spiritual identity in israeli religious male adolescents- observations

8/6/2019 Spiritual Identity in Israeli Religious Male Adolescents- Observations

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SPIRITUAL IDENTITY IN ISRAELI RELIGIOUS MALEADOLESCENTS: OBSERVATIONS AND EDUCATIONAL

IMPLICATIONS

Shraga FishermanOrot Israel College

Abstract

Based on Herberts (1987) theory of ego identity development andon interviews of hundreds of Israeli religious male adolescents and

young adults who were raised and educated in religious society andlater left the fold, this article presents a model of development ofreligious identity. Three levels of religious identity developmenthealthy, unhealthy, and dangerousare described. In healthy development, adolescents abandon childish faith, confront anddeliberate about their doubts, and consolidate a mature and per-sonal spiritual identity. Unhealthy development, which may occur ifdoubts are not accepted and dealt with, is seen in four forms:

sloganeering, diffuse spiritual identity, moratorium, and emphasison ritual and behavioral aspects of religion. These, in turn, may leadto dangerous developments: (1) joining a cult or enslaving oneselfto a charismatic leader; (2) joining a group of formerly religious peers;(3) group delinquency (theft or vandalism) or group use of alcoholor drugs; (4) alienation and antireligious attitudes; (5) inconsistencyor being religious at heart; (6) solitary use of alcohol or drugs,possibly leading to addiction. Methods of preventing and correct-ing unhealthy and dangerous developments are presented and dis-cussed.

Consolidation of ego identity is the central and most important task ofadolescence (Erikson 1968). It is affected by the previous stages ofthe childs development and, to a greater extent, influences later life.

According to Marcia (1980), adolescents who have consolidated

their identities in a healthy manner do not guarantee themselves per-manent identity contents, but are ensured an effective process of deal-


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62 SPIRITUAL IDENTITY IN ISRAEL

Relying on Erikson, Marcia (1966, 1980, 1986) emphasized twomajor components of identity: (1) a sense of identity crisis, and (2)

vocational and ideological commitment. Identity crisis refers to re-

thinking, sorting, experiencing and deliberating about a variety of so-cial roles and future plans, especially in the areas of vocational choiceand personal philosophy. In Marcias opinion, commitment arising fromcrisis is related to individuals willingness to invest in their choicesand their ability to select a profession and a worldview. In line withthese two components, a typological foursome is created as follows:identity achievement, foreclosure, moratorium, and diffuse identity.

RELIGIOUS IDENTITY AND EGO IDENTITY

Erikson (1968) saw religious identity as a source of support andintegration for various parts of the ego identity. Several researchersinvestigated ideological commitment in a religious context. Hood,Riahinejad, and White (1986) found no relationships between reli-

gious commitment and ego identity. In contrast, others found that thetwo are related (Archer 1982; Fulton-Aubyn 1997; Markstrom andSmith 1996; Philipchalk and Sifft 1985; Schenkel and Marcia 1972;Schluderman, Schluderman, and Huynh 1997; St. Clair and Day 1979).

Ideological commitment includes many factors, such as political,social, economic, and moral ideologies, and so on. Religious ideologyseems central to adolescents ideological commitment, especially that

of the religious adolescent.A pilot study (Fisherman 1992) of Israeli male adolescents found

a significant positive correlation between spiritual identity1 and mostof the dimensions of ego identity, and between spiritual identity and atotal ego identity score. Hundreds of interviews with male adoles-cents enrolled in the state-religious school system, including hundredsof interviews with adolescents who, though brought up religiously,

have abandoned religious practice, produced solid evidence of intenseengagement with matters of faith and of the centrality of faith in the


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important, part in their lives.

DEVELOPMENT OF SPIRITUAL IDENTITYThe model below, which portrays the development of spiritual

identity, is based on Herberts (1987) expansion of Marcias theory ofego identity development. The model aims to describe the develop-ment of religious faith as a central component of the religious identityof male adolescents raised in religious (Jewish Modern Orthodox,Religious Zionist)2 homes and educated in Israels state-religious

school system. Three levels of religious identity developmenthealthy,unhealthy, and dangerousare presented. It is worth noting that theterms healthy, unhealthy, and dangerous are relative not absolute.

