studies in the lexicography of ancient egyptian buildings and their parts
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Studies in the Lexicography of Ancient Egyptian Buildings and their parts. Patricia Ann Spencer. Submitted for the degree of Ph.D. University College London.TRANSCRIPT
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16ýf (
I
Studies in the Lexicography of
'Ancient Egyptian Buildings
and their parts.
ratricia Ann Spencer.
Submitted for thed6gre-e"'of -Ph*D*
University College London.
7zil3L.tLO1N.
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I
Abstract
The aim of this study is to attempt to clarify the meanings of the
various terms used by the ancient Egyptians to describe the architect-
ural elements which constituted an Egyptian temple* It consists of
discussions of a total of fifty-seven nouns which havet in the pastp
been translated by general terms such as 11shrinelly "hall"t "column't
and "wall". Each of the terms is discussed individually, and the '
entries are arranged-according to the order of the Egyptian alphabet.
Each entry consistsýof-adetailed review of the evidence for
the history and'development of the meaning of the term, comparing,
where possiblep the textualevidence with
theplans of surviving
temple-remains. The etymology of each termp, if knownp is noted tog-
ether with any relationship it may have had to'a similar term in
another language. Each discussion is preceded by examples of the
various hieroglyphic writings of the term at different periods.
Most of the terms studied in this work have never before been
thoroughly investigatedg and even those which had been studied ,previously were often still poorly understood and, in some caseso
mistranslated. The main result of this study has been to tracethe developments and changes in meaning of the terms includedv andfor some terms it has been possible either to suggest new trans-
lations or to produce further evidence in support of a previously-
suggested translation which had not gained general acceptance.
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3.
Table of Contents.
Abbreviations. 4
Introductiong 7
Dictionaryq 10
Bibliography, 295
Eg. p ti an Index 324
Index of Architectural Signsp 327
Topographical Indexq 328
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Abbreviations4
ASAE Annales du Service des Antiquites de L'Egypte.
Barguet, Templ Barguetq P. yLe Temple d'AmonRe' a Karnak (Cairop
1962)e
Beitrage Bf* BeitrAge zur1gyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumsýý
kunde.
BIPAO Bulletin de 11Institut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale.
Borchardt, Baugeschichteg Borchardtq Lq Zur Baugeschichte des
Amonstempels von Karnakj (104zigv 1905)-
Champollion, Notices Descriptive .Chappolliong J. F. 9
YonumeAtp
de IIEP-Tpteet
de la Nubieg Notices Descriptive92
volumes,
(Parisp 1844-1880-
Ch. d'Ege Chronique d'Egypte.
CRIPEL Cahier de Recherches de l'Institut de Papyrologie et WE
yptologie de 1ille.
Dilmicheng Resultate, Damichen, Jop Resultate der auf Befehl Sre
Majestat des K6nigs Wilhelm I von Preussen im. Sommer 1868 na-ch
Aegypten entsendeten Archaologisch-Photographischen Expedition,
I. (Berlin, 1869)
Faulknerp Con. Dictoo Faulknerp R. O. pA Concise Dictionary o
Middle EMTtianp (Oxford, 1962)e
Gardiner, Admonitions* Gardiner, A. H. p The Admonitions of an E
yptian Sage from a hieratic papyrus in Leiden (Pap. Leiden 344
recto)p (Leipziev 1909),
Gardiner, Grammar. Gardiner,, A. H*p Egyptian Grammarp 3rdo editiony
(Oxford,
Gardiner, Onom.. Gardiner, A. H., Ancient Egyptian Onomasticat 3
volumesp (Oxford, 1947)-
Gauthier, Diet. Geog,. Dictionnaire des noms geogTaphiques contenus
dans les textes hi6roglyphiques, Ig (Cairov 1925)-
E61scherv Exc. Med. Habu. H61scher, U. 9 The Excavation of Medinet
Habug II-vv (Chicagov 1939-1954).
JARCE Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt,
LFA The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology.
Jequierg Architectureg L'Architecture et la decoration dans llanc-
ienne Egypt93 volumesp (Parisp 1920-1924)-
JNES Journal of Near EaAern Studies.
KRI Kitchen, K*A., RamessideInscriptionst historical and biograph-
icalp 7 volumes, (Oxford, 1975 continuing).
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5
ED Lepsius, COR99 DenkmAler aus Aegypten und Aethiopienj 12 volumes,
(Berlin,, 1849-1859)-
LDT Lepsius, C. R. 9 Denkmaler aus Aegypten und Aethiopie , Textp 5
volumes,
(Berlin, 1897-1913)-
MDAIK Mitteilungen des Deutschen Instituts far ImmUsche Alte
tumskunde in Kair -M10 Mitteilungen des Instituts far Orientforschun .
Fiehly Inscriptions, Piehlq Ke, Inscriptions hi6roglyphiaues rec-
ucillies (en Europe et) on Egypte, 3 series, (Leipzig, 1686-1903)-
Pierret, Insc. Louvre. Pierretq P,, Recueil d1inscriptions inedites
da Musee Egyptien du Louvre, 2 volumes, (Parisq 1874-1878)-
PM Porter, B. and Mossp RoL. B., Topographical Bibliography of Anc-
ient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and jRLntipZsq IV-VIIq
(Oxford, 1934-1951), 2nde editiong 1-119 (Oxford, 1960-1972), 111,
(J-Malek)p (Oxford, 1974-1979).
POsener-Kri'egert Archives Nefarirkareq Posener-Krieger, P,, Les
archives du temple fanýeraire de Neferirkare-Kakal (les papyru
d'Abousir)p traduction et commentairep 2 volumes, (Cairo, 1976),,
PSBA Proceedingsof
the Societyof
Biblical Archaeoloo
Pyr. Pyramid Texts. Sethev Kov Die Altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte,
2 volumesp (Leipzigg 1908-1910)o Faulkner, RoO. 9 The Ancient E
yptian Pyramid Texts. Supplement of Hierogly_phic Textsv (oxford,
1969).
Rankeg Personennameng, Rankeg H. p Die Agyptischen Parsonennmen,
3 volumes, (Gluckstadt/Hamburgg 1935-1977)-
Rea. do Trav. Recueil de Travaux Relatifs a la Philologie et a
l'Archeologie 6gyptiennes et assyriennes pour swvir de bulletin
a la mission fran2aise du Caire.,
Rev. d'Ege Revue d'Egyptologie.
SU Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur.
Saunerony Esnap III* Sauneron, S*, Le Temple d'Esna (Esna, III),
(Cairo, 1968).
Sinuhe. Blackman, A. 11.9 Middle Egyptian Storidso (Brussels, 1932),
1-41.irket It Sethe, K., Urkunden des Alten Reichst (LeiPzigt 1903-1933).
Irk-t II, r-Sethep X. p Hieroglyphische Urkunden der Griechisch-Ii6mis-
chdn Zeit, Ig (leiPzii;p 1904)-
Urkei, III, Schläfer, 11. and Steindorfft G. 9 Urkunden der Älteren
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6
Athiopenkönige, I., (Leipzigt 1905)-
Urke 9 IV. Berthey K., Urk=den der 18 Dynasti 9 lieft 1-16, (Leipzig,
1906-1909)o Helck, Weg Urkunden der 18 Dynasti , Heft 17-22,
(Berling 1955-1958)-
ýrkel, Vy Grapowg Reg Religiöse Urkundeng Ig (leiPzigt 1915)-
2rk, vit Schottg So, Urkunden Mythologischen Inhalt , Ig (leipzig,
1929).
122ice9 'Viit Sethe, K. v Historisch-Biographische TJrk=den des Mitt-
leren Reichesq Ig (leiPzigt 1935)-
ýrket VIIIP Firchow, 0., Thebanische Tempelinschriften aMs Grie-
chisch-RÖmischer Zeitp Ig (Berling 1951)-
Tieg E=ang As and Grapowg Ho, Wdirterbuch der Aegyptischen Sprach 95 volumes, (Leipzig, 1926-1931)-
Wb. Belegstellen, Ermang A* and Grapowg Reg WÖrterbuch der Aeßcmt
ischen Spracheg Die Belegstellen, 5 volumest (LeiPzigg 1937-1951)-
ZÄS Zeitschrift fur Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskundee
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I
Introduction
The value of lexicographical studies into the language of the ancient
Egyptians was stressed by Gardiner in the preface to his Onomastical2
and also in a review-article on the first two pages of the W! rterbuch.
In the latter study of only twenty words Gardiner found "all but three
urgently calling for further elucidation,,3
and stated; "In my comr-
sidered opinion lexicography is among the most important tasks still
confronting the student of the Egyptian language in its various
phases,,.4
Despite this,, very few lexicographical studies have been under-
taken since, and only two major works in this field have been publishec4
Harris's "Lexicographical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Minerals"5
and
Graefels 111intersuchungen zur W8rtfamilie bih. 116-
Harris, in the intro-
duction to his study stresses the continuing need for further lexic-
7ographical research.
There are many categories of terms for which a comparative study
would be of great value, This work concentrates on those nouns which
were applied to the elements which constituted an Egypt: Lan temple.
The original intention was to undertake a review of terms relating
to all the different types of building in ancient Egyptv religious,
secular and funerary. It soon became apparentp howeverv that this
would involve the inclusion of almost five-hundred terms; a number
far too great to be studied in the detail required to trace the
history of each term and elucidate its meaning* The nouns applied
to elements in temple architecture were selected as they appeared
to be those most likely to provide rewarding results. The reasons
for this are self-evident. There are many more extant'texts 17hich
describe Egyptian temples than which deal with houses or palacesq
and there are more surviving temples than any other type of build-
ing,8
It has, therefore, been possible to compare contemporarydescriptions
of temples with the standing monuments, showing a far
greater degree of accuracy in the application of the terminology
than might have beenexpected.
There have been several valuable studies on terms for temple-
Parts- Some of the nouns included here are discussed in Gardiner's
commentary to the Onomastica9 and a list of architectural te=s,
with their usual translations, is given by Badawyolo Christophe
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8
has studied those terms which occur in Papyrus Harris I and Posener-
Krieger those which are found in the Abusir Papyri.12
Another valuable
work is Barguet's study of the temple of Amun at Karnak*13 In additiong
thereare many detailed discussions of individual terms to be found
in commentaries on the texts in which they occur* These are too zn=1-r
erous to be listed here but each is noted in the appropriate place.
One main problem confronting any lexicographerg particularly when
dealing with an ancient languagep the knowledge of which was lost
for many centuries, is the varied nature of the textual evidence
that is available for study. Although a large amount of written mat-
erial has survived from ancient Egypt, it can only be a fraction of
what once existedp with the result that a term may seem not to have
been in use at a particular period when,, in fazt, the type of text
in which it occurs simply has not survivedo For the temple-terms
under discussion hereg this is particularly true of the Old and
Middle Kingdoms,
Another problem is that it is necessary to assume that each term
did have a specific meaning originally and that the ancient writers
usuallyp if not alwaysp applied it correctly* This may not have beenthe caseq but without these basic assumptions any lexicographical
study would be impracticable.
New words which entered the Egyptian language subsequent to the
Twentieth Dynasty have been excluded from this studyg although the
history of pre-existing terms has been traced down to the Ptolemaic
period* Words which came to be used to describe administrative dep-
artments9 rather than actual built structures, have also been largely
omitted, since they would require a separate study of a different
nature* The main exceptions to this are pr and 1ýwt which could notbe excluded from a work on temple-terms.
Since the terms discussed here are arranged alphabeticallyp they
have been omitted from the Egyptian Index. The only other indexes
Of value to this work seemed to be one of architectural hieroglyphs
and a Topographical Index,
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1 Gardinerp Onomey It ix-xxio
2 Gardiner, LA_ 34 (1948)t 12-18.
3 Lbid. t 17.
4 Ibidot 12.
5 (Berlint 1961).
6 (Cologne, 1971).
'I Harrisp Lexicographical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Minerals, 9-18.
8 The exception to this is, of course, Egyptian funerary monuments,
tombs and pyramids. Terms WhIch relate specifically to such struct-
ures were among the first to be omitted from this study since they
form a distinct group and require separate investigation. Mortuary
temples, since they9 by and larget conform to the standard plan
of an Egyptian cultus-templeg have been included.
9 Gardiner, Onom,v 11,204*-219**
10 Badawyt A History of Egyptian Architecturep 257-260.
11 Christopheq Melanges Masperop I, fase-4- 17-29.
12 Posener-Kri6gerg Archives Neferirkare$ passimt esp. p UP 429-450-
13 Barguett Templet passime
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10
vw
Dyn. VI
This word occurs twice in one fragmentary inscription of the Fifth
Dynasty. The translation given by the W6rterbuch is "Teil eines
Tempels? oder ein GerAt? "t and the suggestion is made that it may
be connected with a verb 3" "to build"2
which isp howeverv found
only in Late Egyptian texts*3'There could also be a connection bet-
ween this Vw and another rw which seems to have been a container for
writing Materials. 4 This second 3, w was current in the Old and Middle
Kingdomst and wasp thereforep contemporaneous with the term under
discussion.
In the Fifth-Dynasty inscription mention is made of; "////, est-
ablished under the acw of this 4wt-ntr/////" and "/////XI)'built the
Icw (but I) did not lay the5
Wt/////"o Since the verb kd "to In:ad"
is used with s4w, it is likely that it does refer to a part'of the
temple rather than to an object within the building. The use of thepreposition hr and the comparison with "flooring" (L3
6
-x-1 _]!:t) would sugg-
est that Lw may have been a term for a ceiling or roofing, If this
were so then a connection with jw 11box or container'l would be indicated*
I Urkop It 181v 9; 10 (Quibellp Saqqarap 1907-8, Pl-1XI9 3-)
2 Wb9v It 3p 9-
3 Ibid-t It 2v 13-
4 Ibid. p It 39 7-8; Faulkner, Con* Diet*, 1.
5 1Q-rk-vIt 1819 9; 10.
(a See s3tv below P. 213-214-
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_3htyw
Dyn, XII
C-3
3htywt known only in the plural, occurs twice in Pap. Reisner I
from Naga ed-Der although the fall writing is not preserved. One
example shows the form quoted above while the other is completely
lost except for the 3h hieroglyph.2
The word was discussed by
Simpson in his publication of the papyrus3
where he decided that
it was not the same word as the singular 3hyt4
which has been
translated as "stockyard,,5
and I'stillroom". Simpson then suggest-
ed that. 3htyw was a term used to describe the innermost part of
a templey which includedg in this casep the rooms ct '13t, ct 9p,
and k311 113bty. Only the last named is linked with :5ýt in the
papyrusq in the phrase ksl 13bty n.3htyw.
7
Further evidence is needed before a definite decision can be
made on the meaning of this te= buto since. 3t was used to des-
cribe Egyptian temples8
and was also used in their namesj9Simpson's
suggestion may well be correct.
1 Simpsony Papyrus Reisner It P1-131 Gq 6.
2 Ibid. I Pl-15t It 4-
3 Ibid., 69,3.
4 Fendleburyq The City of Akhenatent IIIP P1-93P No. 218; Pl-94Y
,Ko- 245; -Smith H. S. 9
The rortress of Buhen, the Inscriptions,
pl. LI (B. M*65739)*ý
5 Hayesp JXES 10 (19501y 92.
6 Pendleburyp op. cit p Text volume, 171-2.
7 Simpsong OP- cit-t Pl-139 G, 6; Pl-15t It 4-
8 Wb-Y It 149 10.
9 Wb.9 It 149 13; Gauthierg Dict. Geog., 1,6-10.
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12,
lwn
Dyne VI P.,n. XII2
Dyne XVIII3
AA Al:j
HADyne XVIII
4
Dyn 9 XVII,
5
Dyne XVIII
6
I)yn. XVIII7
Dyn. XIXa
Dyn. XIX9 Ptol.
10
non
Althou4zh 1wn is not often found in texts describing particular col-
umns berore the New Kingdomp the fo= of column depicted is a very
ancient one. The sign was used with the phonetic value of1wn
at
least as early as the Fourth Dynasty in the tomb of Rahotep, at Mey.+
dum11
where the hieroglyphs are drawn in great detail and coloured
a reddish-browng indicating that the 1wncolumno as one would have
expected, was originally made of wood. The column sign continued to
be used as phonetic1wnp for example in place-names such as , 1WnW
12
and"'Iwnt.13
The word 1wnwas also used in contexts which were logical exten-
sions Ofthe
original meaning of"column". It came to be used figur-
ativ: ely in such expressions as;1wn
n fnd to describe the bridge of
the nosev141wn knmt, a priestly titlep15 Imn mwt. fv an epithet of
Horus and also a priestly title16
and alone to describe a man as
being thenpillar" of his family.1711wn
was also used in one papyras
as the name for the shaft of an obelisk,18
The type of column represented by 1wnwas described by Gardiner
as a "column with a tenon at the top"19
and, more fully., by Petrie
as a "fluted eight-sided column with a tenon on the top to fit the
lintel".20
The chapacteristic vertical lines which are found on
d6tailed depictions of the 1wnwould support Petrie's theory that it
was originally applied to fluted columns, although these lines
could also indicate the reeded 02 polygonal types. Both reeded and
fluted columns occur in the Third-Dynasty enclosure of the Step21
Pyramid of King Djoser and although the reeded variety did not recur
the fluted column continued to be popular into the Middle Kingdom.22
In the New Kingdom the fluted column was used mainly in Nubia, 23
while the polygonal variety increased in popularity within Egypt
proper*24
Since the fluted column is a more ancient type than the
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13
polygonal the originalIwn
columns must have been fluted. However
fluted and polygonal columns are very similar in appearance and are
both quite distinct from the plant-form columns. It is thus to be
expected that 1wnwwould describe fluted or polygonal columns where
it is possible to relate a text containing the word to actual remains.Neither the Wo"rterbuch
25nor Faulkner
26specify the column-type in-
volved.
The earliest texts which mention1wnw do not refer to specific
buildings27
so that it is not possible to identify the forms of the
columns. However 1wnw has been found in a number of building inscrip-
tions of the New Kingdom which refer to columns which can be ident-
ified.
Architrave fragments from the temple of Hathor at Serabit el-Rhadim
in Sinai mention sandstone 1wnw. 28The architraves would seem to have
come from the "Shrine of the Kings" in which a similar architravet
also mentioninglMwg was found. The columns in this "shrine" are
described by Petrie as "fluted 11.29
The polygonal and cylindrical columns of the Eighteenth-Dynasty
temple at Buhen30
are calledjw.,
jw31
as are the polygonal columns
ofthe temple
atAmada
32
which are sodescribed in the
stela ofAmenhotep 1,33 end on one of the colunns.
34The parallel stelap from
Elephantinep also mentionslwnw
andyalthough the actual temple plan
has not survivedp architectural fragmentsp including column drums,
bearing the name of Amenhotep II were found to have been re-used oA
the islands 6f Elephantine and Philae.35
The column drums were from
sixteen-sided polygonal columns.
A block of Tathmosis IT which was found within the Third Pylon
at Karnak refers to a wsbý bf t-4r m Inr mnla n rwdt plirfwic'm ilwnw. 36
Many blocks of this king were found in the fill of the Third Pylon
and it has been suggested that these came from a hall situated before
the Fourth Pylon.37
In such a position it would have had to have been
removed when the Third Pylon was erected iA the reign of Amenhotep
III. There do not seem to have been any columns of Tuthmosis IV in
the pylon to which i1wnw, could refer although blocks have been found
which Barguet estimated would constitute between twenty and thirty
square pillarsý8jt is possible, but improbablep that 1wnwwas used
to describe these pillars in which case it would have to be assumed
that Iwn had become a general word f or a "column" or a "pillar"*
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II-
Two descriptions of the temple of Seti I at Abydos almost certain-
ly use1wnw in this general way to include all the columns of the
temple.39
The halls of the Osiris suite are calledIwnyt 40
but the
columns within., which are cylindricalp are not themselves named.
In the Ptolemaic temple of Hathor at Dendera Iwn is determined
with a single-stem papyrifo3n column41
and so would seem again to
refer to columns in general rather than to a specific type. Erichsen
notes only one occurrence in demotic ofIwn
as a pillar42
and the
word did not survive into Coptic.
