since the late 1980s

and a corresponding, unfortunate deterioration in services provided by nationalized hospitals. In

1992 there was only one physician for every 2,127 persons, one nurse for every 6,626 persons, and

only one hospital for every 131,274 persons. There was only one dentist for every 67,757 persons.

Pakistan Health Ministry Logo


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could eventually manage to have an effect on every village in Pakistan. Such innovations could one

day see the widespread use of cell phones and laptop computers in those small villages. Such

changes would no doubt reshape the thinking of the villagers in Pakistan.

Marriages in Pakistan

Marriage in Pakistan is considered the most standard and stable living form for adults. A marriage isunderstood not only as a link between a man and a woman but it is also considered a union between

their parents' families.

Arranged marriages have been an integral part of Pakistani society for years and are traditional to

have arranged marriages. Arranged matches are made after taking into account factors such as the

wealth and social standing of their families. A marriage can also be made within the extended family

such as between cousins.

Polygamy is permitted under Pakistani civil law as well as under the Pakistani Family Act. However, it

is now the less common, especially in the major cities. If a married man remains childless with his

first wife, family members might recommend to marry a second wife.

Arranged marriage is most commonly followed in Pakistan. In this type of marriage, the wedding will

be fixed with the close wish and liking of the bride and groom's families. So, the whole family will be

involved in all the wedding arrangement of the couples. Marriage in Pakistan is considered to be the

customary standard and livelihood of adults. Here marriage is never expressed as a close

relationship between the bride and the groom, but it is dearly conceived as a good understanding

between those families. This is the reason most of the marriages are obviously arranged by the

wishes of the parents.

For several hundred years, arranged marriages are conceived to

be the constitutional and inherent character of the Pakistan

social group. Moreover, it is quite common for individual to fix

their marriage by their family members and elders. Generally,

arranged marriage is organized by both the families on looking at

their family background, potentials, social status, caste, wealth

and lot more. Usually, marriage in Pakistan is arranged between

the expanded family members like cousins or relatives.

A little illustration will validate most point. Marriage in all 4

provinces in Pakistan is mostly arranged. Generally, the groom's

parents and relatives will make a visit to the bride's house and

set forth their proposal. Once if the bride's parents and relatives

accept the proposal, the "mangni" will take place. Mangni is the

engagement function that takes place as a grand celebrationwith the presence of relatives and friends. Once the marriage

date, the bridegroom will be taken to the place of the bride,

where Nikah takes place.

Generally it is really a difficult task for people to make their choice of marriage as successful. The

traditional and culture passionate Pakistani people, particularly residing in rural areas will never

accept the love marriage system and most cases they will break the relationship between them and

the pairs. Moreover, the married pairs will be locked in jail, as they wed-locked with the opposition

of their parents and relatives. Where as in some other cases, the girl or the boy will be imbibed and

buried on the grounds, because of marrying someone without the approval and acceptance of their

parents and relatives.

A Bride Signing Nikah Nama


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Conclusion

The society of Pakistan has faced a long term transition and is still in the stage of development.

Three interrelated propositions can be made about the social structure of Pakistan:

1. Pakistan society is characterized by a social stratification process which is compensatory in

nature.

2. The compensatory process of social stratification over the years has given rise to status-centric

value orientation.

3. The most significant indicator of status-centric orientation is emergence of artificial middle class

which can be distinguished from real middle class in terms of norms.

The above propositions in the form of a model are presented for four reasons. Firstly, a conceptual

framework was desired about the social structure of Pakistan and the direction of social change

taking place. Secondly, concepts were needed to study the norms of social classes in Pakistan. At

best, some studies conducted by economists like Naseem and Talat, for instance, have assessed the

magnitude and degree of poverty, not who the poor are. What are their norms or value

orientations? What are the norms of other social classes? Do the poor share the norms of other

social classes or do they possess their own norms? Furthermore, these studies indicate that "an

excessive concern with overall inequality of income may conceal important factors which tend to

widen or equalize the income inequalities at a disaggregated level". What are those factors? Thirdly,