What one person views as unhealthy development may be consideredsalutary by another. On the other hand, there is relatively great agree-ment that some developmental directions, such as regression, are dan-gerous. This will be discussed in greater detail further on. The model

has been validated by 623 interviews with adolescents and with youngadults raised and educated in religious society, who later left the fold.

The model may also be used to assess the state of specific reli-gious teenagers, in order to help them choose among the norms preva-lent in religious society.

Healthy Development

Healthy spiritual development is the transition from childish faithto deliberation (critical examination of creeds), and from deliberationto adult faith.

Childish faith, though natural, is incomplete. Children, depen-dent on their parents for satisfaction of their physical and psychologi-cal needs, imitate the parents religious behavior.3 Prior to adolescence,

2Modern Orthodox or religious Zionist are terms that refer to Jews whoh d b d d d l h


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youngsters abstract thinking is limited, and their beliefs therefore haveconcrete aspects. For example, they may believe that the creator has abody and lives in heaven. Teachers and parents use developmental

principles to educate their child to religiosity. Hall (1997), who devel-oped the gift method, asserted that religious education begins withthe child receiving some easily understood component of religion; itthen progresses to a more complex understanding, which, optimally,is based on discussions.

In adolescence, a persons central point of reference shifts fromparents to the peer-group. When his peer-group (because its mem-

bers abstract and moral thinking has developed) is driven to thinkabout, contemplate, and cast doubt upon childish beliefs, the indi-vidual is swept along.

He deliberates about matters of faith and examines his beliefs(and the declarations of his parents and teachers) in the harsh light ofhis understanding and experiences. He is unwilling to accept slogansblindly and prefers to consolidate his own spiritual identity, in a waythat will let him feel that his parents and teachers influence on thisidentity is as small as possible.

Casting doubt is connected both to intellectual (as indicated above)and emotional factors. Adolescents feel that they are not interested inobeying parents and teachers; they seek autonomy. When they sensethat the autonomy that they can get in behavioral matters (religiouscommandments and proscriptions) is extremely limited, they are drivento behaviors that express rebellion stemming from a spiritual war ofindependence.

Sometimes, an adolescent will experiment with behaviors that areoutside accepted norms, in order to find out whether he wants to adoptthese behaviors as part of his personality and identity. On occasion,these behaviors may occur in a social setting (at a party or excursion);afterwards, the teenager may experience cognitive dissonance andtension. The contradiction between his behavior and beliefs put both

his behavior and beliefs to the test.These deliberations and worse yet experiments are perceived


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that personal theological competence is essential in dealing with dis-senting ideas in the classroom. Some support for encouraging doubtand reexamining authority may also be seen in Alexanders (1997) sug-

gestion that Rabbinical training should be founded on reengagementin moral authority in education. This idea was expanded by Noddings(1997), who proposed dialogue between believers and nonbelievers,for joint exploration of shared doubts. In his opinion, such dialogue

would augment believers faith. Poole (1996) added that educatorsshould expose adolescents to myriad views, as widened horizons fa-cilitate later decisions about religious directions.

If a searching adolescent finds his own answers,4

these may helphim achieve adult faith characterized by psychological strength. Theyouth will believe and behave according to religious norms, becausehe has freely and thoughtfully committed himself to them, and notbecause of external pressure. He will use introspective processes toreach self-awareness, to scrutinize his beliefs and to clarify his posi-tions, which will then become essential and immanent parts of hisidentity.

The definition of consolidated spiritual identity also includespeople who, after much thought, have decided that their faith differsfrom the one in which they were raised. Their belief profiles are verydifferent from what their parents and educators expected. Becausethis state was reached after extensive deliberation, these individualspossess a relatively consolidated spiritual identity, and their develop-ment should be viewed as psychologically and educationally positive.

Unhealthy Religious Development

The transition from childish faith to deliberation does not neces-sarily occur. Many adolescents who are not encouraged to raise doubtsand questions, are driven from childish faith toward one of four routes:(1) slogans, (2) diffuse spiritual identity, (3) moratorium, (4) emphasis

on behavioral and ritual aspects of religion.


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to many questions, but do not believe their own words. This is not tosay that they have decided not to accept these answers, but rather thatthese answers have not really been processed by heart or mind.