In originIwn
mast have been used to describe a fluted column
and, if more building inscriptions of the Old and Middle Kingdoms had
surwived, then there wouldsurely
have been instanceswhere
fluted
columns were described asIwnw, Within Egypt the fluted variety was
rarer in the New Kingdom andIwn
was transferred to the polygonal
column which is very similar in appearance. At the same timq and part-
icularly in later periods#Iwn became a more general word for a
column of any description,
I PYr-P 524d-
2 Sinubej B. 196.
3 Cernyq The Inscriptions of Sinai It pl*LX=p 317Ap a.
4 Lb-id-t Pl-IXX: EXP 317p a.
5 caminos, Literary Fragments in the Hieratio Scrimlt PLIOP 39
6 Caminos, The New Kingdom Temples of Buhen, It P1-95v 4; Urk. q IV9
819-7; 1296.1; 2; Cernyq ope ci .9 pl*LXXIVv 3109 a.
7 Chevfierp ASAE 51 (1951)t 572v fig*8.
8 KRij it 1869 10.
9 Gauthiert La prande inscription dedicatoire d'Abydo. R9 5P line 32
of the text.
10 DZimichenq Baugeschichte des Denderatempels Pl-XILP 3-
11 Petriep Medumv pl. X; XIII and frontispiece,
12 Gardinerp Cnom.t 119 144*9 1-4-0-01-
13 Ibid.9 30*9 Mn-
14 Breastedy The Edwin Smith Sargical Papyruep II, pl. VP 10.
15 Crum, PSBA 16 (1894)t 135-
16 Wb-P It 53P 16; CaparttlZAI-S 41 (1904)v 88-
17 E. g. Bethel Aegyptische Lesestuckep 69v 23; 74P 4-
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is
18 Gardiner, Egyptian Hieratic Texts 54P 5- (Ln-I, 15,3-)
19 Gardinerp Gramm Sign Listt 0.28.
20 Petriep op. cit p 30.
21 Lauerv La Pyramide 'a' degie'sp 119 pls. XL; XLVI; IXVIII; IXIX,
22 Newberryp Beni Hasan ,I, pls*IV; XXXIX.
23 El- 12, It 113 (Semna and Kumma); 115 (Sedengal with Hathor-
headed capitals); Roedert Der Felsentempel von Bet el-Wali pls*
10; 11; Macadam, The Temples of Kaw It Pl-39; 119 31-32; Pl-39-
Pluted columns were still found, although less often, in Egypt.
(UPIP 83. The temple of Mat at Karnak).
24 E!ý- Jequierq Architecture, It Plo-30-32(DdUd el-Baha=i); 42 (Med-
inet Habuq temple of Tuthmosis 111); 53 (Ka=ako festival hall of
Tuthmosis 111); 54 (Karnakt temple of Ptah); 73 (El-Kab, with
Hathor-headed capitals).
25 Wb-, It 539 10-
26 Faulknerp Con. Dict, q 13-
27 EZE-9 524d; Sinuh , B. 196; Caminosq Literary Pragments in the
Hieratio Script, Pl-109 3t 1J-. An inscription within the tomb of
Ankbtifi at Moallat presumably describingthe tomb itself
,mentions
fvnw. (Vandierg Moallaq 232, Insc. Noollp Vt--co 4. ) This is a diff-
icult text, full of obscure mythological references, and it is
not possible to be certain as to what was intended. Vandier (op.
2it. v236, note g. ) suggested that lwnw
was part of a compound
noun,1wnw-prw, R
.....lwnw
designe lea montantsp en pierre, de
iteneadrement de la porte et prw ...... peut-etre, lea pi; ces de-
bois qui bordaient verticalzmeAt lea battants de la porte et qui
lea consolidaient. " Possibly 1waw describes the rock-cut pillars
of the tomb which, although very roughly cut, arep in the majority
of cases, polygonal in cross-seotion and so could have been called
iwnw. (See plan; ibid*# pl. I and photographs ibid,q pl, V. )
28 Cerny,-cop. cit-; It Pla-UXIV9 310, a (found in the 11-13hrlneof the
Kings"); IXXIX9 317y a; 317At a (exact provenance at Serabit el-
Khadim was not recorded).
29 Petriel Researches in Sinaiq 84 and fig-97 Opposite-
30 Caminosp The New Kingdom Temples of Buhen, 1,12; Pls-7; 93; 94-
31 Ibidop Pl-95t 4- (Also Urk., IVP 8199 7-)
32 Barguet and Dewachterl Le Temple d'Amada? 119 pls. XXXIII-XXXI7.
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16
33 Urk-9 IV9 1296.1.
34 Barguet and Dewachterv op. cit-P pl-XXXIVY 75-
35 Borchardt, BeitrAge Bf. 2. A"gyptische Tempel mit Umgangt 44-45 with
abb. 13; De Morganv Cat. Mon 9 It 113-
36 Chevrier, ASAE 51 (1951)t 5729 fige8; Chevriery AM 52 (1954)9
pl. VIII.
37 Barguetv Templet 94-96. For the latest views on the nature of this
building see; Letellierv HommaCes Serge Sauneronp It 51-71.
138 See further under 3.wnytj, p*18-19.
39 Ydat It 186,10; Gauthierp loco cit..
40 Kul it 162y 12; 162p 14; 165P 14; 169P 5-
41 Damicheng loc. cit. t42 Erichsenj Demotisches Glossarv 23 (citing Griffith and Thompson,
The Demotic Magical Papyrus of London and Leident 119 Pl-XIIIP 3-)
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III
lwnyt
Dyne Xl Dyne XVIII2
4rn. XV1113
nn0
C-3
Dyne XV1114 Dyne XV1115 Dyne26z; xviii144
C-3
Dyne XVIII7 Dyno XVIII8 Dyne XIX9
Dýmo X3X!o
2CAq 93
fwv. ^^ C-3
The WO"rterbuch translates 1wnyt as a "pillared baitat" or "columned
hall"11
while Faulkner describes it as a "pillared hall".12
Neither
dictionary specifies the type of column concerned although one would
expect a1wnyt to have been, a prior ,a
hall or court containing the
polygonal or fluted iwncolumns.
13As has been noted previously the
1wn column was a very ancient typet although the word has not sur-
vived in many texts earlier than the New Kingdom. The same is true of
iwnytApart from the isolated
examplefrom the TehtL- Dynastyq all
of the known occurrences are from the New Kingdom* It can be assumed
that the word was in use in the intervening periodt the Middle King-
domp although no texts which describe the building of &. Irtyt have
been preserved.
The earliest known 1wnyt can not be identified. The word occurs
in the tomb of Kheti at Siut where the deceased is promised that his
name will be forever in the temple of Wepwawet and his memory will
be fine in the Innyt. 14 This was presumably a hall o3ý court in the
local temple of Wepwawet but no more positive identification is poss-
ible.
In the Eighteenth Dynasty lwnyt.was used by Tathmosis I to describe
the colonnaded court which he erected behind the Fifth Pylon at Kar-
nak.15
A dedication inscription still survives on one of the sixteen-16
sided columns which was later enclosed by masonry of Tuthmosis III.
Here the court is described as being "a nobleiwnyt
which adorns thetwo lands with its beauty. "
17Before this area was altered by Hat-
shepsut and Tathmosis III, the 17wnyt was a large open court encircled
by a colonnade of poly9ohal columns and Osiride statues. It wast thus,
a true 1wnytqcontaining 1wn
columns.
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19
However this is not true of another hall of Tuthmosis I at Karnakq
that situated between the Fourth and Fifth Pylonsp which was described
by Hatshepsut as a 1wnyt on the base of one of the obelisks which she
erected in the middle of the hall. The text tells of the erection of
the two obelisks "in the noble iwnyt between the two great pylons
(bb.nty wrty) of the king".18
This hall was originally built by Tath-
mosis I, although no dedication inscriptions of hisp refe=tg to this
hallp have survived intact.19
The biography of Ineni is, unfortunatelyp
damaged 0 the point where one would expect the description of the
1wnyt to occurt immediately before that of the pylons which are said
to be "on its two sideull.2D
Sethe, in Urkunden IV, has restored the
damaged text to read[2'hý
ILwnyt 'spsst m w>dw].21
This could be 22
corrýSt as a feminine noun is certainly required but both W3ýlyt and
wsht were also used to describe the same hall and either Of theseX_
could be restored in place ofImnyt. The name of the hall in the reign
of Tuthmosis I could noto in any case, be established by this text
since Ineni lived on into the reigns of Hatshepsut and Tuthmosis III
and may have used a contemporary term which was not the name origin-
ally given to the hall when it was erected* However this hall was
regarded as a imnyt by Hatshepsut so one can only conclude that it
was then taken to be a general word for a columned hall as the columns
of this hall were papyriformt not polyg6nal or fluted.24
The Speos Artemidos inscription of Hatshepsutj where the queen
describes her benefactions for the gods, mentions their :?wnyt (in the
plural)25
implying that a iwnyt was a characteristic part of'each
temple. The word also occurs on two building Ostraca of the Eighteenth
Dynasty. 26
ýIwnyt is found on the parallel stelae of Amehhotep II from Amada2T
and Elephantine. At Amada this refers to the colonnaded court immed-
iately behind the pylon which contained polygonal1wn
columns and
was, therefore, a1wnyt. 28
The temple of Amenhotep II at Elephantine
also contained poýygonal columns, parts of which were later reused
on the same island and on Philaep29
so thatt although the plan of the
Eighteenth-Dynasty temple has not yet been recovered, it is not un-reasonable to assume that the 1wnyt
at Elephantine was a colonnaded
court similar to that at Amada.
The sandstone blocks of Tuthmosis IV which were found in the fill
of the Third Pylon at Karnak also bear the term imnyt on certain
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19
architrave inscriptions, These blocks mast have come from an edifice
of some sizeq whether it was a hall within the temple proper or a
separate building.30
The texts describe it as a wsht jt3l and a wsbtdic
bft-hr mInr
mnb n rwdt pLirw m1wnw 32
as well as a11wnyt. 33
The rep-
o ts of the recovery of these blocks give no indication that there
were any polygonal columns, or parts thereof, found; the only col-
umns which were discovered are square in section.34
It is possible
that the blocks which mention the 11wnyt and the 17wnware not from
the same building as the square columns but, as the blocks have not
yet been adequately pAblishedt the nature of the iwnyt can not be
ascertained.
Finally the columned halls of the Osiris suite of the temple ofSeti I at Abydos are both described as 17wnyt.
35The columns in these
halls are not polygonal or fluted but are circular in section withflattened faces for hieroglyphic inscriptions 36
and aret therefore,
not dissimilar in appearance to the original 1wncolumn. Such columns,
which do not have capitals, could be regarded as a simplified form
of the polygonal)wn.
Since the lyncolumn, and consequently halls or courts containing
such columnst ceases to be common in Egyptian temples after the New
Kingdom, one would not expect 31.nyt to continue in use* This does,
indeed, seem to be so.2Iwnyt is found in neither Ptolemaic nor
demotic and does not recur in Coptic.
On the present evidence'1wnyt can be regarded as having been
current only in the period from the Tenth tp the Nineteenth Dynastiesq
although it is probable that it was in use from the Old Kingdom as
7the-1wn column certainly existed then. It is, also likely that it
was more widely used in the Middle Kingdom than can be proved at
present.
7ssentially a 1?nyt was a hall or court containing iwn columns.The main exception to this is the hall between the Fourth and Fifth
pylons at Karnak w.hich, although it underwent several changes in
design in the Eighteenth Dynasty, never seems to have contained
:Lwn columns. Itmust,
therefore,be assumed that the term could also
be used for a pillared hall regardless of the column-type involved.37
1 Griffith, The Inscriptions of SitLt and Der Rlfeh, P1-13t 24-
2 Urk.p IVv 929 10; 1295v 16.
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20
3 Lr-k-, IV, 365,3-
4 Ibid-, 384,5 (see also Gardiner, JEA 32 (1946)9 pl-VI9 5)-
5 Erk. t IV9 1174,15; Gardiner and Cerny, Hieratic Ostracal 1, pl-XXII,
1, recto, 6.
6 Urk., IV, 1295,15-
7 Unpublished architrave from the sandstone building, blocks from
which were found in the Third Pylon of the Amun emple at Karnak
and are now in the north-east corner of the enclosure. Barguet4z 173(Temple, 95) notes that this building was called q
bob
4--=a
writing which I, during a brief inspection of these blocks, was
unable to find (see further under note 33 below). For details of
the blocks so far published see PM, 11,72 which, howeverwronglyequates the sandstone building of Tuthmosis IV with the wooden-
roofed porch before the door of the Fourth Pylon.
8 As note 7.
9 KRI, 1,1659 14; 169,5-
10 Ibid,, 16?, 12 and 14-
11 Wb,, I, 54t2.
12 Faulkner, Con. Dicte, 13-
13 dsing, Nomina2lAldung, 290o
14 Griffith, loc. cit..
15 For a plan of the temple in the reign of Tuthmosis I see; Borchardt,
Baugeschichte, 9f abb-7.
16 A photograph of this column is published by Borchardt, op. cit*, 8,
abb.6 where it is wrongly labelled as "hinter Pylon 4%
17 Urk., IV, 92,10.
18 Ibid., 365,3-
19 Traces of original texts of Tuthmosis I can be seen on someof the
columns which were reused by Tuthmosis III (Borchardtg op. cit. y10-11; Barguet, op. cit. t 98)0
20 Urk-Y IV, 56,1.
21 Ibid., 55,11-
22 Ibid*, 157,13; 158,8; 374,11; 1328,1-ý*
23 LbLid-t 1331,11-24 Borchardt, op. cit., 11.
25 11-rk-, IV, 3849 5-
26 Ibid., 1174,15; Gardiner and Cerny, loc. cit..27 Irk IV, 1295,15 and 16.
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21
28 Barguet and Dewachter, Le Temple d'Amadaq Jig pisXxXjj-XXxIV,,
29 Borchardt, Beitrage Bf. 2. Agyptische Tempel mit Umgangý 45, abb. 13;
46; see also De Morgan, Catalogue des Monuments, It 113 where one
druln appears to be cylindrical but Borchardt, havinIt inspected it
himself, states that it is polygonal*
30 Barguet, Temple, 94-96. For the latest views on the nature of this
edifice see; Letellier, *Hommages.a Serge Saunerong 1,51-71-
31 Barguet, OP- cit-, 95-
32 Chevrier, ASAE,51 (1951), 572, fig. 8; Id-P ASAE 52 (1952),, 25(), Pl-VIII-
33 The architrave inscriptions are incomplEbe and read as follows;///I
C11131
///j al= C=nn OR" ll
34 ASAE 28 (1928) 59 (1966).
35 KRI, 1,162,12 and 14; 165,14; 169,5-
36 Calverley, The*Temple'of King Sethos I at Abydos, III, pl. 2 and 51-
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22
iwm
Dyn. XII Dyn- XVIII92
Dyn. XV11113C-2 xix ýl14 Xmt =
Dyn. XV1115 Ptol. 6
,
]fl Dyn. XVII, 4
pto, 07Ptole Ptol.
Mc-a
.an
'Iwnn is essentially a term of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties*
If itwas
ingreat use
beforeand after
the New Kingdomy then the
evidence has not survived. Cne isolated example is known from the
Middle Kingdom whichg howeverg gives little indication as to the mean-
ing of the word. It occurs on a leather roll in a hieratic text which
describes work of Sesostris I in the temple of Heliopolis, including
statues in the 17wnn of the gods.10
No determinative is used to help
with the identification of the type of temple or shrine involved.
Unfortunately few of the occurrences of this term are at all
instructive. In the majority of cases the 1'w= is described as belong-
ing to a god or gods so it must have been some kind of cult-place
although further information about the nature of the irnn is lacking
in such texts*11
There are, however, a small number of examples which
can provide a little more detail concerning the 1'wnn,.
Several texts suggest that 1wnncould be used for a small shrine
within which the cult image of a god could sit, In only one text is
the termactually
determinedwith such a shrine and, in factv the
determinative is the only sign preserved.12
The rest of the word has
been restored aslwnng
although this restoration is not absolutely
certain. This "great [31wnn] in Nubian ebony"13
has been identified14
with the ebony shrine from the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir El-Bahari
although a text on the shrine itself describes it as a sJi-ntr.i6
It
is possible that this one shrine could have been called by both names.
StL-ntr was often used for the cult-shrine of a temple.17
Another text in which Ivnn may refer to a shrine for a cult-image
mentions each god being "in the :Lwnn
which he has desired. "18
In other contexts9 however, lynn is certainly equated with an
entire cultus-temple. This is particularly so with the temple of Aman.
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23
at Karnak where 11wnn s used to describe the entire temple"and with
the temple of Seti I at Abydos20
where the "Osiris Suitell is also
called a 1'wnn.21
In the Eighteenth Dynasty an unidentified temple or shrine called
ntr mnw22 is described as a 1T;nn 23 in a building inscription of
Tuthmosis III from Karnak whilep on a block from the sanctuary of
Hatshepsut, a building of the same name is listed within a. ]Xwt-encl-
osure.24
The same shrine is also called bwt-nt.
25
Further texts would seem to indicate that 1wnncould also be used
of the temple-complex since it could be provisioned with wild fowl26
and endowed with property and offeringst27
It is likelythat
1'wnn originally had a specific meaning andreferred to one particular kind of shrine or temple. Howeverp the
examples which have survived indicate that, from the Eighteenth Dyn-
asty onwards it was used primarily as a synonym for other "shrine"
or "temple" words and no more specific translation than these two
terms can be supported.28
'ýIwnnoccurs in Ptolemaic 'texts by which time it has acquired an
ending in t.29
but it is not found in either demotic or Coptic texts,
1 Stern, ZIS 12 (18709 89-
2 Urkoj 379 16,1; 279t 11; 3849 2; 6121,5; 20279 9; 2029s, 3; 21079,
2; KRIt Ij, 42P 3-4-
3 urk., IV, 1669 3 (partially restored); 2999 3; 6189 12; 834p 2;
8549 9; 1259v 18; Arytonp Currelly and Wegallp Abydosp 1119 pl.
XXIq Noel; Mariette, Abydosy 11 pl. X3:Xv e; KRI, Iq 1319 2; 154t 5;
155,8; 164,11; 203,5; Navillev Goshen and the Shrine of SaftEl-Hennehq P1-5t Cq 2; Berlin K6niglichen Museen, Aegyptiache
Inschriften, 11,226.
4 ILr-k-P IV, 423,16 (only the determinative is preserved, see note
12).
5 Lbid., IV, 1673,6; 1957t 12.
6 Mariette, Denderahq IIP Pl-349 ao
7 Ibid.
t
Up pl. 82, c.
6 Chassinat, Edfoup 1,18,44-
9 Urk., VIII, 16, d; 30P c-
10 Stern, loc. cite*
11 E. g., Urk., IV9 16,1; 2799 11; 2999 3; 16739 6; 19579 12; 2107,,
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2+
2; Ayrton et al. vloc, cite; Berlin K6nigliche Museen, loc. cite,
12 Northampton et al*! pTheban Necropolis, frontispiece.
13 11-k-9 IVP 423,16.
14 Northampton, op. cit-915; Breasted, Ancient Records
ofEgypt, 119
156.
15 Navillep Deir El-Bahari, IIP 1-49 Pls*XXV-=-
16 Ibid,P 3; Pl-XXVII-
17 See below, sb-nt P P*252ff.
18 Urk, v IV, 384,2o
19 Ibid. p IV, 612t 5; 618,12; 8349 2; 854,9; KRI, 1,203,5-
20 Mariette, Abydos, 1, pl*XIX, ea
21 M. I. 155,8; 164,11-
22 For discussions of the evidence relating to this shrine or temple,
see; lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle d'Hatshepsout ý. Karnakq IP
849 1138; Nims, JNES 14 (1955), 114; belowt 4wt-ntrp p, 182o
23 Irk., Up 166,8.
24 Lacau and Chevrierv op, cit- 9-19,849 f 136.
25 Urk-, IV, 4769 7-
26 Ibid.,, IV, 1259P 18-27 Ll! Ld- 9 Up 20299 3-
28 Wb*9 1,55,12 describes 37.nn as "Wohnung (oao) eines G6ttes"
while Faulkner (Con.. Diet*, 13) gives "sanctuary".