it was intended to make a further contribution to the theoretical understanding of social structure

and the social stratification process. The existing literature deals with social stratification as a

distributive process, established bases of social classes, social status in society, their measures,

explanations and relationships among social classes and social status groups and the rate and

magnitude of mobility from one social class to another. All these are relevant topics for investigating

contemporary sociological realities in Pakistan. But certain changes are also taking place in the

structure of social classes in Pakistan which need to be studied and conceptualized. Observations

suggest that while the real middle class is shrinking due to brain drain and the slow rate of

legitimized upward occupational mobility, a new social formation is emerging due to various reasons

which is parallel to the middle class in economic terms and not in sociological or normative terms or

educational attainments. What are the norms of this new formation? Does this new social formation

pose a threat to middle class or compensates for it? Theoretical or conceptual explanations to these

questions are sought. Fourthly, some dimensions of social structure are conceptualized to explain

why education in Pakistan is not economically productive or why education as a legitimized avenue

for upward occupational mobility is underutilized or why there is a gap in planning and

implementation at the lower levels in education.

The methodology used for formulating propositions in this paper is inductive. Data from micro

studies, observations and experience with the Pakistani society are organized by means of simple

logic to formulate the concepts in the propositions which, of course, need to be operationalized and

tested on diverse samples of people from various socioeconomic backgrounds.

Proposition I

(That Pakistan society is characterized by social stratification which is compensatory in nature.)


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It is assumed in Pakistan that the two processes of social stratification compensatory and

distributive--exist parallel to each other. Little or no research has been done on either of the two in

Pakistan.

Social stratification as a compensatory process is unfolded in terms of the following basic

assumptions:

Assumption 1: Everyone in society has his own definition of his social status as superior in power,

privilege and prestige taken together or singly. (Available tests measuring own concept may be used

for assessing this but in this case the focus will be on measuring his/her perceived own definition of

his/her power, privilege and prestige (1).)

Assumption 2 : While one defines one's social status as superior to that of others in terms of power,

privilege or prestige, one also realizes or acknowledges the inferior aspect of one's status in any one

of the three aspects. The lower groups justify their superiority in non-material terms; the top groups

may explicitly or implicitly acknowledge their inferiority in terms of degrees of the three aspects of

their status.

Assumption 3: Decision on the superior aspect and inferior aspect of one's status is consciously

made by constantly comparing one's status with that of others at various intra-and inter-societal

levels.

Assumption 4: In the comparing process, one consciously weighs one's deprivations against one's

possessions and attempts to compensate either by asserting one's possessions of certain aspects of

social status (power, privilege or prestige) or by acquiring the deprived aspect.

The above assumptions taken together mean that individuals are conscious of their share from

available entitlements and none or several social rewards, and react to equalize by way of

compensation for social rewards. Their expectations and responses matter a great deal in equalizing

inequalities in social status. These reactions of individuals, when taken collectively, define Pakistanisociety as a struggle-oriented society and not passive or indifferent society. This definition of

Pakistani society tends to cast doubt on the existing literature about the traditional societies'

strategy that individuals in these societies do not react to their deprivations. Let us compare this

meaning with the other concepts available within the context of the existing theory of social

stratification. It appears that some comparisons can be made of social stratification as a

compensatory process with some conceptual ingredients found in the viewpoints of Marx, Veblen

and Weber but the concept defining the process of social stratification as a compensatory process

extends to a different viewpoint with some new concepts. From Marx and Weber it borrows the

element of struggle for power and from Veblen it takes the element of imitation of the higher by the

lower classes and the norm of conspicuous consumption. Generally speaking, the Marxist notion

split society into two antagonistic classes growing out of the property structure of the economy.Marx is concerned with the consciousness of the social classes.

In defining social stratification as a compensatory process, it is assumed that an individual's level of

consciousness of the distribution process of entitlements in the society determines his decision

about superior or inferior aspect of his status, which in turn determines his aspirations and struggle

patterns for gains in.


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society of pakistan

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