Frequently, such an adolescent has many answers to a single ques-tion but is unable to say which answer is most appealing. Although hecan quote arguments, he does not succeed in persuading himself orothers. Because questions make him anxious, he rejects friends whoraise them.

For some, doubts lead to deliberation, which in turn leads to in-tensive study and introspection, and from there to consolidation of

adult religious faith; for others, doubts seen as unhealthy can stimu-late flight from the issues, which may bring about dangerous develop-ment.

Adolescents in the slogan phase require special educational at-tention. Educators must focus their efforts in two directions: preven-tion and attention to adolescents who have already entered this stage.Preventive measures include, first, avoidance of teaching slogan use.Teenagers questions, doubts, and deliberations are very important tothe development of their spiritual identities. They should be encour-aged to ask, and answers should not be aphorisms or admonitions tobelieve, dont think. We need to stop seeing every doubter as anapostate and every questioner as a heretic. The teacher must not issuerulings or commands or force ideas on the group; rather, the teachershould emphasize free choice and that many questions have a varietyof answers. Furthermore, changing ones mind is permissible; there isno need to fixate on one stance throughout a discussion.

Diffuse spiritual identity. A second unsalutary developmental tran-sition is from childish faith to diffuse spiritual identity, which is char-acterized by confusion and bewilderment. This is unhealthy becauseit is contrary to the expectation that the adolescent will strive to con-solidate his spiritual identity.

An adolescent whose spiritual identity is diffuse does not want toengage in consolidation of that identity Often he will fear discussion


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agers to the path of healthy development. Discussions that steer to-ward the importance of meaningfulness, the significance of consoli-dating identity (including spiritual identity), and the importance of an

identity in his future may bring the adolescent to the higher road ofdoubt and deliberation. These conversations should stress that, al-though we believe in a certain way of life and want adolescents tochoose it, any decision will be helpful in identity consolidation. Putdifferently, from a psychological point of view, even a decision to con-solidate a nonreligious identity is preferable to having a diffuse spiri-tual identity.

Moratorium. Adolescents in moratorium have taken time outfrom consolidating their spiritual identities. In general, they have notgiven up on this task. Often, they are afraid to give up; instead, theyflee this worry and take a break.

These teenagers differ from those with diffuse spiritual identitieswhose faith (or rather, whose nonconsolidation of faith) does not con-cern them. Most adolescents in moratorium are aware that they aretaking a break, are bothered by it, and note that, in the future, they

will have to resume dealing with religious issues.Adolescents in moratorium differ from their deliberating coun-

terparts. The teenager who is ruminating and casting doubt on cer-tain creeds is actively dealing with religion. He is investing a lot ofenergy in this quest and is sometimes provocative in expressing hisopinions; however, this flagrancy demonstrates the importance of hisdeliberations. Teenagers in moratorium are on vacation from delib-eration as well.

If the moratorium is a stage or state in which an adolescent delib-erates and reexamines faith by raising doubts and experimentation, itcan be viewed in a positive light; but if it is merely a time out and nota catalyst for thought and deliberation, it is an unhealthy develop-ment that may delay the adolescents examination of his beliefs and

consolidation of his identity.Many religious adolescents in moratorium use this time for ex


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The most effective way to help adolescents in moratorium is topersuade them to choose deliberation over vacation. Greater open-ness to questions about religion and a certain tolerance for the gen-

tler behaviors of moratorium may prevent the choice of, or gettingstuck in, moratorium.In general, it is possible to discriminate between consent (which

is sometimes forbidden) and acquiescence, and to differentiate be-tween external behaviors (such as long hair and clothing styles) thatmake parents uncomfortable and acts that contravene Jewish law.Careful scrutiny of adolescent behavior, true attention to words and

questions, and open lines of communication can forestall moratorium.Prevention is usually possible and is always easier than correction.

Emphasis on Behavior and on Ritual Aspects

The confused adolescent who does not search for answers or de-liberate may emphasize external and ritual aspects of religious behav-ior, holding onto them as if his life depended on it. Not having given

them much thought, he does not define his beliefs; instead, he stressesthe ritual elements, which give him a sense of security. His beliefsthus undefined, he is not accountable and does not discriminate be-tween ideas connected to fundamentals of faith and superstitions thatare sometimes linked to rituals or to behaviors which are not neces-sarily related to religious faith. It is worth remembering that Ortho-dox Jewish education includes behavioral dicta; sometimes, however,

overemphasis of behavioral aspects or education that focuses solelyon behavior can impair spiritual growth (Benson 1997).