29 Mariette, Denderahp III Pls, -349 a; 82, a; Chassinatv loc. cit..
The last example is quoted by the Wrterbuch (Belegsteltleng 19 10
(ref-55,13)) as the only writing of iwnn to refer to individual
temple rooms. The word is written with the t1hare" sign (Gardiner,
Grammar, Sign List, E-34) instead of the "bubalis" (Lbidep E*9),
and couldp thereforev be a writing of wnt ('Lb., 1,315,1)e The
text in question refers to "every 17wYM/wnt of the lawt-ntrlle
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26
7
inb
Dyn. II Dyno 1112
Dyn. IV3 Dyn. V4up
DYil,. XII, XVIII, 5 Dyn. XIII 6 Dyn o XVII 17
XEC XVIII9
X11VI
15"11=tol. 9Dyn. XVIII
11ý4 -11-Dyn. XVIII
3DynoXVIII10
AAM %II
Dyn. XVIII11
Dyn. XIXl2
Dyno XX13ff
I-=I C-3
AAO'.%
A 5L,
Dyne XX14C-3
Dyno XXV15
Dyn * XXX16
pto, 617 Ptol.18
As can be seen immediately from the writings quoted aboveyInb is an
ancient word which is found in all stages of the Egyptian language,
including in the demotic script.19
It does nott howeverg occur in
20derived fromoptic in which the main words for "wall" are COB"r
obt 21 and XOG 22 from d tz.23
Etymologically one would expectInb "wall" to be derived from a
verb of the same stem meaning "to enclose" or "to wall in" and such
a verb is known, butg unfortanatelyg so far only in a text of the
Eighteenth Dynasty.24
There is also a feminine noun i? bt which was
a term for some kind of fortress.25
7The earliest writings of inb seem to show a buttressed enclosure
rather than a wall and it has, aocordinglyp been suggested that the"wall" sign originally represented a rectangular enclosure.
26Later
writings which use the ideogram were depicted in less detail and
seem to have been interpreted as walls.
Since the same hieroglyphic sign was uded as the determinative
for other wall-nouns27 (and also of related tez!msp such as the verb
]ý, "to build"28)
when the sign is used as an ideogram it is often
impossible to be certain as to which te= is intended. This can be
illustrated by an Eighteenth Dynasty example in which the seige-wall
built by the army of Tuthmosis III around the town of Megiddo is7 29described in one text as an inb wmtt in others as a sbty30 or a
obty n wmtt3l1ý.
.11
.32
while a final text uses01
glin In view
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26
of the fact that the adjunct is n wmtt and not just vmtt it would seem
preferable to take this as a writing of ebty n wmtt. The use ofInb
to describe a seige-wall at Megiddo is unique. More usually the term
wasused for the
walls of atown
or atemple*
It would seem to be likely that 17nb was used for all kinds of
walls, from the brick walls of private houses to the stone walls of
temples and massive enclosure walls around a town or temple. Howeverv
as usualp the surixiving textual evidence relates primarily to mon-
umental architecture. There are several texts which useInb to describe
the walls of private houses339 once in contrast to the town enclosure
wallp sbty.34 )Inb
could also be used for the walls around a garden35
and those of a storehouse. 36
As the name of a townwall :Lnb occurs at a very early period* The
first known occurrences of the term are in the name of the city of
Memphisp inbw 44,37 whichp presumably refers to the walls of the town.
Other tawn walls which are called i7nb are at Lisht38 ThebeS39 and40
Megiddog where the walls of the town are distinguished from the
encircling seige-wall erected by the beseiging Egyptians. It is poss-
7ible that3. b was used for a town-wall at all periods although gbt
seems to have been p=efe=edv particularly from the Eighteenth Dyn-
asty onwards.
"Inb was most frequently used to refer to the walls of templesp
both the large brick enclosures4l and the stone walls of the temple
proper.42
In the case of some examples it is not possible to be
certain as to which of these was intended.43
The term also occurs in the names of fortresses such as'Inbw 4ks,
"Walls of the Faler"I 44 which was a fort on Egypt's eastern frontierp
andthbw "Imn-m-li3tv IlWalls of Amenemhat
45which was probably
the name of a fortress in Vubia.46
There is little that can be usefully added concerning this term.
'Inbwas the most common word for a wall particularly in the earliest
periods and it was in continuous use until the hieroglyphic script
was abandon-ed Its basic meaning of "wall" cannot be doubted, even
if the ideogram, which was later interpreted as a wallp originally
represented an enclosure. It is possible that some of the examples
in which the ideogram alone is used and which have been treated
here as writings of inblare, in fact, writings of other wall-nouns
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21
Ibut, since inb is the most ancient and also the most common word for a
wallp this is unlikely.
I Petriev Royal Tombsp Jjt pi. Xxiiit 193 (in the name of Memphis,
inbw
2 Garstang, Ma4asna and Bet Khallafp pl*IX (also in Inbw 4! ).
3 Junker, 2ýlzaq 1,2529 abb. 63; pl*XLt be
4 Daviesp N[ormanj de Gq Ptahhotep, Iq pl. XIII 240-
5 Pierret, Insc. Louvrep 119 29 (Louvre C-15); Sethel Aegyptische
Lesestucke, 67,6; Urk., IV9 173s, 17; 834,15; 10419 15; 13309 3
and 4; LD-P 1339 1529, b; 170; 171; Christophet BI. PAO 60 (1960), 78.
6 Scharff, AS 59 (1924)v 10-11 (of autographed text); Urkeq IVý18649 11; LD-P IIIP 1949 24; Maoadan, The Temples of Kawal Iq ple
149 2; Traunecker, in Karnakp Vt 1970-197t 142, fig. 1; Urkeq 1119
47P 14-
7 Caminos, Litorary Fragments in the Hieratic Scriptq P1-10P 39 4-
8 llayesp JEA 46 (1960), 44-45; PLXIIP 179 recto.
9 Ndvillef Das Agyptische Todtenbuch, 119 pl. CXXXVIII; Urk, v IV9
1235v 14 (omitting 10-
10 (In plural)p ný_id*q IVP 1ý95t 3..
11 Ibid., IV, 16509 15-
12 KRI9 It 186P 4-
13 Gardinerg Onomeq pl*XI3: A, 14o
14 Erichsenq Papyzus Harris., I, 69,7 (with c--3 added); 259 7 (with-=,
added).
15 jjrk. 9 1119 26v 15-
16 E=an and Wilcken, US 38 (1900)t 129,
17 Chassinato Edfoup 1.328.
18 Fakhryp AUE 34 (1934)v 89 (see also; Trauneckerv ope cit-, 147,
No. 19 and 1499 note 7)-
19 Erichsen, Demotisches Glossars 35ý, -
20 Cnim, A Coptic Dictionmyt 323a.
21 derny, Coptic Etymological Dictionaryt 148- See also sbtyp below
p.
238ff-
22 CnImp op. cit-9 7-55b-754a.
23 6erny,op. cite, 309.
24 Met 19 959 11 (untranslated). Faullmerv (Con. Dict-I 23) translates
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is
as "to wall off (a place)". The verb occurs in the Karnak decree
of Horemheb, in which the king describes the inspection and or6-
ganization of the country (Irk-ey IV9 21559 11)-
25 Mb-Y Iv 95v 10-
26 Scharffq Archa6logische BeitrBZe zar Frage der Entstebung der
Hieroglyphonschrift, 18-19; Ga=dinerq Grammarq Sign 'List, 0-36.
27 Seep for example, writings of sbtyp sit, tsmt, etc*.
28 Wbop V9 74-
29 Ga=dinerq LE-A 38 (1952)9 pl. IVp 14 (ILrk--9 Ivi, 12549 9)-
30 Ibidol, 1849 16; 894t 17-
31 Ibid*v IV, 6619 4- See also; Lbidy 758,12-13 (sbty swm ). For
further discussion of these terms with regard to the seige-wall
at Megiddoy see; Grapow, Studien zu den Annalen Thutmosis des
Dritten, 56-57j, and sbtyq below p. 239-
32 Urk*p IV, 7679 11-
33 Pierret, loco cit*; Habackiq The Second Stela of Kamosep ploVIp 9.
34 1jrk. p 1119 26,15-
35 Ibidop IV9 10471 15-
36 Ibide, IV9 1330P 3 and 4; Wreszinskit Der Papyrus Ebersq 203,17;
Scharffy ZIS 59 (1924)t 11, P. 10096,12o
37 Petrie, loc-ci .0 Garstang, loc, cit*. See also; Kb-p Iv 95P 6-7;
Ga=dine=,, Onom.9 II, 122*-123*p 139410 Sethep Beit3Fage zu= Altesten
Geschichte Agyptensp 121ff.
38 Caminost loc. cit..
39 Leclantp Montuemhaty 88; pl*XXIV*
40 Urkep IV9 12359 14-
41 Ibid., IV, 1739 17; 7659 16; 1295Y 3 and 4; 18649 11; Christophop
loc. cito; KRIO I, 186Y 4; LDoq 1119 152, b; Traunecke=p op. cit.,
142ý fig. 1; Fakhryp loc. cito; Enaan and Wilckenp opo cit*, 124-
125; Masperot ZIS 23 (1885)v 5; Daressyt ASAE 19 (1920)9 164-
42 Hayesp loc. cit.,; Urk,q IV,, 1650Y 15; LD*p IIIp 170; 171-F
43 Erichsenp Papyrus Harris Iq 299 14; 68,16; 699 7; Macadam, loc.
cit,; Erman and Wilcken, op. cit*, 129; Monteý, Kgmi 8 (1946), pl.
V (after
P-400-44 Sinuheq B, 17-
45 Reisne=9 Excavations at Kermaý W-Vq 5099 fig-3439 NO-30-
46 Hintze, ZiS 91 (1964)9 84- See further belowv snb(t , p. 248-
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29
47 'Inb (spelled Inbt) occurs in the Onomasticon of Azenemopej after
sbty (spelled sbtt) and tsmt (Gardiner, Onom., pl. XIIA, J)* Gard-
iner (Ibid., 119 213* F4-4ý1)expressed some doubt as to whether
this was a writing ofInb "wall" or 17nbt "fortress", but in view
of its position in the listt and also taking into account the
fact that sbty also has an extra tq it is almost certainly to be
understood asInb.
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30
cz
Dyn-
XII Dyn -XII
23Dyn- XII
xviii, xx
Dyn. XII4 Dyn. X115 Dyn. XII
0-. 15:7ýýt.. w--4.o_ c?£3
NX. 7«C.=» e :,ý
Dyno X2
Ptol.9
Ptol.10
e-BZ,
The `3 column was a light wooden one with a tenon at the topp by which
it was set into the architravel-The exact form is depicted in Old King-dom inscriptions, both as the hieroglyph with the phonetic value 413
and as the supporting column of the booth M'12 These "tent-pole"
columns were used principally to support light structures such as the
covering of a shipts cabin13 or a kiosk14 and, consequentlyp the term
occurs only rarely in hieroglyphic building inscriptions.
This column-type must be a very ancient one since the sign is used
as phonetic 13 on a jar-seal of the Early Dynastic Period15 and the
column Uself was often depicted, from the Old Kingdom onwards, in
representations of cabins and kiosks.
In a mythological context '3W occurs in Spell 60 of the Coffin
Texts, in a very corrupt passage,16
and also in Chapter 159 of the
Book of the Dead in the New Kingdom.17
Jequier'a
thought that `3 in
the latter example referred to the W3!-amulet which is depicted at
the head of the chapter* However, this is referred to throughout as
w3d and is unlikely to have had two names. Budge 19 regards this 113sthe word for a door-leaf rather than the column,
Fortunately there are also more tangible examples of the term.
The earliest is a title of the Middle Kingdom, ss- -3w, "the decor-
ator of 113-columns".20
These could have been made of stone but are
more likely to have been of wood. The only known stone columns ofthis type occur in the festival hall Of Tuthmosis III at Karnak
21
and it is gratifyihng to find that theseare
describedas "aw.
A damaged text on one of the columns records that the king erected
c3w22
and the determinative of the term hrt-lb which is used for the
festival hallp shows that the columns were of the c3 form.23
These
columns may also have been described as t_3W24
although this reading
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31
is not certain.
Although these are the only monumental stone tiw which have been
foundq it is possible that others were erected by Ramesses III. In a
hymn to Amun-Re in the king's temple at Karnak Ramesses claims to have
made for the god 1111tt in stone // /., in ypur wb3-1125
The columns of
the temple itself are all either Osiride26
or stylised papyrifor-m-
clusters.27
However, the expression m wb3. k indicates only that the
columns were within the temenos of Amun so that they could have been
anywhere at Karnakp or even, if wb3 is taken in its widest senset on
the west bank.28
Papyrus Harris I records a more typical example of the use of "IW
as the supports of a shrine on a barque. 29
The term was still in use in the Ptolemaic period,, occurring both
at Edfu30 and Dendera0l In the latter case c3w is determined by a
W3q-column so that it must be assumed that the term has come to be
used with the general meaning of "columns".
The W6rterbuch defined 13 as a pillar of wood or stonev as part of
a building or a ship.32
It WOuldl perhapsv be more accurate to define
the term as a wooden columnused primýxily-
tosupport ship's cabins
or shrines since the stone examples are so fww.
This term does not recur in either the demotic or Coptic stages
of the Egyptian language.
I Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurobý pl, XII9 1,1,
2 Be Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, 1,2531, d and f; Urk., IVv
857Y 17; Chicago University, Oriental Institute, Ramses III's
Temple within the Inclosure of Amm, pls*229 Aq 18; 23, A, 18
(dual).
3 De Buckv op. cit., 2539 d.
4 Loc. cit..
5 Loco ci ,6 Ibidot 253, f-
1Lepsiusy Das Todtenbuch der AgYPtert P1-76.
8 Erichsenv PAPYrUs Harris 1,51,15; 51,16 (with -. o i instead of
9 'Mari'ettev pLindarv IIIP Pl-379 i.
10 Chassinat, Edfoug It 554-
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3Z
11 Petriev Ile, pl. XIII; Gardiner, Grammarg Sign List, 0.29; Davies,
H[o=an] do G1, Ptahhotep, I, pl. XII, 250-
12 Petrie, loc. cit. *
13 Jequier, BIFAO 9 (1911), 69-70; 'Id,p
BIPAO 19 (1922)9 8-10. For
actual examples of the c3. column used in this way, in the Khufu boatq
see; Abu Bakr and Mustafa, BeitrAge Bf. 9 12, Festschrift Rieke, pl.
6.
14 Daviesq N[o=anjde Gq The Rock Tombs of Sheikh Said, pl. XV; Kaiserv
Beiträ, üo Bf. p 129 Festschrift Rickel, Falttafelg 4-
15, Kaplonyg Die Inschriften der Agyptischen Prähzeit,
bis.
16 De Buckg op. citv 253-
1119 Pl-919 346,
17 Lepsius, loc. cit..
18 Jequier, ope cit*, 9e
19 Budgep The Book of the Dead, (1898)v Translation volumep 287-
20 Griffith, loc. cit..
21 For photographs of these columns see; Jequierq I'architecture, Iq
Pls-50-51--
22 Urk.9
IVP 857,17-
23 LbLld-9 Ivo 856, B.
24 Nims, Studies in Honor of John A.
t3wp Pe 284-285-25 Chicago Universityp loc. cit.,
26 Ibid.9 P1-3-
27 Ibid. v Pl- 31-28 See below, wb's pe 68.
29 Erichsen, loco cit**
30 Chassinatv loc. cit.
31 Mariette, loc. cit..
32'Wb-q Ip 1649 10-
Wilsonp fig-7, x+3- See also belowg
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33
ta,
Dyno I' Dyn o12 IflDyn - 13 Dyn. I_ptol.
4
Dyn. Vp I st. 5 Dyn. U p lst. Dyn. XI9 XII7l[nt,,, 2nd, Int. 0 2ndo
Into, XVIII Into
Dyno =-VIII8 Dyn, X3X9 XX9
The hieroglyphic sign which was used as an ideogram for c! and as a
determinative for c! itselft as well as for other related termsp is
a representation of atypical Egyptian door-leaf.
10Such leaves viere
usually made of wood, as is indicated by the horizontal planks shown
on the more detailed depictionsp although they couldp particularly
when employed in religious architecture, also be plated with metal.
An Egyptian door-leaf turned on pivots set into 1ndentations in both
the threshold and lintel of the doorway.11
Examples of such doors
have survived12
so that there can be no doubt as to the interpret.., --
ation of the hieroglyphic sign. In addition tomb-scenes show men at
work on the manufacture of dooi-leaves 13 of the same form as the
hieroglyph.
The term is attested from the beginning of dyn&tjticýjilgypt to the
Ptolamaic periodp although it does not seem to have recurred in texts
written in either the demotic or Coptic scripts,
Obviously a word for a door-leaf could not have existed until
the building of permanent dwellings had become a regular practicep
presumably in the late predynastic period. In the earliest dynastiesthe torm is found most frequently in titles14 although this is, un,
doubtedlyp merely a reflection of the nature of the inacribed mat-
erial which has survived from the early dynastic period*
In texts f=m the Old Kingdom, however, I's is used with its
regular meaning of "door-leaf"g made of wood in a private houre15 or
a palace16
and of stone in a royal pyramid.17
In the same period
the term came to be used for the lid of a sarcophagast18
a logical
wxtension of Its original meaning.
This term is found meaning "door-leaves', in tombs of)the Pirst
Intermediate Period 19and for a private house at the beginning of
20the Middle Kingdom.
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31-
In texts from the Middle Kingdom onwards c3w are described in
greater detail. Thec3 of the first door (Ebs) of the tomb of Khnum-
hotep at Beni Hasan was of cedar of Nega and was six cubits high21
while two stelae of the Second Intermediate Period tell how temple
13w which had fallen into rain were replaced. 22
In the building texts of the New Kingdom c1w occurs most often to
describe the large monumental door-leaves in Egyptian temples. These
could be the leaves of the pylons and major doorways at Karnak23
and24 25
elsewhere, of rock-cut temples like that of Pakht at Speos Artemidos
or of smaller shrines belonging to various gods.26
Temple door-leavesp like those in smaller buildings, were normally
made of wo6d, and then decorated with various metals*
27
Theleaf
could
also be covered entirely with sheets of beaten metal* usually copperg
which led to it being described as an '3 of copper.28
It is possible
that some of these door-leaves were made of cast metal, but this method
of manufacture was probably reserved for the smaller doors of shrines29 31
and naoi. The usual wood employed was e. P30 a coniferous woodp
although Nile acacia was also used.32
The metals could be bronze,33
electrimy34 gold35 and copper36 which is the most common.
Most Egyptian doors were double-leafedý consequently %3s often
found in the dual form clwy37 and also in the plural -sw wheng for
example all the door-leaves of a temple are intended.38
39After the Few Kingdom c! continued to be used &f temple door-leaves
and also those of private houses.40
References to the latter are rare
since texts describing private dwellings are not often found,
Surprisingly the term did not survive into either demotic or
Coptico although Fecht and Westendorf
41
suggest an Egyptian original
of*tpy-e! for the Coptic Top-I'door-lintelts.42
Osing, however, has
refuted this suggestion, prefering to regard the noun tw3 as the
44etymological ancestor of -To-tK 0
The term does not appear to have ever been used for any other
element of a doorwayv other than the leaves.
Quibellv Hierakonpolisp 19 pi. XXIX; Cf., Petrieq Royal Tombsp It
Pl-XVIII9 4 (in dual form).
2 Ibidop It pl. VIIt 9.
3 Kaplonyl Die Inschriften der Lgyptischen Prdhzeitp 1119 Pl-97Y 391-
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36
4 This is the simplest forrA of the hieroglyph and it is found
throughout Egyptian history. it is, however, possible that many
of the writings quoted here show greater detail than is indicated
in thepublications.
Thiswriting
occurs in singularg dual and
plural forms. Kaplony, op. ci -9 1119 Pl-89P 388; Urk. 9 19 107,3;
237v 3; PYT-9 1266c (with t); Vandierg Moal 9232, Vgc,. g 1; pl*
20; Petrieg Koptos, pl. 12,3; Urk. 9 IVP 539 15; 3879 3; 3889 11;
476,1; 1249,14; 1295,3 and 4; Nims, Studies in Honor of John
A. Wilson, fig-7, x+16 and x+17; KRI, 19 43,2; 1419 8; Mariette,
Abydos, II, pl. 11, a and b; Caminos,, JEA 38 (1952), Pl-XIII9 47;
Vercoutter, BIPAO 49 (1950)9 pl-III; Daressyq ASAE 18 (1919),
145,7; Urk-, 11,68,3; VIII9 33; 39/409 2; 115,1439 1-
5 Petrie, Deshashah, pl. XXI; Cle're and Vandier, Textes de la prem-
i4re Periode intermediaire7et de la Xleme Dynastieo 46,11; Helck,
MDAIK 24 (1969), 199; pl*XVII, 10 (with i) and 12; Urk,, Ivt 56,
9 (with i); 168p 2; 422,10; 424,17; 1233,4-
6 Urk., 1,121,14; Cle're and Vandier, 22- ci -, 46,10; Gardiner,
Admonitionsq pl-14,3;
7 James, The gekanakhte Rapers and other early Middle Kingdom Doc-uments, pl. 26,9; De Back, Egyptian Reading Book, 71,16.