To bystanders (parents or teachers), this teenager, who fulfills allthe commandments, appears to have a solid religious faith; but hisobservance is not even mindless habit, but rather ritualistic/ceremo-nial/folklorist5 behavior which makes it possible for him to have a senseof belonging to a social group,6 even though he has not yet decided

whether to adopt that groups beliefs and ideals.Because this adolescent does not subject his beliefs to scrutiny, he


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ing motivational forces nudging him toward maturity and to the be-ginning of the journey to investigation and consolidation of his be-liefs. When he feels bewildered, he is likely to move toward deliberation

and doubts. From there, he can proceed in a positive direction (adultfaith) or a negative one (declarations and slogans) leading to jeopardy.A teenager in this situation despairs of finding his own faith. Fre-

quently, this despair stems from his education; sometimes it is con-nected to failed attempts to consolidate that faith. In the first instance,the youths upbringing opposed criticism, doubts, and deliberation.Education stressing only behavioral aspects can lead adolescents to

conclude that Judaism is a mere collection of rules, lacking any philo-sophical depth. A teenager engrossed in resolving an identity conflict,including a quest for meaning in his life, may feel that Judaism is tooshallow to provide answers. He may find himself trapped in a duality,in which, on the one hand, he is committed to religious behavior andfears punishment if he strays (The sky will fall. I will be struck bylightning. I will burn in hell.), and, on the other hand, he does notbelieve that religion will supply the answers to the existential ques-tions disturbing him.

The conviction that he will not find philosophical profundity inhis religion may alienate the adolescent from Judaism. Alienation,though easily preventable, is very difficult to change. It is tied to afeeling of not-belonging. In addition, people zealously seek a systemof beliefs to hold onto in order to obtain some sense of unity andbelonging, even if the belief system is superficial. Indeed, supersti-tions are superficial, but many people cling to them to avoid feelingalienation. Alienation is the obverse of the sense of belonging thatErikson (1968) saw as highly essential to adolescent mental health.

This point is critical not only to comprehending adolescent be-havior, but also to treatment and prevention of despair. Treatment ofdespair requires understanding of its sources. An essential dimensionof ego identity is sincerity and genuineness (Tzuriel 1984). This di-

mension is extremely important to adolescents, who are very sensitiveto discrepancies within their educators or themselves It is by no means


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gious behavior and often internalize this value (Tzuriel 1984). How-ever, some of them cannot overcome the stage of doubt. Their up-bringing prevents them from confronting these doubts. Their parents

or educators let some of them know that doubts should not be pon-dered and that deliberation about religious matters is superfluous orforbidden. The message is: Recite and obey; do not challenge. Thisdiscrepancy between religious behavior and belief impairs the senseof sincerity and authenticity and threatens the adolescents consolida-tion of ego identity. To diminish this gap, the adolescent chooses toseparate these two aspects of his religiosity. He gives up on consoli-

dating his faith and devotes himself to religious behavior stemmingfrom behavior rooted in folklore or superstition. This separation al-lows him to avoid dealing with his own religiosity; he feels exemptfrom defining and consolidating his religious identity (which wouldinclude dimensions of both behavior and faith).

This situation must be dealt with by stressing the importance ofcontemplating and discussing faith. The teenagers parents continueto require that he act according to religious behavioral norms, and histeachers demand that he enlarge his Jewish knowledge (usually in therealm of Jewish law). Thus, his erudition increases without a parallelrise in his faith. Information about religious matters can help, and it iscertainly important to learn about faith, but progress in consolidationof spiritual identity is achieved by clarification and confrontation amongknowledge and attitudes. Facing doubts head on, within ones peergroup (in class, in youth movement activities, or in special seminars),deliberation in discussion groups, and examination of faith throughthe lens of scholarship are effective methods of strengthening faithand reducing the discrepancy between the two parts of religious iden-tity and the dimensions of ego identity.

This can be done directly, using questions and doubts raised bythe adolescents themselves, or indirectly (see also Poole [1996],Noddings [1997] and, to some degree, Alexander [1997]). Dialogues

or stories can be read aloud or staged, to depict doubts and issues.Frequently roundabout methods are more effective because they


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couraged to move from third-person to first-person expression. Dis-cussion (especially when projective) also facilitates hearing ones peerssolutions to similar questions and the ways in which they dealt with

their doubts.

DANGEROUS DEVELOPMENT: FORM I

As mentioned, adolescents moving out of the slogan phase maychoose to regress rather than cope. There are three ways to flee fromconfronting ones doubts: (1) joining a cult or enslaving oneself to a char-

ismatic leader; (2) joining a group of formerly religious peers; or (3) groupdelinquency (theft or vandalism) or group use of alcohol or drugs.

Joining a Cult or Enslaving Oneselfto a Charismatic Leader

A teenager who becomes part of a cult abandons his beliefs in

favor of those of the group. The group gives him security and a senseof belonging. He does not have to find his own answers because thegroup or its leader has them in great supply for him to adopt whole-sale. He need not think twice; sometimes, he is even forbidden tothink or to voice doubts. No wonder joining a cult is categorized as adangerous development!

Sometimes, the groups are led by charismatic leaders who know

how to identify adolescents (or adults) who are evading their owndoubts; they offer old-new answers and slogans and provide brilliantand mysterious proofs of their knowledge, piety or holiness, thus se-ducing disciples into their nets. With us, they promise, you willfind joy, truth and Paradise-in-the-hereafter; others are mistaken andmisleading.

It is important to note that not all groups, and not all charismatic

leaders, are harmful; nevertheless, the very fact of self-enslavement isinjurious.h l d d f h h d


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What makes a cult a cult is the degree to which it pressures itsmembers to shun critical and challenging thinking (Truzzi 1970). Truzzi(1972) notes that absolute commitment is demanded from cult mem-

bers; the cult is the sole determiner of their lifestyle and cognitiveframework. Members lose their autonomy, becoming completely de-pendent and inseparable from the cult. Adolescents who choose to

join cults are unwilling to look within themselves to understand andconfront their motives for joining the cult and refusing to cope withdoubts. Furthermore, it is hard to penetrate a group bound tightlyaround a leader. Many questions are interpreted as threats to the lead-

ership or to the members. There is tension between the fact of cultmembership and the openness required in discussion or interviews.Precisely for that reason, that the most effective way to deal with

an adolescent who has joined a cult is to isolate him from it. Becausethe group protects him from confronting doubts and (what it calls)errors, removing and isolating him from the group makes him avail-able for dialogue. Because the cults involved are not illegal and do notphysically imprison their members, this removal ought to be easy, butsometimes is not. The member clings to the groups principles andfears that if he leaves, even temporarily, he will be harmed. To somedegree, he is right, because the aim is to get him to leave perma-nently. We therefore have to outsmart him, by ourselves resorting tocharisma. A friend or relative (but not an authoritarian one) who canmeet the teenager and attempt to understand his world may be ableto help him. At this point, we should not try to convince him of any-thing. Should he believe that someone is trying to influence him, he

will most likely play the porcupinepulling in his head and readyinghis quills. A parent or someone with social status will be perceived asthreatening. A good friend is far more likely to succeed. The declaredpurpose of the discussion must be understanding, not removal fromthe cult. As a first step in making contact and building trust, a casual,friendly conversation is best.

In the second stage, the adolescent should be exposed to the philo-sophical vacuity of the groups life and to the fact that it has been


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motives for joining and their negative aspects, the hollowness of theirslogans can be brought to light. This should return the youths to de-liberation, which is the portal to consolidation of spiritual identity.

The process can be described as moving in a direction opposite fromthe previous deterioration. Because the slide had been from childishfaith to slogans to cult-joining, the rescue proceeds from cult-leavingto awareness of slogan-vacuity to deliberation.

Joining a Group of Formerly Religious Peers

Another form of flight involves combining forces with other for-merly religious peers. Such groups contravene norms of religious be-havior more extremely than nonreligious society and have thecharacteristics of a subculture. They have their own rules and socialstratifications. They pass the time very demonstratively, blatantly chal-lenging parents and educators. The members have similar backgroundsand exhibit mutual solidarity. They struggle against their parents; some-times, the parents do not understand them, reject them, and cause

them to leave home. In such cases, the teenagers reside in nonreli-gious society, thus openly declaring (to themselves and to others) thatthey are no longer religious. These groups do not enslave in the man-ner of cults. Individuals are not required to self-efface and obey; thegroups goal is to give members support and help them find ways toenjoy themselves.