8 Urk. 9 IV9 159t 11; 168,16; 169,17; 423,2-
9 Abd El-Razikv jEA 60 (1974)9 1479 4; Gardinery Chester Beatty 1,
pl. XXIV, 10 (with I ); Erichsenq Papyrus Harris, iq 69 9 (Pl- ); 3.0,
15 (pl. ); MAller, liebespoesie, P1-5p 12 (dual).
10 Gardiner, Gra=a: r, Sign List, ý 0-3'1-
11 For constructional details of ancient Egyptian door-leaves see;
Koenigsberger, Die Konstruktion der A'gyptischen Ti1r, 13-24.
12 See, for example, the well-preserved leaves from a shrine of
Toueris, now in Moscow in Monuments of the Alexander II museum
of Fine Arts in Moscow, pl, XIII (no author or editor is given,
for the Russian title of the book see Bibliography, P-315).
13 Petrie, 100. cit*; Hassan, (iliza, 119 fig*219 (facing p*190)
14 Kaplonyp op. cit., 1119 pls. 89t 338; 979 389; 3919 399; 1099
570; 47t 176 (this last is interpreted by Kaplony as a part ofa name, ýIry-c, 3 (Ibid, 11,1115) but could it be a title (12)r(y)
! Lwy? Compare the common itle Iry-113 (Wb., 1,164,17).
15 Urk., 1,121,14-
16 Ibidep I, 237P 3-
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36
17 Lbid-v It 1079 3-
18 Wb., 1,164,22. E-g-v Urk-9 It 106,15-
19 Clere and Vandierv op. cit., 46j-, 10-an4 jjj'ý, Tandierf op* cit. 92329
V, cK, 1; P1.20.
20 James, loc. cit..
21 De Buckv loc. cit..
22 Petriep Koptosq pl. 12,3; Helckj loc. cit. *
23 Urk-9 IV, 36,9; 1689 2-5; 169,17; 170P 1-2; 423,2; 424t 17;
476,1; Nims, loc. cit.,
24 Urk, j IV9 388,11; 422,10; 1249P 14-
25 Lb_id. v IVP 3879 3; KRIP 1.439 2.
26 urk., iv, 16a, 16; Abd El-Razikq loc* cit.; Erichsen, op. cit.,6,9; 309 15-
27 Koenigsberger, gpo cit. t 23-24-
28 E4'9-t ýý, P IV9 388t 11 et al., -*
29 Koehigsbergerg op* cit. j 24-
30 urk-9 IVY 1689 2-5 amd 16; 4239 2; 12959 3 and 4; et al. *
31 Gardinerg gLomej It 8t. note 1,
32 Urkeq 379 387P 3-
33 Ibid-P 423t 2; 12499 14-
34 Lbid-P 170t 2; 422t 10*
35 :21id.9 168Y 4; 4769 1; Erichsent OP* ci -, 30P 6
36 Urk-9 IV, 3879 3; 422p 10; 388p 11; Erichsen, op. cit. v6,9; 309
15; KRIP It 141,8; Mariettev OP- cit-P 3,4; et al*.
37 E. E;. t Mariettev loc. cit.; KRI, loc cit.; et al..
38 Urk-t IVP 424,17; 388,11; et al..
39 Caminosq loc. cit.; Vercoutter, loc* cit.; Daressy, loc. cit*.
40 Gardiner, Chester Beatty I, pl. XXIV9 10; Mfiller, loc. cit.; Urk. 9
IV9 1233,4-
41 Westendorf, Koptisches Handw8rterbuch,, 251; Fechtv Wortakzent und
Silbenstiuktur, 103-105-
42 C: imv A Coptic Dictionaryp 443b.
43 Osingp Nominalbildung, 635-
44 Seebelowq
Lw3, p. 276-277.
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03wy-r
Dyn. XII2
ca
DY4- XVII14 Dyn. XIX5
"Imr
81
2nd. Int.3
Dyn. XX6
This carious term is clearly a compound of the dual form of I's1fdoor-
leaf" and rq7the true meaning of which was "mouth" but which could also
be used to mean "opening" or "entrance".8
logicallyq thereforeq one
would expect cjwy-r to describe a "double-leafed entrance".
The earliest example of the term would certainly seem to indicate
this. It comes from the description of the tomb of Khnumhotep II at
Beni Hasan. "An ts of six cubits of cedar of Nega to be the first
sbi of the tomb. An c3wy-r of five cubits and two palms for the k3r
of the `t ý sst which is within this tomb, "9
sp
The "first door" with an's of six cubits is the doorway between
the portico of the tomb and its main hall. This had only one pivot
fora single-leafed
door (1s). 10The k3r is the name of the "shrine"
at the rear of the tombt the entrance to which from the main hall
war, through a doorway which had pivots on either side, proving that
this was a double-leafed door (c3,wy- ), 11
A further example from the Middle Kingdom occurs in the Book of
the Dead, "As for this sb3t it is anc&wyýr by which my father, Atum,
proceeds to the eastern horizon of heaven. "12
The text has an Eight-
eenth Dynasty parallel.13
A building inscription from K-arnak of the Second Inter-mediate
Period kingf Sebekhotep IT, describes "a sba of ten cubits ....... in
fine cedar of the lebanon, with civy-r worked in gold and silver.04
This door cannot now be identified, btLt it can be assumed to have
been double-leafed.
Writings of this term from the reign of Ramesses II are paralleled
by writings of ! %wyq showing that the two terms are synonymous. These
double-doors were between the portico and the first hall of the temple
of Ramesses II at Abydos.15
The vertical texts on the door-4ambs
describe the doorway as "a sb3 in black copper, c!,wy-r banded with
copper and gilded with electrum"16
while the horizontal texts have,
I
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38
"a sb3 in black coppert c3wy in electrum. 1117
The final exazple of ciwy-r comes from Papyrus Harris I, in which
" granite shrine at Heliopolis is described as having 3wy-r made from
" copper-alloy.18
Although there are so few examples of this term, there can not
be any doubt that its meaning was "doub&e-leafed door"19
and it was
in fact a synonym of'swy. This may be the reason for the infrequent
use of 3wy-r since the simple term could be employed with exactly the
same meaning.
1 De Buck, Egyptian Reading Bookp 72,1.
2 Urk? 9V9 23 9ýI.
3 Helck, MDAIK 24 (1969)9 199; pl. XVII, 10.
4 Urk-, Vq 28,1.
5 Mariette, Abydost III pl, 11, a and b (vertical texts).
6 Erichsen, Papyrus Harris It 52P 13-
7 Wb-t UP 389-392*
8 Although r can often be translated as "entrance" this is simply
anextension of its original meaning of "mouth". It was not usually
employed to describe an actual doorway or any of its components
and hasp thereforeq been omitted from this study. One text in
which r does seem to have had a more "concrete" meaning than usual
is from the regency of Philip Arrhi3aeus when work was carried out
on the w'bt of the Falcon at Athribin including six c4wt which had
11 in Tura limestone and..... c5wy in true cedar" (Daressy,sit
ASAE 18 (1919), 145,6). In this case r must mean "door-frame".
9 De Buck, loc. cit..
10 Newberryq Beni Hasan, 1,52; pl. XXIIIA9 (main doorway).
11 Ibid., 53; Pl-XXIIIA9 (doorway to shrine).
12 Urk.p
V, 28,1.
13 Ibid*, V, 28,13-
14 Helck, loc. cit..
15 Por plan see; PM., VI, 32.
16 M-ariettep loc. cit..17 Ibid, II, pl. 11, a and b (horizontal texts)*
18 Erichsen, loc. cit..
19 The term is translated by LVb.t
1,1649 15; IIP 390,11 as "die
Flilgel der Tilr" and by Paulkner (Con. Dict-, 37) as "the two leaves
of the door".
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3q
Crt
Dyn. XIX'
Dyn. XX3
D-vno XX5
Dyne XX2
C3 :1
Dyne XX4
Dyne6
.6-= M
-C-V:ýv
-C=P" &Z M
It is generally agreed that this termg which is found in only a few
texts of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynastiesp is a loan-word of7
semitic origin. It occurs most often in Papyrus Harris I where it
is given as a part of an enclosure wall9 along with tkrw and tsmwt.
The most useful occurrence from this text is in the description of the
enclosure wall (obty) of the temple of Ramesses III at Medinat Habu
which had 11'rwt and t-krw in sandstone"*8
This is the only temple wall
described in the papyrus which does not have tsmwto The mortuary
temple of Ramesses III had two brick enclosure wallop the outer one
of which was lower than the inner and was faced with stone on the side
facing the cultivation. It was surmounted by turrets which straddled
the wall.9
It would seem likelyl therefore that these turrets are
either the Irwt or the tkrw.
The other descriptions are of temple enclosure walls which have
not survived.10
In the account of the travels of Wenamun, the Egyptian tells how
he found the ruler of Byblos "seated (in) his Irt, his back turned
to a window". " This is the only writing of "rt in the singular and
is usually understood to refer to an "upper chamber'le
Finally the term occurs in a description of the city of Pi-Ramesseq
"Beautiads of windows (Esdw)p radiant with Irwt of lapis lazuli and
turquoise. "12
Caninos has translated the word in this passage as
"halls".13
14 15oth Borchardt and Helck translate crt as "Wller", and note
itsrelationship
to thesemitic, verbal stem
"todlimb",, In view of
this connection it would seem that the Irwt at Xedinet Habu could
well be the turrets on the top of the wal,16
It can only be assumed
that the other enclosure walls which no longer exist had similar
turrets. 'When used in other contexts an Irt could have been either
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1+0
a balcony or a chamber situated at a height within a building.
1 Gardinerp Late Egyptian Miscellanieso 289 13-
2 Erichsenp Papy=s Harris It 669 18; 67P 12; 68t 3-4-
3 lb-id-v 4# 10-11-
4 Ibid. 2'689 13-
5 Sauneron, BIFAO 64 (1966), pl-IIP x+5- This writing occurs in a
badly damaged textv relating to restoration work ot the High Priest
of Amunt Amenhotep, at Kaxnak. Por Sauneron's discussion of this
writingp which may not be for 'rtp see Ibidtp 15-
6 Gardinerp Late Egyptian Storiesp 66v 4-
7 Jequierq BIFAO 19 (1922)t 12-13; Gardiner, 2ýom. p 119 210*Relck Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu Vorderasian im 2 und 3 Jahr-
tanel V. Chr. 9 5109 N0937*
8 Ericheen, op. cit-9 4v 10-Ile
9 R61scherq Exc. Xede Habup IV9 1-3; pl*2*
10 Erichsenq op* cit., ' 669 18; 67t 12; 68v 3-4; 6et 13-
11 Gardiner, Late ftyptian Stories, 66v 4-
12 Id. 9late Fgyptian Miscellamies, 28,13--
13 Caminoss, Late Raptian Miscellaniesp 101*
14 Burohardtp Fremdworte und Eigennameny tIj 15t 279-16,279.
15 RelckV loc. cit..
16 See also tkrwp below pe 290*
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4-1
c yt
Dyn. XVIII, XX1
Dyn" XVII12
C:: > C-3
Dyn. XV1113 Dyn., XVII14
This term, cryt, ought not to be confused with the more common nouns
I=t (qev. ), although both hadv no doubts a similar origin in the
verb crAr r "to approacho to rise up".
This term is only found in New Kingdom texts and clearly refers
toa relatively small
buildingelement,
Gardiner didnot
distinguish
'-ryt from erryt and suggested thatq when used of the small elements
the term described a lintel*5 He based this suggestion primarily on
the Turin papyrus, with the plan of the tomb of Ramesses IV. The des-
cription on the verso seems to belong to a different Ramesside tomb
as the measurements given do not correspond to those of the tomb of
Ramesses IV.6
Whichever tomb is concernedp the figures quoted show
that the height of the IMt could be added to the height of the door-
jamb (hnýs) to give the height of each chamber. Por this reason Gardiner
proposed that cryt be translated as "lintel".
A typical example of the measurements is; "thickness of the bn-s
of one cubit and three palms., breadth of five cubits9 one palm and
two digits, height of the bn's of seven cubits and one palm, cryt of
two cubits and six palmst total; ten".7
Gardiner cites another text in which the bný and the Iryt arens
associated. This is an Eighteenth Dynasty ostracon which lists thenumber of workmen employed on the construction of a building, They
include nty 4r p3 bn's and nty m t3 Iryt.8
The two terms also occur together in Chapter 125 of the Book of
the Dead where the deceased is intarm)gated by first the bn5w of the
sb3 and then the left and right Iryt.9
This mention of the possible
division of an cryt into two halves led Gardiner to suggest that the
term was originally applied to a "half-lintell1*10 This seems unlikely
although I cannot offer any other interpretation for the "left" and"rightt, Iryt.
The balance of the evidence would tend to support the view that
an Iryt was a lintel, since it was clearly a part of the door-frame
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4-1
and usually occurs in association with the door-jambs (tn5w).
The term is found alone on an ostracon from Deir El-Bahari on
which three masons are described as "those who worked on the outer12
cryt (cryt n bnr)".11
Haye a translates Ilryt here as "the outer door-
jamb", but the evidence cited by Gardiner and quoted above shows that
cryt is more likely to have referred to a lintel.
I 11aest ý-EA46 (1960), Pl-IX9 49 rect p 4; Carter and Gardinerg JEA
-4 (1917), 146-1489 passim.
2 Ibid. v 146 (Osto Gardiner 46).
3 Budgeq The Book of the Deadp(1898)9 Text volumep 264; Naville, Das
Aegyptische Todtenbuch UP 326.
4 Loc- cit--5 Carter and'Gardinerv op. cit-ý 147.
6 Ibid., 157-158*
7 rbid., 146 (3)-
8 Did., 146 (Ost. Gardiner 46).
9 Budgep loc. cit.; Navillet loc. cit.,,
10 Carter and Gardinery op. cit-v 147-
11 Hayeav loc. cit..
12 Ibideq 33-
A
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4-S
c=7t
Dyne Vý VI Dyne V2 Dyne V3
ti: 3 ak
ffDyne V9 VI4 Dyn* V,5
13ýa =m VI -- ", Dyne VI
6
<=I.
1
40
Dyne VI7
-C=>
1ý ýý 44Dyne VP Dyne V19
Dyne VI10
Dyne mll Dyne VI12
'1ým3 14yne VI Dyne VI "
=: =a
I)yn. VII5
. -.&-
16Dyne VI
ell 1117Ist Intep
AC 3
18Dyne XI
Dyne XII 44
2
Dyne Xilt19
Dyne XII20
1Dyný XIIt XVIIIt
0 xviiiC-3
-11C=>
12 XX79 Ptol.C-3
22Dyne X17
23Dyn. XII XVIII24yne
4=11C-31 VC=P
Dyne XVIIIP25
.C=ý, r3XTX
26
gh---0
4r-3
Dyne XIX27
mil
28N. K.
=913?
9Dyne X
30Dyne XIX or
xx446, m
Dyne XX31 Dyne XX1132
C-3
ptol.33
ptol. 34
2---m C. a
ptol. 35
e--> V--3
Tilere are a number of problems connected with this word which have to
be resolved before an attempt can be made to elucidate the meaning.
First of allp it must be recogaised that all the different
writings given above are to be understood as variants of one word.
crwt,36,
rrwt,37c17trhe WBrterbuch gave six separate entries under;
Crcytt39nCyt4O and r'yt.41
All of thesep with the exceptions of n1lyt
and r'yt which do not occur in Middle Egyptianp were grouped together
by Faulkner underan
entry crrwt42and
this doesseem
to be thecorrect
interpretation. The reason for the many variant writings would seem
to be the fact that this term has its etymological origin in the verbi'r/Ir "to rise upy to approach..
43Another noun from the s=e verbal
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41
I, 44steml 11 t "uraeas could also showmany different formsj, such as;
,,, r, tg ,, t, Ercrt, ic,,,, t45
Ir"t, 1 so it is not surprising that r rrYt
should have so manyvariants. The earliest texts9 of the Fifth Dynastyp
write the word as ' rrt (once crt) but later in the Old Kingdom the
usual form was Irrwt, less--dften Irwt. In the Middle Kingdom the
most frequent writing was crryt and this has been adopted here as the
heading for this entryq since it is the most commonorm of the word
in Middle Egyptian.-In
the NewKingdom the spelling Ir'yt occurs as
do the variants rytt because of the reversal of c and r9 and n9yt
which reflects the phonetic similarity of r and n.
It has--also been suggestedg proviouslY9 that the writings r-3
ýrryt.46
and are to be read as There isp howeverg no evidencer47hat either initial sign could be interpreted as and both of these
areq in fact9 variants of the word rryt (q. v. ); the ploughshare having
been substituted for the lion through the confusion or two similar
hieratic signs.48
The torm 'rryt must also be distinguished from the noun cryt49
which described a smaller architectural elementp althoughq undoubtedlyp
theymust
have hada common rigin
in the verb 1"r/cr.
One further problem is the form of the determinative of crryt in
the Old,Kingdom. From the Middle Kingdom to the Ptolemaic period the
most frequently used determinative was E-3but in the Old Kingdom and
the First Intermediate Period the determinative was entirely diff-
erent and has usually been interpreted as the sign CP "corner of a
wal, 11.50 This is the determinative ibf ýhbt ,co=er, t51
and other
related words from the same stem.52
When used for words with the stem
ýnb the sign seems to have been usually a right-angle with sides of
equal length. - Howevert the Various fOXMS of the deterninative of
'Irryt in the Old Kingdomp as demonstrated abovet consistently show
one side longer than the other and alsop in several cases, show a
fora in which the vertical side descends at an obtuse angle to the
horizontal. The use of this particular determinative is mra after
the Old Kingdom although there ara a small number of examples from
the Middle and New Kingdoms. The nature of this signp which is distinctfrom that used to determine ýnbtq will be discussed further below.
Various meanings for '=7t have been suggested and the word
has been discuesdd often. The WSrterbuch includes such translations
as; "door" and "seat of administration" for both crwt53 and ýrrwt? 4
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46
"hall" for crcyt55 and "house" for ncyt.56
Faulknert under I =wtv
gives a list of possible translations; "gatep leaf of a double doort
lintelg hall of judgement, 1wellingp home".57
Gardinerv discussing
the use of cryt on the reverse of the Turin papyrus with the plan
of the tomb of Ramesses IVý suggested that the original meaning of
crryt was a "half-lintelllp later a full lintel, then a door and finally
a court of justice.58
The word which occurs in this text is, in fact,
the small architectural element 1cryt whichy as was noted abovep is
to be distinguished from the term under discussion here. Gardinerl
in later publicationsp considered the usual meaning of crryt to have
been "gate" and that it was :Later extended in meaning to refer to a
place of judgement* 59
Helck has suggested that the crryt was the building at the door
through which access was gained to the'royal palaceg "Die Wache".60
He also noted that documents could be deposited within the "rryt 61
and officials tried there62 and that the importance of the '-rryt is
indicated by the fact that it was the Vizier himself who was respon-
sible for appointing the officials of the crryt.6P
Helck then dis-
cusses the other officials of the Mache'1*64This summary of the functions of the (rryt is certainly valid
for the New Kingdomp however it is generally recognised that the
use of (rryt to describe a hall or c6urt attached to the palace
administration evolved from an original and more specific use of
crryt as the name of a particular architectural featurev in the same
way as the meaning "council.65
for 3ýnbt grew out of its original
meaning "corner".66
This original meaning of Irryt is usually
understood to have been a "gate" or "door" at the entrance to the
palace.