They do not deliberate whether or not to be religious and do not

decide to leave religion. Theybecome nonreligious due to anuncon-scious processwhich is why this development is dangerous. Somelive with their parents and preserve a status quo of a shared life withexternal religious symbols; others leave, renting lodgings elsewhere.

Those who opt to join a subculture do so for two reasons: (1) Thegroup is protective. Its members feel they are not the only ones whocannot find a place within religious societyother teenagers share

their predicament; (2) the adolescent is afraid of losing belongingness.Being in frequent conflict with his parents, he joins similarly afflicted


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subcultures is isolation from the group. Adolescents in a subcultureare not concerned with ideology. Very few behavioral limitations areimposed because the glue binding the members is opposition to and

disagreement with commitments and limits. Their resistance to con-versation with friends is therefore relatively slight. I do not proposeapproaching the entire group or even a few together. Such an ap-proach invites jeering and sarcasm, effective tools in resistance tochange. The discussion must not be forced on anyone, and should notinclude moralizing, frightening, or sloganeering. One should attemptto expose the motivations for joining this subculture, which are some-

times overt (and thus, easily revealed) and sometimes unconscious.When an adolescent becomes aware of possible motives for joining asubculture, he can choose whether he wants to continue this mem-bership or to seek his own path. In such discussions, it is not a goodidea to disparage the groups behavior. Because the youth has not yetdecided whether to leave the group, there is a risk of arousing hisantagonism. It is important to try to help him see his own motives.

Group Use of Alcohol or Drugs and Delinquency

A third escape route from the slogan phase is alcohol or drug useor delinquency (property theft or vandalism). This is characterized bygroup drug use, drinking with friends in pubs, and group delinquencyin which theft occurs for the thrill of it, the stolen goods being inci-dental. The group nature of these adventures differentiates between

these adolescents and other drug users and criminals. The group spursits members to smoking and drinking, and protects them.

The crimes against property are not committed to acquire thingsor to get money for drugs. The adolescent commits these crimes aspart of the groups adventurism. Similarly, abuse of drugs (usually mildones) and alcohol are not regressive behaviors, but adventurous ones.For many religious adolescents, merely entering a pub is a great esca-

pade. A teenager regressing from the slogan stage may try out mildgroup delinquency to keep busy. Although he may then interpret this


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DANGEROUS DEVELOPMENT: FORM II

An adolescent is likely to regress from stressing ritual aspects tohopelessness regarding his chances of finding his personal credo.Bafflement characterizes the teenager who emphasized behavior thatseemed, to him, religious, and set great store by superstitions andrituals. Sensing his own bewilderment, he may adopt searching be-havior or regress to the feeling that he is simply unable to find his ownpath. In the past, he had not thought or deliberated about his beliefs;now, having begun to vacillate, he is aware of confusion which sur-rounds all of his beliefs. He feels that finding satisfactory ideals is

beyond his ability, and may therefore choose one of three avenues: (1)alienation and antireligious attitudes, (2) inconsistency or being reli-gious at heart, or (3) the use of alcohol or drugs.

Alienation and Antireligious Attitudes

An adolescent who in the past was confused and did not find a

personal path may become an adult alienated from religion and fromreligious society. Sometimes, the alienation initially will be a responseto the religious establishment, religious politicians, or Rabbinical in-stitutions. Later, it will be directed at his own educators and, eventu-ally, at religious people in general.

Generally, alienation is the result of untreated anger. Defined as afeeling of distancing from the goals and norms of ones family, com-

munity, and society, alienation also includes feelings of lack of con-trol. Rogers (1951) contends that alienated people are insecure, cynical,defensive, joyless, and self-rejecting.

Sometimes, the alienated person jeers at religious people and ex-presses revulsion at them and religion; he may even hate them. Forhim, alienation is a refuge from the search for answers. Sarcastic hu-mor helps him to avoid deliberation and thought, thus perpetuating

his confusion.As an adult, he will be horrified if his children want to be reli-ll ff h l d l d ll


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agree to behave, at least superficially, according to external normsfor example, by wearing a skullcap on certain occasions. However,because this sort of behavior can confront him with identity issues,

and because he has despaired of consolidating his identity, he willsometimes avoid exposing himself and will not agree, even for thesake of politeness, to behave according to religious norms.

We should pay less attention to the blatancy with which he ex-presses his antireligious attitudes and emphasize our understandingthat he reached his present position through despair. We should try toconverse with him and reflect7 how hopeless he feels about finding a

personal credo. Moralizing, frightening, and assurances of the heav-enly joy and absolute goodness of religious life are all ineffective. Tohim, religious life equals religious behaviorwhich he has alreadytried and found ungratifying. We must attempt to make him aware ofhis sense of hopelessness, at the same time trying to increase his will-ingness to search.

Hopelessness, like depression, saps energy, whereas anger aug-ments it. An angry teenager sometimes channels his energy intononnormative behaviors, whereas despairing ones lack energy. Thusdepleted, the adolescent will neither deliberate nor search. A discus-sion that shows him his own disheartenment and its roots may in-crease his anger at his upbringing, but may concomitantly releaseenergy for the quest for answers on which he was unable to embark(or prevented from) at an earlier stage of his development.

In this context, it is worth noting that many adolescents in thisstate express great anger at the religious establishment. Often, theirfury is directed at their Rabbi-teachers or principals, and sometimesat religious politicians and leaders. For the present purposes, it doesnot matter whether this ire is justified or not. The subjective sense ofanger increases energy, which can then be channeled toward coping

with doubts. During discussion, it is possible to differentiate betweenthe establishment (the object of wrath) and real leaders, between

opportunistic politicians and positive educators and leaders.


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tions may become an adult who is unwilling to ask questions, to raisedoubts, and to confront them. This kind of adult chooses a path thatseems to him to be a compromise between religious life, which he

views as extreme and fanatic, and nonreligious life, which he sees asunrestrained and vapid.Such a person decides to adhere to a number of behavioral norms

and to reject others. He does not delve into the motives for his behav-ior, nor cope with others questions about it. He declares: I am reli-gious in my heart. When he finds it hard to behave according to thenorms he has chosen, he bends the rules, adapting his behavior to

circumstances. Because no consolidation of spiritual identity occurs,this development is classified as dangerous.His spiritual identity is not consolidated and he is unable to stand

firm in the face of temptations or difficulties. In religious company,he is likely to conform to religious norms; in other situations, he willbehave according to norms prevalent there.

The inconsistent adolescent may appear at peace with himself,but he has not consolidated his spiritual identity. This seems to be thecrack that can undermine his confidence in the route he has selected.If, in conversation with him, we succeed in conveying the importanceof mature faith and of the fact that religious behavior can be definedas such only if guided by faith, we will expose him to the emptiness ofhis present path. From this point, the way upward, to deliberationand finding a personal credo, is clear.

Use of Alcohol or Drugs

A third mode of regression from confusion and hopelessness isthe use of alcohol or drugs. (Regarding the relationship between reli-giosity and substance abuse, see Dowd [1997] and Miller and Russo[1995].) This behavior is similar to that of adolescents with diffuseidentities, who feel there is no purpose to their lives. This regression

is different from the chemical use seen in teenagers with foreclosedidentities. Adolescents in regression from foreclosure drink and some-


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choose regressive behavior; indeed, regressors sometimes becomeaddicted to various substances or behaviors. Some, weaned from drugs,later develop addictions to alcohol, caffeine, work, and the like. Even

if an adolescent (or adult) has not become physiologically addicted todrugs, it is more important to treat his emotional addiction and thepersonality problems that led him to drugs than to deal with consoli-dation of his identity. In general, we will find that regressive behaviorcharacterizes his responses to challenges or difficulties, and that manydimensions of his ego identity are not consolidated. Frequently, theseteenagers require long-term and in-depth professional therapy.

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Benson, P. 1997. Spirituality and the adolescent journey.Journal of Emotional and BehavioralProblems 5:20609.

Beit-Halahmi, B. 1991. Religion and identity: concept, data, questions. Social Science Infor-mation 30:8195.

Dowd, T. 1997. Spirituality in at risk youth. Journal of Emotional and Behavioral Problems5:21012.

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