However, if ',rryt had been used, originallyt to describe an
entrance of any kind it could have been expected that some writings,
particularly in the Old Kingdomf would have indicated this by the
choice of detemminativesp since the Egyptian language was well-
provided with signs which were regularly used to determine words
such as sb3 or 13.. This is not the case. In the Pyramid Texts a sign
which appears in various forms but which is basically R is used
with (rryt,*67 This detexminative was used principally for the term
rwt (q. v. ), which was the name for af alse-door. It depicts the
complex niche-structure of the door in section. The use of this
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4-6
sign to deteraine. Irryt is probably an error due to the confusion of
two similan-sounding words rwt and (in its Old Kingdom spelling)
crrwt. The only other determinative which could support a translation
of "door" is found in a Ptolemaic text.68
From the Middle Kingdom onwards the determinative C73 is indic-
ative of the extended use of crryt to describe some kind of hallp
but, in the Old Kingdomp the dietinctive determinatives do not supp-
ort a primary meaning of "door" or "gate".
It is now necessary to examine the textual evidence for 4rryt
before any conclusions can be drawn concerning its original uses
The earliest known exopples of frryt occur, in the form crrt, in
the archives of the mortuary temple of Neferirkare at Abusir. Most
often crrt is used as the name of a part of the temple to which1 69
various officials are assigned for duty* These places can not be
identified with any degree of certainty as the evidence is insuff-
icient. However it is possible that in some cases the Irrt is to be
identified with either the I rrt b.3t or the ' rrt hntt which are also
mentioned in the papyri and for which identifications have been
suggested.
Posener-Krieger has already pointed out the connection between
the '=t 43t, the pr wrw and the 'Irrt hntt.70
The pr wrw can be
identified, without any doubtp as the columned "vestibule" at the
front of the temple7l and Posener-Krieger suggested that the 'rrt
4st was the name of the white-plastered terrace which ran along the
facade of the temple.72
The Irrt hntt is less easy to identify al-
though it was clearly situated in the vicinity of the pr wrw and
Posener-Krieger does not commit herself to a firm identification of
this crrt.73
In two placesp at leastp the pr wrw appears to be a sub-
division of the 'rrt74 so it can not positively_-
be claimed that
all three elements were separate entities. While assumimg that the
general meaning of Irryt was "une portal' Posener-Krieger suggested
that, in these papyrit 'Ile mot parait avoir un sens plus administ-: ýt,
ratif qularchitectural., l75She
later added 11crrtv on le voitp ne
designe pas un element dlarchitecture mais les abords d1un edificeou d1une partie diedifice. it
76Since the name crrt could appear in
the duty rotas alone, without a qualifying adjective, it must have
referred to a particular part of the temple which could itself be
regarded as gne area whilet at the same time, it could be subdivided0
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4:1
for greater administrative conv*enience Possiblyp in the context of
this temple, I rrt referred to the entire area in front of the wetit.
This included the vestibuley pr wrwp while the adjectives 4st and
hntt would have been used to specify the outer and inner areas of
the crrt.
Other crrt were named in the papyri although it is not possible
to identify these with existing remains. These include an crrt of the
solar temple of Neferirkarev St-lb-rg, the site of which has not yet
been discovered;77an
c =t of the w3-barque78 which Posener-Krieger
suggested was an area where grain could be stored after being unloaded
from the barque prior to its transportation to the temple79 and an
errt nhp
60
which mayhave been
an area closeto the
river wherepottery for use in the temple was made.
81
In the Fifth Dynastyo thereforel crryt was certainly neither a
door n= a gate, nor had it yet acquired a link with the palace admin-
istration or the courts of justice. It is most likely that the basic
meaýiipg of 'rryt was rather less specific than has been previously
!cecognised. The suggestion of Posener-Krieger that Irryt was the
"abords d1un 'edifice" would seem to be correct. This would certainly
agree with the etymological origin of the word in the verb 1'r/Ir
which can mean "to approach" as well as "to rise up"# The true mean-
ing of crryt was thev"approaches" to a building. This could mean the
area immediately in front of the entrance, or event in the case of the
mortuary temple of Neferirkaret the front portion of the building.
It remains now to examine other texts in which crryt occurs to
see if this conclusion can be upheld.
The other most important examples of 'rryt in the Old Kingdom
and the First Intermadiate Period come from the decrees set up by
various kings in the temple of Min at Koptos. Most of these are
described as being placed "at the c-rrwt of the pr of Min of Koptos. 1182
Since these decrees would have been intended to be accessible to as
many p(gople as possibleg they must have been at the front of the
temple to which the greatest number of people would have been admitted.
Hayes has noted that these decrees, (which were not found in situ),
had been originally set in brick walls butt as they were not very
weatheredg, they could not have been too openly exposed to the
elements. Hei therefore suggested that they had been originally set
into the reveal of a doorway or the walls of a deep vestibulev
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+13
similar to those found in contemporary pyramid temples.83
The basic plan of an Old Kingdom cultus temple is still a matter
of speculation since so few early remains have survived on any site*
It is therefore not possible to reconstruct the entrance to the temple
at Koptos. However the evidence of the Koptos decrees would suggest
again that Irryt referred to the front part of the temple.
In the Pyramid Texts crryt does not occur in useful contextB84
although two examples would again suggest that it was situated at
the entrance to a building.85
Further occurrences from the Old Kingdom include the use of1rryt
in the titles iry crrt86
andImy-r trrwt87 and in the funerary invoc-
ation; "(I) will destroy their survivors upon earthp (I) will not
allow their crrt to be established. "88
In the Middle Kingdom crryt is first found in the title whmwn89 1-
Crryt which recurs in the New Kingdom. It is also used in the titles
Cksw Irryt S3 C tV91 sS crryt92
an& the unusual1my-r
wn crryt.93
rry
The title wlýmwn crryt, in particular, sheds some light on the
position and function of the crryt in connection with the palace
administration. The "herald" would greet the petitioners outside the
entrance to the palacep or the office concernedo and would guide the
visitors inside to the rryt (q. v. ) where he would await the wimmons
into the inner apartments. It is Possiblet particularly in the Middle
Kingdomp that crryt was the term applied to the area,, -immediately
before the entrance to a private house or a palace. This area can be
seenp from models like those of Meketre94 or from soul-houses#95 to
have been lightly roofed with a wooden canopyp usually supported by
two wooden columns. It may be this light wooden roof which is depicted
in the determinatives found with crryt in the Old Kingdom.96
Other texts of the Middle Kingdom support the view that the 'rryt
was the "approach" to a building. In the stoi7 of the Eloquent Peasant
the High Steward was petitioned r pg3 n crryt97 "at the entrance of
the I-rryt". The fact that the peasant petitioned the Steward in the
rr. yt is not in itself an indication at this date of a connection
between the crryta-ad the administration of justicep as the peasant
petitions Rensi wherever he happens to find him. The use of pg.3 for
the entrance to thecrryt iEýof interest as this would indicate that
crryt is being used of the "portico" at the front of the house. This
was open on one side to the courtyard so thats if the peasant was
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4-9
standing therey making his speechy while the Steward stood under the
canopyg protected from the sung then pgi would be a more appropriate
term for the entrance than words such as rwt or sb3 which would
imply that there was an actual doorway or gate involved.
A private stela of the official Wepwawet-aa describes his recept-
ion at the palace; "the seal-bearers who are in the pr-nswq the
people (cnhw) who are at the 'Irryt see my admittance to the pr-nsw, "ý'ý
Increabingýyp from the Middle Kingdomp the '-rryt became an admin-
istrative department. This is showa by the fact that the (rryt could
own and control transport-barges.99
The administrative function of
the_lrxyt is indicated most clearly in the New Kingdomy particularly
in the texts from the tombof Rekhmire where the judicial aspect of
the Irryt is very evident*100
Similarly the Inscription of Mes shows
that legal documents could be deposited in the crryt9101 while other
texts relate that the ýnbt-council could meet in the crryt. 102
Apart from this use of crryt to describe a courtroom or an
administrative department, there are also indications that the word
retained its original meaning.
A stela of king Ahmose describes defeated foreigners standing in
humility "at hie rryt,, 9103 while a later textq of the reign of Tan-
utamun, gives a detailed description of a similar scene when the
king, within his palacep is told that. the Delta-chieftains are wait-
ing at the rryt.104
The king leaves the palace building and finds
the chieftains prostrating themselves. The palace crryt was also
ptsed as a reception-area for taxes'05 and other produce*106
Finally the Irryt occurs in the Book of the Dead where it is one
of the obstacles which the deceased must pass in order to enter intothe Underworld. Usually, in such contextsyl rryt is traniated as
"gate, " or I'doorif butt as with sbbt, the conrenient translation is
inaccurate. It is noteworthy that some vignettes show the guardians
of the crryt sitting outside of the doorway rather than withinp ind-
icating that the crryt was the approach to the door and not the door
itself. 107
The generallyaccepted
translationsof
"door"or
"gate"are there-
fore unsuitable for crryt and should not be retained. The original
meaningg and one which seems to have been preserved throughout Egypt-
ian historyp was the"approach" to a building. Basically this described
the area immediately before a doorv whether of a templeg palace or
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60
private house. In the latter two cases this atea could be lightly
roofed to prbvide some protection from the heat for those awaiting
admittancep and it may be this light roof which is depicted in the
determinatives of the Old Kingdom. The fact that this sign is only
rarely found in later periods# having been generally replaced by C-3
is an indication of the extension in meaning of crryt to describe a
"meeting-place" or a "courtroom". This use of the word easily devel-
,oped from its original meaning. It is a customp in many countriest
for people to gather around the entrances of buildings in order to
discuss affairs or to resolve communal problems. In an ancient
Egyptian private house the natural place to meet would be the court-
yard, under the shade of the canopied portico vhere mastabas couldbe situated out of the sun's heat. Consequently the name of the
portico continued to be used for such a meeting-place, even when it
had acquired a more permanent form as a part of the official admin-
istration. This development in the use of 'rryt is well illustrated
by a Nineteenth I)ynasty text which describes a meeting of the I;nbt-
council "(6t) the 13ý'yt of Pharaoh.....
beside Hrw-1b-hr-m3<t, the
great trl of Ramasses-Mismin.... It108
It isq thereforep impossible to suggest one translation forc rryt
which would be acceptable for every occasion on which the word is
foundt so each text must be judged individuallyp taking the context
into accountl and a decision made as to whether "approach, 119 "portico"
or Itneeting-place" would be the most appropriate translation.
1 Posener-Kr16ger and De Cenivall The Abu Sir Papyriq pls. XIIA, b and
c; XCVIIA, A4; the remaining writings of this fozm are all damaged;
ibi*d.9 pls-VIIAP Ad and B; XAq C; XCIIIAP A; PYr- 392a.
2 Posenez%-Kri6ger and De Cenivalp op. cit-P pls-IVA9 9 and h;
IXXXVIAq A2 and B; XCIIAt B (this last in the plural).
3 Ibid. 9 pl. XIAO 1 and 2.
4 Piankoffp The Pyramid of Unas, pl. 16 (Pyr. 292d. This spell (No.
254) also occurs in the pyramid of Tetit the texts from which
are reproduced,in hand-copy,
by Sethe(Die
Altaegyptischen Pyr-amidentexten). Sethe gives the fona of the deteminatives in Teti
as P but, as he also gives this fo=a for the writing in Unast
it can not be relied upon for accuracy.
5 Piankoffq op* citop pl*26 (PYZ- 392a. This text also occurs in
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61
the pyramids of Teti and Pepi II (see note 1) where the forms ofihe
determinatives are again in doubt.
6 Pyr-t 1740b.
7 Pyr-P 952a. (This writing occurs in the pyramid of Pepi I while in
that of Merenre the detezminative is of the fo=8 Pyr-t 952a. (Pepi II).
9-'Pyrp 9`ý 263b (published by Faulknert The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid
_Erk.p
Itexts. Sapplement of Hieroglyphic Textst 79); 292t 9;
306,10.
10 Pyr. 9 1869b. (Pepi II).
11 Lugnj Ausgewih1te DenkmAler aus1gyptischen Samm1ungenn Schweden,
pl. XI.
12 Junkerp Gilzaj XIP 71, abb. 40 and pl. VIIr a.
13 Capartq Chambre fanbraire de la sixieme DynastLeq pl*V.
14 Urk- 9 It 218t 14-
15 Rrke I It 282y 11.
16 Urk., 1,2869 3; Lutzp Egyptian Tomb Steles and Offering Stones
pl,, 249 NO-46.
17 Cle're and Vandiert Textes de la premiere Periode intermed: Laire et
do la XIeme Dynastie, 11t 3; De Buckt The Egyptian_Coffin TexLsL,
VII9 107 (spell 901).
18 Gardiner and Sethet Egyptian Letters to the Deady Pl-VIP 4-5-
19 Koefoed-Petersenq Les Steles Egyptiennest Pl-15; Simpsony Papyrus
Reisner II Pl-104i (it 3-
20 Newberry, Beni Hasany It pl. XVIII.
21 Pierretq Inscv Louvret II, 104t ( Louvre C39 15); Irk-9 IVt 11079
5; 11149 5; 1684t 1; Urk.9
My 239 10; 729 3; Mariettep Denderah,
IIIP Pl-839 9; et al,
22 Fakhry, The Monuments of Snefera atBahshurt Up Part IIp 91, fig-42'ýA
damaged text of the same official. (ibid.t 72y fig-392 and pl. IXX)
has which is probably to be restored as[,
=Iyt. );
Newberryt El-Bersheh, It pl*XX*
23 Griffith, The Inscriptions of Sfut and Dgr lAfeh pl. 16,7-
24 Lange and ScUferg Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches
IIP 939 3- (The copy given by Marlette of this text(Catalogue
generale d'Abydosy 96, NO-544) has T in fount. Although origin-
ally ascribed to the Middle Kingdom this textp which can be dated
to the reign of Intef-sap belongs to the Seventeenth Dynasty. See
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52
wII3, p. 8'19 note 4-
25 Lr_k.t IVp 1073P3; 2155,18; 2160p 17; Erman, ZIS 17 (1879)v 72.
26 British MuseumvSelect Papyri, Ij pl. XX9 2; XXIq 8.
27 Zivie, C.M.p Giza au deuxremeMillenaireq 204-
28 Budge, The Book of the Dead (1898), Texto 327 (Budge gives theform of the dete=inative as 9 but it is in fact as shownhere.
See B.Me 104772 26. )
29 Chazpollionv Notices Descriptivesp 1.701-
30 Spiegelbergq Hieratic Ostraka and Papyri found by J. E. Quibell-Lin
the Ramesseum, 895-6, pl. IXA, 80.
31 Korostovtsev, BIFAOý45(1947), 157 and plj-q 8.ý2
Chicago Universitys Oriental Institu6ep The Bubastite Portalp pl.
16,9.
33 Bergmaung Eine Sarcophaginschrift aus der Ptolemierzeit 9p 1.
34 Damichen, Altaegyptische Kalenderinschriftenp pl. IX, cp 9.
35 Chassinatt Edfoup Is 87, bottom.
36 wbi. I It 2109 12-17-
37 n. 9 1,2119 8-14-
38 Wb, j It 209,6.
39 M?. V It 2099 13-14-
40 Wb., III 207P 16.
41 Wb. 9 III 403t I-
42 Faulknerl Con. Dict-P 45-
43 Wb-t It 41P 14-24-
44 T!- 9 It 42p 1-4-
45 Ermanp ZiS 46 (1909-1910)t 96-104-
46 Erman, ZAS 20, (1892-A' 2,1; Mullert ZA'S 26 (1888) 90-92; Spiegelberg,
Studien und Materialen zum Rechtswesen des Pharaonenreiches 52-53-
47 Gardinerg Grammar, Sign Listq E23 and U13-
48 Ibidt 43.9; Gardinerv JEA 15 (1929)9 54; CompareM6,11erv Hierat-
ische Palaeographie I-III No. 125 and 468-
49 Tj. I It 209P 5- See above P-41-42,
50 Gardinerg Grammart Sign Listt 038*
51 Wb-v Vt 539 5-6.
52 Wb.p Vt 53-54-
53 Wb.9 It 210,12-17-
54 Wb-t It 211t 8-14-
55 n. i It 2099 13-14-
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63
56 Wb-, 119 207P 16.
57 Paulknerg Con. Dict. P 45-
58 Gardiner and Carter# JEA 4 (1917), 147-
59 Gardinerg, ZIS 60 (1925), 65; Gardiner and Sethev op* cit. p 22;
Gardinert Grammart 558; Sign List, 038.60 Helckt Zur Verwaltung des Mittleren und Neuen Reichs, 65-
61 Qualring Gardinerp The Inscription of Mest_S, 6.
62 Quoting Urkp IVO 1107Y 5-
63 Quoting Urk. p IV9 1114P 5-
64 Helck ' op. cit., 66ff.
65 TI-P VP 539 9-21; 54P 1-11-
66 Wb.j
V9 539 5-6.
67 Pyr- 9 952a; 1740b.
68 Bergmann, loc. cit..
69 Posoner-Krieger and Do Cenivall op. cit. p pls. 3:VAp h; VIIA, J; IXA9
1; XIAt 1 and 2; LUVAy N.
70 Posener-Kriegert Archives Neferirkare, 27-29; 511-
71 Ibid. t 496-499*
72 1bid.P 511-
73 rbid., 28-29,5119
74%Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalp op. cit. p pl. IVAj 9; VITAt jo
75 Posener-Kriegerg op. cit. p 28.
76 Ibid*P 511-
77 Posenerý-Kri6ger and De Cenivalp op. cit, t pl. XCIIA, B.
78 Ibid. 9 pl. XCVI3:Ap A4-
79 Posener-Kriegert OP- cit-P 512-514-
80 Posener-Kriýeger and Do Cenivalp op. cit. 9 pl-XIAv I a-ad2o
81 PosenerýKrilegerf OP- cit-P 512,
82 Urkol It 282p 11; 286P 3; 2929 9; also ibidot It 306t 10 flat the
'rrwt. of[every
r-prj in which your moniiments are-ft
83 Elayest JEA 32 (1946)p 6-7-
84 Pyr-t 392a; 1740b; 1869b; 2263b.
85 PYror 520a; 952a.
86 Lugnt loc, - cit--o
87 Lutz, loco cit.; Jurikert loco cit. o
88 Capartq loc. cit., o Compare also Urko, It 2189 14o
89 Griffithp Hieratic Papyri from Kabun and Gurobq 119 Pl-XV9 34;
VCernyp The Inscriptions of Sinaig It pl-XXIIP 79 and 80; Koefoed-
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5+
Petersen, loc. cit*; Couyat and Montet, Les Inscriptions hierog-
lyphiques et hi6ratiques du Oaýdi 11a=amatq 419 Noo1q; pl, V; Urkq
IV, 9659 5; 969,11; 9729 15-
90 Lange and Schitferv op. cit-t It 1039 s; Newberryl loc* cito.,
91 Griffith, op, cit, v pl-XXXP 43-
92 Anthest Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub, ple. 19p (15v 8); 209
(19t 1); 26, (25Y 19)-
93 Lange and Schhferv op* citot 1,249-
94 Winlockp Models of Daily Life in Ancient Egyptt Plo-11-15, -
95 Petriev Gizeh and Rifehv plselr-=
96 Comparep for examplet the form of the canopy over the throne on
the Narmer mace-head in Cbcford (Quibellp Rierakonpolis, It ple
XXVI9 B) and the profile of sunshades (Fischer, Yale University
Art Gallery Bulletin 24 (1958)p 29ffo
97 De Buckv Egyptian Reading Bookt 95,13--
98 Sethey Aegyptische Lesestacket 749 14-
99 De Buckv op. cit., 919 14; Simpsong loc. cit**
100 Urk,, t IV9 11079 5; 11089 4; 11149 5; 1115Y 1 and 11; 11179 1-
See also; Ibid*p 21559 18; 2160,17-
101 Gwdiner, The Inscription of Mest S, 6.
102 Ermang loc, cit.; British Museump Select Papyrip It pl. XX9 29
103 Urk-P IV9 189 4-
104 Ibid. 9 IIIY 72t 3- Compare alsop Mariettep Denderahq IIIt P1-83t
90
105 Ujck. ýq 111,239 10-
106 Chicago Universityp Oriental Institatet The Bubastite Portalt
pl. 16,19.107 Budge, The Book of the Deadq The Papyrus of Aniq I, p1soll and
12; Navillej Das Aegyptische Todtenbuchp It pl. CLIV.
108 Emmang loc. cit..
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66
Dyn. XVIII'
W34t
nDyn. XV1112
C-3
This term is known only from blocks of the red quartzite sanctuary
of Hatshepsut from the temple of Almin at Karnak. It occurs twice in
the list of temples in the Theban area. The first example gives the
name of the w3tLt tptt enclosed within a bwt-sign.3
Lacau and Chevrier
have suggested that this "first wa4t" was the first way-station on4
the processional route from the temple of I=or to that of Karnak,
The"second W3ht" W3bt snnwtp is also named5
as would have been others*91
if thesanctuary
had been found intact.,
That a w34t was a way-station is certain from both the evidence
of the sanctuary blocks and the etymological origin of the term in
the verbal stem w34.6
Another series of blocks shows the sacred barque resting in
various w3bwt when in Processiony and being carried from one to an-
other.7
The scenes show that a wilit was a shrine on a pedestal
within which was a plinth on which the barque could rest.8
The fact
that these are dignified with the name of hwt would suggest that they
were permanent stone structures.9
Westendorf10
has suggested that W31# is the origin of the Coptic
Oyato11
although no etymology is given for this term by 6erny. 12
lacau and Chevrierv Une Chapelle d'Hatshepsout a Karnak, It 82,
1134; 83,1135-
2 Ibid. v 1,161,1207; 163y 214; 164,1216; 165,1217; 165,1218;166t j 219; 167vj 220; 167 j 221 168,1222 (see al so Urk. p IV, 379).
3 Lacau and Chevrier, op. cit., 1,82,1134-
4 Loc. cit..
5 LbLd- P 83t 1135-
6 Wbet It 253-257. For w-34t, see; Ibidop It 2589 4; Faulkner, Con.
Dictey 54-
7 Lacau and Chevriery op. cit., 1,161-168.
a At the time of writing, volume II of Lacau and Chevrier's public-
ation has not appeared. Photographs of two of these blocks showingthe W34Wtcan be seen in legrain and Navillep Vaile nord du Pylone
d'Amenophis III a Karnakq pl. XI7.
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66
9 For a discussion of these wsliwt see; Foucartv BIPAO 24 (1924)p 94-
100.
10 Westendorfv Koptisches Handw6rterbuch, 284-
11 Cram, A Coptic Dictionaryq 24b (cxZo B),
12 derny, Coptic Etymological Dictionary.
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S'I
W311
3Dyn. XII Dyn* XVIII Dyn* XVII19 XX9 XX19 XXV9 XXX
T& ptol.2
also in singe & dual.
Dyno XIX4 Dyn. XIX Dyn. XXV6
/P//,,, & ptol.
5sing.
Dyn. XXX7 Philip Arrhidaeus8
-? -ý =' sing.
All writings of w34 are found in the plural unless stated otherwise.
The single-stem papyriform column is first found in Egypt in the enc-losure of the Step ]Pyramid of Djoser at Saqqaraj where the slender
columns axe engaged-9 After thiss the type was not common until the
New Kingdom although there is evidence that it did occur in the Middte
Kingdom. Aý,scane in tomb 5 at El-Bersheh clearly shows a single-stem
papyriform column10
and there is also evidence that such columns
existed in the town at Kahun.11
However this type of column does not
seem to have been popular in Egypt before the New Kingdom.12
The papyriform cluster column first appeared in the Fifth Dynasty13
and examples are known from the Middle Kingdom.14
By the Now Kingdom
this typu had virtually replaced the lotiform column, to which it
bears a strong resemblencepl,5
and which had previously been more pop-
ulVX.
Essentiallyq therefore, the development of the two papyriform
column types was the same. Although both axe found prior to the New
Kingdom the examples increased greatly in number from the Eighteenth
Dynasty onward. Since both types represent the same plant-form, the
papyxusv it is possible that both were described by the same wordp
w,3d. This certainly seems to be indicated by the earliest extant ex-
ample where papyriform cluster columns are described as W3d_wp term
which one would expect to have been applied primarily to campanifo=
columns as this is the type which the wa4 sign depicts.
The text is onseveral pieces
bfvarious papyriform cluster col-
umns found on the ancient site of Crocodilopolis (Medinet el-Fa7um).
Each column bore the same im-qxdption which described work carried out
by Amenemhat III for the god Sobek. The king made a wxbt with w3ft16
and s3wt in granite. This is the material of which the columns are
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68
made so there can be no doubt that the text refers to the columns on
which it is inscribed. The copy of the text given by Habachiq which
is in fouht, shows the standard papyrus plant hieroglyphs as does
the copy, given by Lepsius, of a part of one of the columns which he
found being used as a threshold in Medinet el-Fayum. 17 However the
only pho;ýograph reproduced by Habachi which is clear enough to allow
the w34-signs to be distinguishedleshows that the signs are of the
form given in the first of the writings above. The opan papyrus plant
is intended even though the columns themselves are of cluster-forme
In the New Kingdom, when such columns were often erectedp the ideo-
gram19
usually in the pluralp was used to describe theme19
The
reading of this sign is problematical. If both papyrdkfora column-types were called wjýwt then one would have to assume thatt in texts
such as those of the Hypostyle Hall in the temple of Amun at Karnak
which describe the hall as pbr. tl mIla ýr IRIJ ýO
both groups are to
be read as w4ýw. The papyriform cluster columns of JUnenhotep III at
Luxor seem to have been called n#bwt (q. ve) which was originally the
name for lotiform columns and it is possible that the ideogram was
to be read as 4bwt.21
However this is an isolated case and actual
papyrifoxm cluster columns arep more frequentlyp called ws#.
In the second hypostyle hall of the temple of Seti I at Abydos
there are three rows of columnsp with twelve in each. The front row
is of etraight-shafted cylindrical columnsp while the other two rows
are stylised papyriform cluster columns.22
A damaged coiling insc-
,ý $Rt)2 3ription in the hall contains the group whichp presumablyp
refers to the columns in the hall. Possibly W34 was used here as a
general term for a column asq indeedv was the word 1wn in the same
temple.24
Cn the other hand the columns may have been described as
w3dw because the majority of them were papyriform.
The columns of the forecourt of the temple of Khonsu at Karnak
are also stylised papyriform cluster columns25
and are described in
the dedication inscription of Herihor as WS1w26
A possible third
example comes from the Ramesside forecourt of the tepple of Luxor
where atext
onthe back
ofthe
east wing ofthe
pylondescribes the
forecourt, with its stylised papyriform cluster columns, as a wsht....
pbr. ti m w3dw(? ).27
The form of the signs is uncertain as the text is
damaged and the-capitale of the coluran hieroglyphs are lost. However
the bases of the signst as publishedq would suggest that papyriform
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69
columns were intended.
It is possible thatt in all these examplesp W3ý was being used to
mean simply "column. 119but it is more likely that both papyrifo3n column
types were called wa4 and that the ideogramI
is to be read in this
way.
There can, however, be no doubt that the cingle-stem papyrifo= col-
umn wasq c6nsistentlyp referred to as W3d. This is true of the columns
erected by Tathmosis III in the hall butween Pylons 4 and 5 in the temple
of Amun at Karnak, where the king added to the number of columns erected
by Tuthmosis 1.28 As Borchardt has demonstrated, the columns of the
earlier king differed slightly from those of Tuthmosis IIIp but both
sets were single-stem papyriform columns. 29 No capitals belonging to
these columns have been found but they would have been campaniform.
Columns in the same hall were also called w3dw by Amenhotep II who comp-
leted the decoration started by his father.30
In the Nineteenth Dynasty
W3dWwas used of the aisle of campaniform papyrus-columns in the Hyp-
ostyle Hall at Karnak3l and also of a similar aisle in the Rameaseum?2
In the Twenty-Fifth Dynastyp Montuemhat recorded building, for Mut,
atKarnakq
ah3yt (q*v*)
withtwenty-four
W3d-columnsin
sandatone.
33
Both Wreszinski and Leclant have zaggested that this was a "porch'19
similar t6 those erected by Taharqa in the Amun temple enclosure.34
A text of Nectanebo II over the north colonnade of the portico of
the temple of Hibis in El-Kharga oasis, records that the king constructed
"beautiful W3dw in sandstone".35
The engaged columns of thi's portico
were of three types; palmiformy open-flowered lotiform and camparliform
papyrus columns.36
In this case One can only assume that w3ýw was used
as d., term for columns in general and did not refer to the papyrifo3M
examples alone.
An interesting use of w3d occurs at Hermopolis where a Thirtieth
Dynasty building text employs the tern to dmcribe columns with Hathor-
headed sistrim capitals,37
In the temples of the Ptolemaic period the columns areof many
varied forms and the papyri64rm column wsd occurs along with other
detailed ideograms038 W3d is not found in either demotic or Coptice
Although W3d_was used primarily to describe the aingle-stem pap-
yriform columnt it was also the name of the papyriform-cluster column
and, from the Thirtieth Dynastyp it could be used of other types.
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60
1 Habachi, ASAE 37 (1937)9 88; LD., II, 118g.
2 Urkep IV, 933,7 (these w3d columnsv in a text from tomb 86 at
Thebes, axe coloured green on the shaft and white on the base and
capital); De Wit, Cho d'Eg* 36 NO-72 (July 1961), 285o
3 ljý-, IVo 642,1; 1328,1-3; 1331,11 and 12; LD*, III, 243a; Chic-
ago University, Oriental Institute, Rameses III's Temple within the
Great Inclosare of Amun, p1s. 22f A, 18; 23, A, 18; Wresilnzki, Or-
ientalistis9he Literatar-zeitung 13 (19109, pl. II (after P-387), 13;
Hoederv ASAN 52 (1954)9 79, Dy 12*
4 KIT, 1,141,9 -
5 Ibid*, 202,9; 2031 8; 205,2 and 9; De Wit, Ch. d'Er, - 36 No-71
(January 1961), 87.6 Yoyottev Ch* dlEge 28 NO-55 (January 19530,34-
7 The Metropolitan Museum of Artq The Egyptian Expeditiont The Temple
1. of'oHibis in El-Khargeh Oasis, III, pl. 64, middle,
6 Daressy, ASAE 18 (1919)9 145,8-
9 Lauer, La Pyramide a degr8s, 110 pls. LXXXII-IXXXIII.
10 Griffith and Newberry, El-Bersheh, II, pl. XVII.
11 Petrie, Illahun, Kahan and Gurob, pl-VIt 5.
12 For a description of the development of both papyriform column
types see; Borchardt, Die Aegyptische Pfltanzenshule 25-43-
13 Id., Das Grabdenkmal des KrDnigs Ne-user-reý-q 11, abb-5; Ldo, Das
Grabdenkmal des Konigs S'a3bu-rel, 19 53, abb-59-61.
14 LD*, 1,47 (columns of Amenemhat III from Hawara, ); Habachiq on.L. .
cit-P 85-95 ( also of Amenemhat III from Medinet El-Fayum).
15 See nbbwt, Pote 14-
16 Habachil op. cit., 88.
17 LDo, II, 118g.
18 Habachi, opo citot 91, figo6o
19 E-g. KRI, I, 201t 5; 205o 9; Christophep BIFA0 60 (1960)t 79-
20 KRI, 1,202,9,
21 Since 4bwt and w3dw are of different gender it may, one day, be
possible to decide on the reading of the ideogram if a text were to
bediscovered in which the gender of
theword was
indicated. Cne
inscription in which this may seem ; o be possible (Budge, Some Auc-
ount of the Collection of Egyptian Antiquities in the possession of
lady Meux of Theobalds Parkv Waltham Cross, 143) has in fact been
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61
wrongly copied hy Budge. The signs reproduced asIII
areq in fact9
to be. tead Jýý (Raffle and Kitchen, Glimpses of Ancient Egypto 70,
pl*VIII; KRI, IIIt 197t 4)- Consequently any discussIons as to the
identification of these "columns" is now irrelevant (see, for example
Barguet, Templeo 330, note 1; Raffle and Kitchen, OP. cit-, 73)-
22 Calverley, The Temple of King Sethos I at Abydos, IV, pl. 57.
23 LbLid.j
IV, pl. 629 Do
24 KRI, 1,186,10.
25 Capartp Thebes, fig-45. These columns were made up from older drums
which were transported to Karnak from the temple of Horemheb at Med-
inet Habu, see; H61scher, Exc. Med. Habu, II, 79t and fig*69.
26 LD, III, 243a (also published by Chappollion in Notices Doscriptives,11,222.
27 Abd El-Razik, JEA 60 (1974)t 147,3-
28 Urk.9
IV9 842t le
29 Borchardt, Baugeschichteg'11-13-
30 Urk-9 IV, 13289 1-3; 1331P 11 and 12.
321MI, 1r")? 029 9f 203,8; 2059 2 and 9.
32 Chridtophe, OP. cit,
79-
33 Wreszinski, loc. cit..
34 PM9 11,24-25. For similar colonnades elsewhere at Karnak see; Ibid.,
119 5 (temple of Montu); Ibid., 227 (temple of Khonm).
35 The Metropolitan Museum of Art, opo citot III, pl. 64. This group was
read as w3dyt by Badavy (ZiS 102 (1975)9 85)-
36 For a plan of the porch see; The Metropolitan Museum of Artq ope
aýi_t-, 19 pl. XXXIII and for photographs of the columns see; Ibid.,
1, pls,, IV+VIII,
37 Roeder, loc. cit..
38 E. go LD., III, 285a; De Witv Ch. d1Hg- 36 No-71 (January 1961),
87; Ibid., No-72 (July 1961), 285-
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62
w3 dyt
Dyn. XVIII, XXII Dyn. XVIII9 Ptol.2
Dyn. XXI,3
C-3
ptol.
4
Ik 44
C-3 r-3
C-3
Like many other names for architectural features in Egyptian temples
wsdyt has not been found prior to the Eighteenth Dynasty. In the case
of most words this is due to an accident of survivalv but this may
not be trae of w5Vt. As the WO"rterbuch noted5 w3dyt described,
primarilyp a columned hall with W34 C0111TOW3.ince wsrl designated
particularly the single-stem papyriform column which did not occur
often before the New Kingdom (see above P. 57 ) it would not be
reasonable to expect w3dyt to be found in texts of earlier date.
It was only in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties that the hall
with vs4 columns became popular.
In particular w3dyt seems to have been used of one hall; that
situated between the Fourth and Fifth Pylons in the temple of Amun
at Karnak. Although the plan of this hall was changed extensively
between the reigns of Tuthmosis I and Amenhotep, IIf it always con-
tained w3d columns. In the original hallp as erected by Tuthmosis
Ip there were four or five columns to which Tathmosis III added a
further nine or ten to make their number up to fourteen.6
The earliest
text to call this hall a w3dyt is of the reign of Hatshepsut who,
on a block from her sanctuary which was found within the Third
Pylon, described the erection of her obelisks "within (m bnt) the
noble w:&dyt. #,7
At the time when this work was carried out the hall
consisted of a Bingle central row of papyriform collimnst at least two
of which would have had to have been removed to facilitate the
erection of the obelisks.
An inscription of Tuthmosis 1119 also at Ka=akp tells how the
young prince was standing in the "northern w34yt"8
when he was
chosen to be king by Amunp while the god was processing around the
W3dyt.9
This usep by Tuthmosis IIIp 6f theexpression "nortlern
Wdy 11 o mean the northern half of the hall is paralleled by the
use of the phrase "southern w3dytllin the reign of Amenhotep II. This
king decorated the columns in the southern half of the hall and texts
still survive on three of these which record that the king had made
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63
tlw-%dcolumns for the southern w:sdvt 1110
They werej in fact, erected
by Tathmosis III but this did not deter his successor from claiming
that he not only decorated but also built the columns.
On the sanctuary of Hatshepsut the goddess Hathor is described
as hntt st m w3_dyt
11
which, at Karnakv probably refersto the hall
of Tuthmosis I.
After the Eighteenth Dynasty W3dyt has not been found again before
the Twenty-seconddDynasty. In the reign of Sheshonq I the sandptond
quarry at Silsila was re-opened for building work in the temple of
Amun at Karnak. Sheshonq planned a bbnt and a ws1jt-tbyt surrounded
by statues and a W3-dYtt all of which he described on a stela in the
quarry.12
Although the king himself died soon after the stelaq erected
in his last known regnal yearp was inscribedp the original plan seems
to have been followed and the existing forecourt with its colonnades
_yt. _These colonnades do notorresponds to the wsht-4by with a w3d
have siAgle-stem papyriform columnst like the hall of Tathmosis 1,
but consist of stylized papyriform cluster columns which can also
be called w3qw (see the entry on w3ij p. 58) so that w3_dyt is still
an accurate name for these colonnades.
Two statues of the same dynasty mention a w3dyt in connection13
with the god Amun. Since both came from the cachette at Karnak it
is reasonable to assume that the W3dyt in question was in the Amun
'temple. Presumably once again the. hall between the Fourth and Fifth
Pylons.14
In the Ptolemaic period wsdyt was used to describev among other
buildingsp15 the roof-chapel of the Hathor temple at Dendera.16
The
word is found neither in demotic nor Coptict
The original meaning Of W3_dyt as a hall of w3c-1 olumns is not
open to doubt despite the small number of examples Of the word. It
is possible that w3dyt was used only of the hall of Tathmosis I at
Karnak until the Twenty-second Dynasty*when it was applied to the
colonnades of the forecou=t. In Ptolemaic w-;dyt seemed to lose its
original meaning and was used as a general word for a columned
edifice.
Urk- IVt 374-11; 158.8;, 1328.1-3; Legrain, Statues et statuettes
IIIP 60A*CaminospýLEL
ý8 (1952)v PLxIllt48.
2 Urk. IVP 157-13- Mariettep Denderah, II, pl-20 c.
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6+
3 Legraing op. cit. 9 80,1 and pl*XLI.
4 Dilmichen, Resultate pl. 50p 8,
5 Wbeq 19 269,6-9. Faulkner (Cono Diets 56) translates w3dyt as
"hall of colilmns" without specifying the column type involved.
6 For the history and development of this hall see; Borchardt,
Baugeschichte, passim especially P-10-14-
7 Urk, j IV, 3749 11. This text is also publishedq in fountp by Lacam
and Chevrierp La Chapelle dillatshepecat i Karnakp 232P 369.
8 Urk-P IV9 1579 13-
9 Ibideq 1589 8.
10 Ibid. 9 1328p 1-3 (column 2 Omits rsYt).
11 Lacauand
Chevrier,op- cit. 9
100; 104note ac.
Seealso
HelcktDie
Ritualszenen auf der Umfassungsmauer Rameses' II in Karnak, 77-
12 Caminosp loc. cit..
13 Legrainp op. cit. 91119 60p d; 80f i and pl. XLI.
14 Barguetv Templet 311-
15 Bergmann, Buch von Darchwandeln der Rwigiteitq 21.
16 Wb. 9 It 269,8 citing D4michenq loc. cit. and Marietteg loc. cit..
Addendum.
Anpther writing of w3dyt, -IL occurs on a wsh-collar amLilet
from tomb No*2 at Sai in Nubia* The writing is found in the title
4ry wsd-yt of an official named Ray, and is dated to the New Kingdom
(Gout-Minaultl Hommages a Berge Sauneronj Ip 33; Vercoutterg CRIPEL
3 (1975)9 13-)
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ý5
wb3
Dyne XIq Dyne XVIII2
As.Dyne XIX3
C-j XIX Ij 'k-
r-3
Qý-Dyne XIX4 Dyne XIX5
SELDyne XIX
C-3C-3
ý-=LDyne XIXI, XX7 3X"
C73 C-3-
Dyne XIX9 Dyn* XIX10
ABL
Dyne X IX11
Up- V-j UI
Dyne XIXt12 Dyne XjXl
3
C-3
TjArl4c-.
l
TmjXX
1617
110K.15
rZa-N*Ks Dyn
TC-73
Xx
C-3Dyne XX
181
Dyne XXl9
Dyne XX20
C-3
Dyne XX21 ,,.Dyne XX
22Dyne XX23
c xxilCAC-.
)ý Ir-311 TjE-3
Dyne XX24 Dyn., XX25 Dyne XX26
Ie C-3
Dyne XXI27 Dyne XX1128 Dyne XXV,29
C-3
TIC-3
Dyne XXV,30 31
ptol.32
rKE;.. xxvii
Ptol..3at
C-3
Tj
C-3
Roman33 j
'a
34, a,.
OEIZM
These writings of wb5 do not include all of the many variants known
as it is a word which could ýg written in an almost infinite number
of ways. The initial signI
was often confused witht 36
and many
unusual forms of these two signs were employed. The &-could be used
withp or withoutq the IS. andq from the Hineteenth Dynasty,.DX
wax
often written through phonetic confusion.37
In Late Egyptian various
semi-consonants were added.Consequently it has
notbeen
practicableto give all the possible spellings of the termv although those quoted
above are a representative selection.
Etymologically wb3 is related to the verbal stem wbs "to bore, to
open,,38
and this has undoubtedly contributedt in the past, to the
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bl
tendency to translate wb:s as an "open forecourtt,39
or "open courtt,40.
The W8rterbuch also gave a secondary meaning of 'qIeiligtum" .41
The
accepted translation of "forecourt" has been challenged by 'Christophe
with regard to the use made of wb3 in Papyrus Harris I in which hu
could justify a translation of "court" for only one example* He sugg-
ested that, in this papyrus at leasto wbi should be translated as
11sanctuairep pris dans son sens large do "temple" ou memo do I'domaine
sacrell.,,42
A similar meaning has also been suggested by Otto.43
Since
wb3 is derived from the verb wb3 "to open" it ought to have refeired
to some part of a temple complex which could have been regarded as
being "open". However there is no evidence that this was the temple
forecourt which zras usually an unroofed courtv the aides of which
were lined with statues and colonnadesp situated immediately behind
the pylon. I hope to show that wba was, in fact, used to describe a
much wider area than is generally believed,.
Wbs is usually regarded as having been confined in use to descrip-
tions of temples andq with one exception, this does seem to have been
the case* The one exception also happens to be the earliest occurrence
ofthe
word andthe
only writingknown to Oredate the Now Kingdom,
The W5rterbuch noted that wb3 first appeared in the Eighteenth Dyn-
asty and occurred often in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynastie, 3044
This must now be amended as wbs was certainly known in the Eleventh
Dynasty and wasp thereforet probably in use throughout the Middle King-
dom. As with so many wordsp the absence of examplesfrom any particular
period does not necessarily indicate that the term was not being
employed. The documentary evidence for wb3 in the New Kingdom and
later is provided 1- the kinds of texts (building inscriptions and
temple papyri) which have been rarely found from earlier periods.
The earliest writing of 03 occurs in a series of inventories
which were drawn up for the Theban official Hokanakhtee The majority
of these deal with livestock and produceg but account No. 6 lists
items made of wood, among which are parts of a boatv including a
mast which is described as being I'm wbVI.45
The only other location
givan in the list is for five pieces of willow-wood which are I'm pr-
h"S". James has taken r- 3 to be the rear part of a house "perhaps
even the out-house s,.46
and compared it with a passage in the Dream
Stela of Tanutamun47 where pr-bit(q*vo) refers to the rear part of
the temple of Amun at Napatae James also noted that this example of
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61
wb3 "demonstriLtes that in origin it was used to describe courts other
than those of temples*"48
There is, indeed, no direct evidence to
suggest that these two termso wb3 and pr_4-1, do not refer to parts of
the houseor estate of
Hekanakhte himself. Howeverg in view of the
fact that both words are only known elsewhere in temple-contextsv it
is possible that Hekanakhte owned wooden items which were being stored
in a temple-precinct. This may seem unlikely but there is an inter-
esting parallel in the papyrus B. M. 10303 in which there is recorded
a dispute over the ownership of a mast which is described as being
in the possession of a private individual "behind the sbty ////., of
the bwt.,.49
In this case t. 3 tLwt certainly refers to the mortuary
temple of Ramesses III at Medinat Habu, 50 the obty of which was the
brick enclosure wall. It is, thereforet not impossible that thelb-s
of the Hekanakhte inventory was attached to a temple-precinct al-
though wb! could well have referredq originally, to a part of a priv-
ate estate since the plan of any Eeyptian temple was based on that
of a private domestic dwelling. Whether it was in a temple precinct
or a private estatep a wb3 in which a mast could be stored can only
have been a fairly large open spacee
51
The usualp convenient translation of "forecourt" can not be
applied to many of the texts in which wba occurs. The number and
types of both buildings and activities which are described as being
within the temple wb3 can only be accounted for if the word is under6-
stood to have referred to the entire temple temenoo and, by extension,
all land sacred to the god,
This can be seen with regard to the single obelisk of Tuthmosis
III from the Eastern Temple at Karnak (the Lateran obelisk). It bears
an inscription indicating that it was to be erected m wb3 47 ýwt-
52ntro This obelisk was left unfinished by Tathmosis III and was fin-
ally erected in the reign of Tuthmosis IV r sb3 tLry n"Ipt-owt "at
the upper sb3 of pet-sut...53
Despite earlier theories to the cont-
raryp54
jjims55has shown that the obelisk was intended, by Tuthmooia
1119 to stand in the Eastern Temple, the site being designated by the
inscription of this king as the 03 hry "the upper 0311. One would
expect this location to correspond closely to the region of the sbs
1ýry mentioned in the text of Tuthmosis IV956
and there is, thoreCore,
no reason to doubt that the obelisk was intended for the site in
which it was, belatedly, erected. It is impossible that this area
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69
could have been regarded as the "forecourt" of the temple in the reign
of Tuthmosis III and wb3 here must be understood as referring to the
temple temenos,57
the adjective tLry indicating that it was this part-
icular part of the enclosurep at the back of the main templeg which
was intendedo
Cnce again there is a break in the known history of this term as
no further examples have been found from the Eighteenth Dynasty* This
muat be due to an accident of survival since the word must have still
been in use. However from the roign of Seti I wb3 occurs frequently
in all kinds of texts.
In the temple of Luxor 11amesses II described how he made a wb3
provided with two obelisks for his father Amun-Re Atum*58
The obel-
isks stood before the pylon of the temple and were not within the
Razesside forecourt, In this caseq therefore, yll referred to the
area immediately in front of the temple pylon which may have been en-
closed by a Razesside wall which has since been completely destroyed,
There are remains at Luxor of a Thirtieth Dynasty wall59
which could
have been built over an earlier one. However the temple of Luxor
was asubsiduary ofthe
mainAmun temple
atKarnak
and consequentlythe land on which the temple was built and the processional way be-
tween the two building complexes would have been regarded as belong-
ing to Amun and could be described as the wba of the god if the tem
was applied in its broadest sense.
This must be the case with the temple of Seti I at Gurna which
is described as being situated m wb3 nt"Ipt-swto60
This particular
example also shows the impossibility of translating 1b3 as "fore-
courtN
Cne curious use of rb3 is found in the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak
where the hall is namedg on an architrave inscription, as tLwt-ntr
3h_(Sti
mr-n, -ýmnj m pr,! Imn m bft-tLr n)Ipt-swt
wb3 ýSPSSM W3ýW WrW
p4retl mEtt "The bwt-nJr (called) "Glorious is Seti Merenamun"
in the pr of Amung in front of Ipet-satv a xoble wb:3 with great w:sd-
columns andJEB
e
61In this text Wb3 can only be in apposition to
bwt-ntr and is therefore being used of the Hypostyle Hall itself.
Christophe translated wb3 in this text as 11sanctuaire .62
but in an,
other damaged text from the same hall he preferred to translate wb3
as "avant-cour"63
aszaming that in this example64
the text was
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69
referring to the unfinished hall before the smaller columns were
erected. This is an unnecessary assumption if wbs is properly under-
stood* In this case the hall was built on land immediately in front
ofthe
main entranceto the
existing
templeg the same area as was
called"the wb51-1at Luxor. As Christophe has pointed outp Seti I reg-
arded his hall as being "in front of Ipet-sut. 1165
If the hall was
built in the wba of the temple it it easy to see that the name of the
original clear area before the entrance could have been transferred
to the hall itself. Alternatively the use og this term to describe
a hypostyle hall may be an example of hyperbole, since the same hall
was also called a tLwt-ntr.66
Cne further text also uses yýj) for the
Hypostyle Hall; wba spas m mnw nfrw wrw wsdwr'*// /, 1311anoble wb3 with
7great and beautiful monurnentsp wad-columnsLZ
Obviously the meaning of wbs in any text can only be confirmed
if the example can be related to a surviving monument. This is part-
icAlarly true of the temple complex at Karnak.
In the reign of Ramesses II the Eastern Temple was redesigned and
extended* The work is described on the back pillar of a statue of
Bakenkhons, detailingthe building
itself,,the
obeliskd,doors (IM,
q. v.)
and finally the flagstaffs which were erected m wb3 %-Pcs m-bft-
4r n j1wt-ntr. f "in the noble wbb in front of his tiwt-ntr11.68 Once
again, as at Luxor, the wb: is the area before the entrance to the
temple. Nims has sug&ested that this temple was "an edifice built by
the state for the use of the people of Thebes. "69
The fact that the
ordinary people could come to the wba of Amun to petition the god
is shown in a series of Twentieth Dynasty latters, instructing the
family of a sick man to pray for him in the wb3 of Amun. 70 When thO7,
man recovers he is supposed to go to the wb3 to thank the god himself.
Since wb,-ý-could include all the land within the enclosure wallg there
was no heed for the general public to enter the main temple to pet-
ition the god. Shrines and statues could be set up "in the wb-111to
which petitions and offerings could be brought* This is undoubtedly
the origin of the god "Amenhotep of the wb3119 a form of the deified
Pharaoh Amenhotep 1,72 Presumably there was once a status of the
king sbmewhere "in the 0311 of Amun tQ which popular representations
were made, Eventually the cult required a shrine of its own and a
pr of the deified king was established 6n the West Bank at ThebeS73
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10
74and provided with a priesthoode The original site of the statue could
have been anywhere in the area of Karnak or eveng since the temple of
Seti I at Gurna was regarded as Igeing in the wb39 on the West Bank at
Thebes, on land sacred to Amun.
Wb3 occurs frequently in Papyrus Harris I. The temple of Ramesses
III at Karnak is described as )jft-]ýr n wb3. k75
and the king also notes
the providin& for the wb3 of Amunp of a jar-stand,76
plunder from for-
eign campaigns,77
sycamore-trees8
aand a black granite shrine*79 At
Heliopolis the king carried out works in the wb3 of Atum60
including
instituting offerinSs81
building a storehouse fpr offerings82
and
providing men to police and sanctify the 03083 At Memphid Ramesses
built
a
1ýwt in thw wb3 of Ptah94 as well as a similar building in the
wbi of Th6th at Hermopolie.85
Rinally the king describes what he did
for the gods and goddesses of the South and North "I made tLwt (pl. )
and r-pr (pl, ) in (kir) their wbi(w), "86
Wb3 was a very common term in the Nineteenth Dynasty and later
periods. Further buildings which were erected in a wb.3 of a god include
the Amun temple of Seti II at Hermopolis87
and a temple of Merenptah
at Memphis.88
The wb3 formed a pext of the temple complex of Ramesses
III at Medinet HabuEN
and at Heracleopolis a bntt was erected in the
wb3 of Horshefego
Other works carried out in wb3w include the erection91 02
of an obelisk at Heliopolis, columns at Thebest" a great offering93 94 95
table of silver and gold at Karnakj statues of copper and wood
at Thebes and a h3Yt in the enclosure at Dendera in the Ptolemaic
Period.96
Various officials of the wb3 are known including a w1b priest
97
and several scribes.
ý8In the
Twentieth Dynasty the High Priest ofAmung Amenhotepp was introduced in to the great wbi of .
4j=n99
when
he was installed in hie officeg and he was praised and glorified in
the great wb3 of Amun-Re.100
Wb:5 occurs in the demotic script
101but was not retained into
Copticp presumably becatipe the word was so closely connected with
pagan temples which were no longer being built or operated.
The shortage of evidence from the period prior to the Eleventh
Dynasty makes it Impossible to trace the origins of wba, It may have
been first used in relation to domestic architecture if the writing
in the Hekanakhte account refers to his own homep but this in by no
means certain, In any case, the plan of an Egyptian temple was derived
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11
from the basic house-plan since the temple was the home of the god, so
it is possible that wb3 was used to describe the area bounded by encl-
osure walls of both religious and private estates. Howoverv by the
Nineteenth Dynasty, and probably even by the Eighteentht the term had
become firmly affixed to temple architecture alone and it did not
recur in a secular context.
From the New Kingdom onward wbi seems to refer to all that land
sacred to the god outside of the actual temple building itself. Thus
it could be used of the area within the enclosure wall, the temple
temenos, and this can be seen particularly in Papyrus Hartia I where
the building and offering activities which take place m wba or Iýr wIrs
can all be best understood as having occurred within the temple enc-losu=e. Other building texts also clearly use vb3 to mean the :bemple
temenose
There are other cases, howeverv where a translation of "temenos"
is inadequate. In several texts wb3 is used specifically of the area
immediately "in front of" or "outside" a m: in temple entrance and in
the case of the temple of Seti I at Gurna wb3 was extended in meaning
to include land on the West Bank which belonged to Amun.
There is no one word which can be used to translate wb3 correctly
on all occasions and each occu=ence will have to be assamed on the
context, The one translation which id inaccurate on moot occasions
is the generally accepted "forecourt" andq for the majority of texts
11temenos" would be a suitable rendering,
Since wb3 could be extended in meaning to include all land sacred
to a godq it is important not to confuse its meaning with that of the
term pr (qov. ) which, in the context of an Egyptian temple, could
also designate all the land belonging to a particular g6d. Prq however,
has an administrative connotation which is entirely lac4ing in wb-i.
The pr of a god could include land which was administered for the
temple but was situated far away from the main cult-centre. When a
temple on the West Bank at Thebes was described as being m prImn,
this implied that it was under the administrative control of the temple
ofAmun
whilethe
expression m wb3 simplyindicated the
physical sit-uation of the temple,
In actual factv any temple which was erected on the wb" of Amun
would have been under the administrative control of the main Amun
temple at Karnakv and couldv thereforep have been described also as
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12-
m pr * This can be seen in the case of the temple of Seti I at
Gurna.102
The main distinction between the two terms is that m wbi described
the location of the temple while m pr indicated that a temple was
economically subordinate to the main cult-centre of the cod in question.
1 James, The Hekanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Doc-
uments, p1*12, V, 3; KRI9 1,216,5-
2 Urk-, IV, 584,10.
3 KRI.)
Is 2019 5; 201,15; 2059 4-
4 ]D21dq 19 1189 11.
5 plantikow-MAnster, ZA'S 95 (1969)9 1190 Abb,, J,bo 6.
6 KRII 11,278,11-
7 Ibidep 11,278,13; Erichsen, PaPYrus Ha=is 1,39 11; 6,14-15;
349 4; 54t 12; at al*o
8 KRI, 11,37,11-15-
9 Baud and Driotons Le Tombeau do Panehsy, 25, fig. 12.
10 Abd El-Razik, JEA 60 (1974), 1479 4-
11 Roeder, ASAE 52 (1954)9 345; p1s. V; VI.
12 Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 10,9; denly, Late Ramesside
Letters, 311,11-
13 Berlin K6niglichen Maseeng Aegyptische Inschriften, 158,7.
14 Cerny and Gardiner, Hieratic Ostraca., I, pl. 1029 2.
15 Virey, Rec. do Tr 8 (1886), 170 and unnumbered plate.
V16 Cerny and Gardinerv op, cit., pl. 89, rect t 9.
17 ERI, V, 250,2*
18 Ibide, V, 237,7-
19 Chicago Universityl, Oriental Institutep Ramees III'a Temple within
the Great Inclosure of Amon, Iq pls. 22, A, 18; 23# A9 18-
20 Id, q Madinat Habu III, pls. 182,2; 184,5 (this last without
21 Peet, The Great Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty,
II, pl. XIX, 6, recto, 4-
22 Ibidpq pl. It 2p 8.
23 UT, Mv 101; 218, b(with T
instead of Lefebvre, Inscriptionsconcernant les g=ands Pretres d'Amon Rome-Rok at Amenhotept 63?
Insc*XV, b, 3 and 6; Leg=ain, Statues at Statuettest 1119 80&J-%0
24 Cerny, Op- Cit-, 72t 7-
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is
25 Cerny, JEA 31 (19409 46 (wb3 is written like this in lines 2,6
and 9 of the stela (BM 278). In line 5 an. 3 is added. )
26 Cerny, Late Ramesside Lettersq 2,10o
27 Hamada, ASAE 47, (1947)9 18, (6).
28 Badawi, ASAE 44 (1944), 204-
29 Vercoutter, BIFAO 49 (1950), pl. IIv 2; 111,2 (Vercoutter would
prefer to date this to the Thirtieth Dynasty* See wb3, note 59)-
30 Ibidep Pl-Vv 3; ahassinatv Roe. de Travo 23 (1901)9 79-
31 Koefoed Petersen, Los St; les Egyptiennes, pl. 65-
32 Daumas, BIFA 50 (1952), 149-
33 Saunerong Esnap 1119 109 197P 14-
34 Ido, Manges Mariette 245-
35 Gardiner, Grammcx, Sign List, U. 26 (also U, 279 an Old Kingdom var-
iant).
36 Ibid,, Sign List, U, 24-
37 Gardiner, JEA 15 (1929)9 52*
38 ML.v 19 2909 1-23; 291,1-7, See alsop now, Ward, The Four Egyptian
39 T! -, 1,291,10-13- Homographic Roots b3,60-61vi 113-115-
40 Faulknerg Con. Dictep 58.1
41 Wb. 9Iv 2919 14- (The W6rterbuch also lists a word wb3j. (t Tj
which is feminine, occurs in Late Egyptian only
and for which the Wbo gives the translation "Vorhof don Tempols"
(LVb.r 19 291t 15)o The writing comes from BIJ Octracan 5656a which
is a New Kingdom hymn to Azun-Re (Bircht Inscriptions in the Hier-
atic and Demotic Character from the Collection of the British
Museum, p1*26,5656av versop 9),, However the hieratic forms of the
first three signs bear no resemblance to their equivalents as given
by M0"ller (Hieratische Palalographiev 119 487 (jb3, neither does
))* In view of thishe sign resemble bmt,, 486); 124 (b); 208 (IL%
it is probably not to be taken as a feminine writing of wbrs,)
42 Christophe, U61anges Masperop 19 fasc-49 24-
43 Otto, Topographie den Thebanischen Gauesp 47-48-
44 Wb-9 1,291. (The belief that vb3 was unknown before the Now King-
dom led Roeder (ASAE 52 (1954), 348v (a)) to asoume that it musthave referred to a part of the temple which did not exist in ear-
lier exazples. )
45 James, ope cit. t pl. 120 V, versor 3 (for the transcription see pl.
I 2A.,)
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114
46 Ibideq 61, note 27-
47 Urk. 9 111,68,13-
48 James, op. citv 61-629 note 28*
49 Peet, op- cit-v IIP Pl-XXrIt 39 7 (for a translation of the whole
passage see Ibid. 9 Iv 125)-
50 6ernyj, JEA 26 (1940)t 127-130-
51 Compare the court of an Amarna house (Lloydq JEA 19 (1933)9 1-7)-
52 Urk.9
IV, 5849 10-
53 Ibid-v 15509 18-
54 PM9 11,213-
55 Nims, Beitrhge Bf. 12t Festschrift Ricke, 109 and note 15-
56 The Easte3m gate of the temple of Amun is again called llsb's liry"in the reign of Ramesses II (Plantikow-Mýmster, op. citep Abb. 1,
b, 5-
57 The brick enclosure wall of the Amun temple in the Eighteenth Dyn-
asty seems to have been a buttressed wallp portions of which have
been found on the eastern side of the temple (Barguetv Templeg 34;
Plan 1). Bargue-Us plan shows the wall bending in the area of the
Eastemn temple so that one can not be certain as to its exact pos-
ition with regard to the obelisk.
58 Abd El-Razik, Op- cit-v 147,4-
59 Ptdv 119 pl. XXIX.
60 KRIf It 2169 5 (see also; Christophep BIPAO 60 (1960)9 78-79-)
61 ]ýRlt Iv 2019 4-5 (Christophet op. cit-9 73)
62 Ibid.,v
74; 78.
63 Lbid-t 78-
64 Loc- cit- (KR-Tv Iv 2059 4)-
65 Christopheq op* cit-P 78-
66 KRIv Ij, 2019 4; iý-201W-9; 2019 15; 2029 8; 203# 7; 2039 13; 203v 16;
et tao .67 Ibidej 12 2019 15-
68 Plantikow-MAnsterv op. cit. 91199 Abb. 19 b, 6.
69 Nims, op. cit. P ill.
V70 Ceniy,
,Late Ramesside Lettersp 2t 10; 31'11-
71 Ibidev 729 7-
72 Schmitz, Amenophis 1,117-1181 Cerny, BIPAO 27 (1927)9 162-164-
73 Peet, op. citev II, pl. lp Abbottv 2,8.
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Is
74 Borchardtq Statuen und Statuetten, 1119 136, No-884; Legraint opo
cit., 1119 80; Baud and Drioton, loco cit-*
75 Erichsen, Papyrus Harris 1,5,17-
76 Ibid*, 6,14-15-
77 Ibid., 8f 7-
78 Ibid., 9,1.
79 Ibid., 6,11.
80 Ibid., 30,10-
61 Ibid., 349 4-
82 Ibid., 31,11.
83 Ibid., 33,5-
84 L1jLd. , 50,885 Ibid*, 67,4-
86 Ibid., 70,10.
87 Roederq op- Cit-t 345; 346; pls. V; VI.
88 KRI, V, 250,2.
89 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, loc. cit-, V, Pl-355, B.
90 Vercoutter, BIFAO 49 (1950), 88; pls. II, 2; 111# 2 (Louvre A. 88);
103; Pl-V, 3 (unrmmbered statue in Alexandria)*
91
92 Chicago Universityt Oriental Institute, Rameses III's Temple within
the Great Inclosure of Amun, pls. 22, A, 18; 23, A, 18-
93 LRI, V, 231,7-
94 Peet, op- cit-, II, PLVII, 3,17-
95 Ibid., II, Pl-XXI, 4, vers ,20o
96 Daumas, BIFAO 50, (1952)1,149-
97 Koefoed Petersen, loc. cit..
98 Wreszinskiv Aegyptische Inschriften aus dem K*K,, Hofmuseum in Wien,
90; Chassinatq Rec. de Trav. 23 (1901), 79; Parker, A Saite Orac-
ular Papyrus from Tliebes, 33; pl. 12, K-7 and K*12*
99 Lefebvreq op. cit., 63, Insc. XV, b. 3; Pl-II-
100 Ibid*, 63, Insc. XV, b, 6; pl. II.
101 Erichsenq Demotisches Glossar, 85-
102 KRII, 1,215,15; 2169 10; et ale*
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16
wmt
Dyne Ml Dyne2
Dyne3
Dyne XVII,4
xiiV-3 C-3
]Dyne XVIII
5
Dyne XIX'1-3
Dyne XIX0 XX7
-=Z; aDyn e X. 0 Dyne XXII'
C-3 An N C-M TTDyne XXVIIP Dyne XXVII
1Dyne
12
=: Uý Cýl ==;D n r" xxvil
f---n-73
I
The W6rterbuch translates vmt as "the thickness of a door" and alsoI'doorwayp portico,,
13and notes that, in Late Egyptiang the noun was
treated as a feminine word. A similar translation (gateway) is given
'14by Faulknero Gardinerg while suggesting a translation of "gateway', '
noted that the real meaning was "rather the inner part of the gatep
the gateway rather than the entire structureg"15
and Christophel
discussing the occurrences of wmt in Papyrus Harris Ip takes wmt to
be the entire length of the passage in the thicknesg of the wall be-
1tween the exterior and interior faces of the door. Hayes has noted
that the gender of wmt seemed to change from masculine to feminine
by confusion of the final consonant t with the feminine te=ination*17'
This change in gender was also remarked upon by Caminos in his16
commentary on the Chron:ýcle. of Prince Osorkon where he takes t3
wmt `6s to have been the name of a departmentp office or inatitutio: 4
named after its main architectural feature, an alabaster gateway.
Wmt seems originally to have been a masculine wordq the final
of which came to be mistaken for the feminine ending. With-the exc-
eption-of Ostracon Petrie 599 'the writings in Sinahe show no final to
Barns thought he could make it out in the Ashmolean Ostracont15
One
of the writings in this text is in the phrase wmI nt d, m,20
showing
thatq even at this early datd, the masculine noun was mistaken for a
feminine one. ChronoloUj6dljy. IIthe next writing of wmt is on a hieratic
ostracon from the tomb of Senimit at Thebes. This also does not showthe terminal t and the noun ispreceded by the masculine article pz.
21
Most examples of the termp howeverg have no indiciLtion of ganderg
although in Papyrus Harris I wmt is once treated as masculine22
while
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117
in B. M. PaPYrus 10053 23and in the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon24 the
feminine article t3 is used before wmt. Inscriptions of Darius at
the temple of Hibis also treat the term as feminine., 25
Etymologically wmt is derived from wmt "to be thick" 2-6and it is
often difficult to distinguish wmtp the building elementq from wmt
11thickness#q'27
since the two words are usedt and can be spelledt so
similarly. '
As was noted above, the earliest writinge of wmt are in the story
of Sinuhe, the earliest extant version of which dates to the Middle
Kingdomp with copies of the text surviving from later periods.
'When Sinuhe returns to Egypt he goes to the palace and prostrates
himself between the guarding sphinxes vhile the royal children stand
in the vm<t)w to greet him.28
Presumably they would be standing in
the passage formed by the thickness of the monumental gateway at the
entrance to the palace. This is a clear indication that the original
meaning of wmt was the "thickness" of a gate- or doorwayp In the case
of small doors this would entail merely the width of the door-jambo
the reveal, but in the monumental doorways which were constructed in
Egyptian temples and palaces the vmt would be the passage through thethickness of the wall or pylon into which the door was sets
The other example of vmt in the story of Sinuhe is less straight-
forward and both Sethe and Gardiner viewed this writing of wmt as an
errorp copied from the previous example.,29
The occurrence is in the
same passage as the former writing. When Sinuhe goes into the palace
he finds the king seated on his throne* The most complete text has;
gm. n.1
.m. f kLr st wrt m wmOnt ýIm.
39Gardiner suggested that the text
should be amended to read at wrt nt dm since it would not be natural=Z-
for the king to sit, on his thronep, in a doorway. In support of the
suggestion he cited a further example of at wrt nt dLm-31 This view
has since been challenged by both Rossenvasser-P and Barna-33 who
prefer to re, ta±d at wrt m vmt nt 4 as this is now supported by
the publications of new versions of the text. In particulart a frag-
ment of papyris in Buenos Airest containing parts of lines B. 251-256,
although damaged, clearly reads; V? ] st wtt m w[4A/d, 4VX], the dot-
erminatives of d'M, I,,,9
being still preserved. This papyrus hats
been assigned a date similar to that of the Berlin version and is,
therefore, not far removed in time from the date of the original
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-is
composition. This reading is also supported by two hew Kingdom ostraca.
The, Ashmolean Ostracon has Iýf st wrt M35.
and, although
Baxns could not reconcile the traces between WMLt]
and 'n with a read-
ing of nt*36
the sense of the text can not be doubted. Ostracon Petrie
59 shows m wmt nt d, m.37
Caminos has suggested that wmtv in this context9 should be under-38
stood as referringto a recess in which the throne was situated.
This would agree well with the etymological origin of the tem since
the throne would be set in the "thickness" of the recess. It is almost
certainp therefore that the text of Sinuhe does not need to be amend-
ed at this point.
An interesting indication of the meaning of wmt is given on anostracon from the tomb of Senmut at Thebes, describing work on the
tomb itself.39
According to Hayes40
the wmt to which reference is
twice made could only be the "inner doorway" of the tomb, as the prop-
ortions of this door approximate closely to those given on the ostra-
con. Since three dimensions are quoted for the wmt, the entire inner
surface of the doorway must have been intended. %b
It is interesting to note that, in this case, rAdt
"depth" is used for the actZral thickness of the L
jamb, the measurement which originally gave the
name vmt to the reveal.
The reveal of the doorway is called wmt on the verso of th ý1 Tur'.
papyruav the recto of which describes the tomb of Razesses IV. The
identity of the royal tomb described on the verso has not yet been
established but the measurements givan for the doorways leave no doubt
that the"thickness" off-11m doorp the revealv is the meaning of wmt.
In his translaýjonq Gardiner regards wmt in this text as the abstract
noun "breadth", indicating the difficulty of deciding on the best
translation. Both teims have, essentiallyg the same meaning, so that
the question of which of the two was actually intended isp to a cer-
tain extentp irrelevan& sincep in this casep neither the speaLling
of the word nor the context in which it is found can distinguish be-
tween the two.
A text of the reign of Ramesses II illustrates the true meaning
of wmt. A womang concerning whom prognostications are to be made, is
told to stand m wmt nt sbs.43
In Papyrus Harris I the wmt is also
obviouslY a part of the door-frame.,44
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Although vmt originally and continuously referred to the reveal
of 6 ao6rp which in monumental architecture became a "passage"t the
term does seem to have acquired a wider meaning and it came to be
used for the entire frame of the doorway. An early example of this
may occur in a damaged text of the reign of Amenhotep III, desczýibing
the king's tLwt nt %LtLw rnpwt at Memphis which contained wsbwt wmtw,
m[////. 45
The fact that the wmtw* mere listed with the wsbwt would
suggest that entire doorways were intended rather than reveals. This
would also seem to be so in the papyrus B. M. 10053 where mention is
made twice of the sb3 1ýry n t3 wmt n Inr sbw40
from which 4J deben
of copper was removed. Sb3 here is used to refer to the door-leafg a
meaning which the term had acquired by the Twentieth Dynastyq with
wmt used to describe the door frame.
Similarly the wmt of alabaster mentioned on the Bubastite gate
at Karnak47 and the granite wmt of the temple of Horshef at Heracleo-
polis48
would have been doorwaysp not just reveals.
Finally the gate of the pylon of Darius at the temple of Hibis
is aalled a wmt and is described as being made of[Sand)stone
with
sb3w of coppAr.
49The text is inscribed on the front and back reveals
50of the gate so thatt although wmt must mean the entire gateway the
texts themselves are on the true wmtW-p,he reveals.
From its apparent origin in the Middle Kingdom wmt was used of
the reveal of a door down to the Twentieth Dynasty at least* Howeverg
during the New Kingdom the meaning was extended to include the entire
door frame. This was probably underway in the Eighteenth Dynasty and
was certainly so in the Twentieth and later Dynasties.
Sinuhe. B*250: B. 252.2 Sinuhep Ostracon Petriev 599 1
Hayeap Ostraca and Name Stones from the Tomb of Ben-mut (NO-71
at Thebes pl-XV9 NO-75-4 Rrk-9 IVP 17129 1. This damaged writing is restored by Helck (jr-
kunden der 18 Dynastie Ubersetzang zu den Heften 17-22 224) as<X 4-=:m'2-c--3 which he translates as 'IT6rlaibungen".
5 Urk- 9 IVP 1795P 13-6 KRIt It 47,12. The determinatives include probably borrowed
from wmt "wall" (see P-82 ). The fact that these vmtw are of granite
would indicate reveals rather than walls. This also applies to an-
other writing which could be taken to be either word. See further
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so
under vmt p. 82.
7 Wreszinskit Der Grosse Medizinische Papyrus des Berliner Museums
(3038)t 47,4; Erichsenq Papyrus Harris I, 67v 1; Peetp The Great
Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynastyq Ijq pi. Xx, BM,
10053,2, versop 15-
8 Carter and Gardinert JEA 4 (1917)v 147; 148-
9 -Xhicago Uftiverb#y, Oriental Institutev The Bubastite Portaly pl,
16,47-
10 Vercouttert BIFAO 49 (1950), 88,13.
11 Metropolitan Museum of Art, Egyptian Expedition, The Temple of Hibis
in El-Khargeh Oasisp III, pl. 58*
12 Loc. cit..13 Wb-t It 3079 1-29
14 Faulkner, Con. Diet., 60.
15 Gardiner, Notes on the Story of Sinuhe, 95-96.
16 Christophep Kelanges Maspero, 19 fasc-4t 23-
17 Hayesq OP9 cit-t 32.
18 Caminos, The Chronicle of Prince Osorkon, 64-65-
19 Barnsq, The Ashmolean Ostracon Of Sinuheq verso, 44-45-
2D Sinuhet B,, 250. and parallel textso
21 Hayes, op. cit., pl. XV, No-75-
22 Erichsen, op. cit., 50p 11.
23 Peetp loc. cit..
24 Chicago Universityt Oriental Institutev loc* cit-*
2ý Metropolitan Museum of Art, Egyptian Expedition, loc. cit..
6 'Wb., It 306,9-14-
27 Ibid. , 1,306,15-
28 Sinuhe, B. 250-
29 Gardiner, op. cit. p96.
30 Sinuh , B. 252.
31 Urk-t IV, 349P 11-
32 Ros@nvasnerl, JEA 20 (1934)t 48,t
.33 Barns, op. cit. f
28.
34 Rosenvassert Opq cit-# 47-P fig- It 3; PLIX, 1-
35 Barns, op. cit j versot 44-45-
36 Ibid., 28.
37 Blackmang Middle Egyptian Stories, 36,15-
38 Barns, loc* cit**
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81,
39 Hayes, loc- cit.
40 Ibid- 9 32.
41 Carter and Gardinerv loc. cit
42 Loc.cit..43 Wreszinskiv loc. cit..
,44 Erichsenq op. cit. p 50,11; 679 1-
.45 Urk. 9 IV, 17959 13-
46 Peet,-op.
cit., pl. XX, B. M. 10053,2, versoo 15; (omitting 1ýrY) 39
verso, 3.
47 Chicago University, Oriental Instituteg loc. cit..
48 Vercoutter, loc. cito.
.49 Metropolitan Museumof Artq Egyptian Expedition, loc. cit..
50 Ibid. 9 111, Pls- 1; 58-59-
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92
Dyn * XIX'
NOK04
wmt
Dyn., XIX2
en=CZ 11
110-:;m H C..cý N
Dyne XX3
Dyn. XX5
The use of R as the determinative of wmt is a certain indication that
the term refers to some kind of wall. Unfortunately none of the occ- 6
urrences is in a useful context. One is a component of a private namep
while two others are descriptive epIthets of the king.7
The two rem-
aining examples are from texts which refer to actual buildings* One
is on an ostracon and mentions work on "the vmt of 'The Tombl".8
and
the other is in a text describing work on an 1-t w'-bt at Karnak in the
reign of Ramesses IX,9
Obviously a wmt will have been a "thick wall" and the term may
have had no more specific meaning than this. It p1robably evolved from
the adjectival adjunct n wmtt in sbty n wmtt10
andInb(n)wmttli in
the Eighteenth Dynasty.
1 KRI-9 It 79 11-
2 LeDot 111,166.
3 In a man's name p-a n t3wmtv Gardinerp Ramesside Administrative
Documentb, 67,1; Rankep Personermamen I, 111,16.
4 Spiegelbergg Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 5j(1902)j*325-
5 Marietteg Karnakq PI-409 4-
6 Rankep loc. cite.
7 KRI*q It 79 11; L. Dog IIIp 166.
8 Spiegelberg, loc. cit..
9 Marietteg loc* cit..
10 See belowq P*239-
11 See above, p. 25-26.
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83
wnbwt
Dyn
Wnbwt occurs only in an inscription of the reign of Tuthmosis III
at Karnak and is not given in either the W8rterbuch or Faulkner's
dictionary. As can be seen from the writing abovep the word has to
be partially restoredv although the determinatives are well preserved.
Unfortunately the text immediately precediiS, 7 the description of the
wnbwt is completely lost and the inscriptionj as it now standsp reads;
wnfbwt] Iryw m nbwy2
"their in gold. " lacsup31n his discus-
sion of the texti suggested that the wnbwt were the bases of columnst
showingg in the determinatives, the leaf-design which was character-
istic of the papyriform colllmns.4
Lacam linked the word with wnb
"part of the eye,,5
and w3b "root" or "root of a tooth or eye ,6 and
suggested that the columns under discussion were those immediately
behind the Sixth Pylon of the temple of Amun at Karnak. These are
sandstone papyriform cluster columns.7
One would then have to assume
that thepreceding
textpnow
lost, described thecolumns
themselves.
In spite of the fact that the writing has to be largely restored
the distinctive form of the determinatives would suggest that it is
the base of the column shaft that was intended. This part of the
column was often g-Mbd originally8
and so would comply with the des-
cription of the vnbwt as given in the text.
1 LacaupASAE53 (t95A)i 228. Lacau reads the groupt';21" as 83WY
but Harris has pointed out that there is no reason not to read
the group as pýM (Mineralst 39). This text is also published in
Urk., IV9 168.9 where the word has been restored differently.
2 lacaut loc. cit..
3 Lacau, op. cit. v 227-9.
4 e. g. Borchardt, Die Ae&Mtische Pflanzensa"ule 32 (papyriform-
cluster column); 41 (single-stem papyriform column).
5 n-9 It 3191 2.6 Wb-P It 250P 9-11-
7 Lacaup op, cit v pl. II.
8 ibid 9 221-234s
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'Y4-
wh3
Dyn *V1 Dyn. XII
22nd. Int.
3
0 TH 'Sý!!
ýt c6
D.n. XVII(? )4 Dyne xv1115 Dyne XVIIIli> I
Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII8
Dyne XV1119
ell, &XX7",*, II? v
sic Dyne XVIII10
Dyne XIX11
Dyne XIX%!
=R2 G (17
or Xx12
Dyn. XIX Wn. XX14
ýYn. XX15
or XX1a Ilk 44 ýý cly,
16 17 18Dyne XX Dyne XXII13ý1 OAII
Dyno XXV
Dyne XXV'9
Dyne XXV20
Dyn 9 XXVI21
01 C==
olýTT %it 23G%C Dyne Ptole
,Sý_j ý ýýVxxv,
22 IIIIPtO1,24
The first point to note regardino; w743 s that the word has a much
longer history than was recogaised when the W6rterbuch was compiled.
The earliest example known at that time was from the Middle Kingdom25
but a text of the Fifth Dynasty has since been publishedp containing
the word wh3. This is a block from the causeway of the pyramid of
Unas at Saqqara showing palm-columns beingvtransported by barge for
the construction of the pyramid complex. The inscription describes
them ast"w: h'sw of granite"
26
and the columns of the pyramid-temples
werep in factv granite palm-columns.27
Unfortunately no further ex-
amples of the word from the Old Kingdom have yet come to light.
In the Fifth Dynasty writing the word is spelt wbp without the 341
This is also true of the one known Middle Kingdom writing while one
of the Seventeenth Dynasty is spelt wLA. In spite of these indications
that the word may have originally been wh or wh1j it is probably. W- -Ad-
preferable to r§ad the word as wh3 sincep from the Second Intermediate
V-Period onwardp this is the usual spelling, With only two exceptionsq
both of the reign of Taharqa from Kswa in Nubiaq "A was co"istently
written with the biliteral1
b3.28
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95
,j
The 10"rterbuch translated wh-, as a "columnp pillar (of wood or of
stone), also tent-pole. "29
and added that it could be used figurat-
ively in the phrase "column of heaven" to describe the King or a god.30
Faulkner noted that it could mean "column" or "tent-polett.31
Apart from having been used in building contextsp wh3 was used to des-
cribe not only tent-poles32 NL- 33
but also a part of a shipp presumably
a pole or a mast.
As can be seen from the writings given abovep it would be imposs-
ible to decide to which column-typey if anyp whs originally referrda,
on the basis of these writings alone. Virtually all types were used,
at one time or anothery as determinativeo of the word. The evidence
from actual buildings is aldo inconclusive as most,wb3w can not be
identifiedp while those that can are not all the same column-type.
The earliest referencep as detailed abovep describes the palm-
columns of the Unas i5yramid complex. lkl*-' was also used as a term for
a palm-column on a Ramesside stela which shows a man offering to the
god Ptah who is described as hry p3 wLi-3and behind whom stands a
quite distinct palm-column.34
A palm-column is also used as the det-
erminativeof wh3 on
thepedestal
inscriptionof
Amenhotep III in
the temple of Luxor.35
In this case wb3 was used as a general torm
for the temple columns which were described, more specificallys as
4bwt (qov. ). a3w was the name given to the columns of the temple
(T) of Taharqa at Kawa36 where the majority of the columns were palm-
fozm although there were some papyriform columns as well*37
It would seem then to be at least possible that an wbi-column
was, originally., a palm-column. There does notp howeverv appear to
be any etymological evidence to support such a theory. In the Graeco-
Roman period the word for a palm-column was bnrt38 which was alogical term for a palm-columnt originating in bnrt "date-palm,,.
39
It isp thereforet possible that all palm-columnsp even in dynastic
Egyptt were called by this namey despite the fact that no such writ-ings have survived.
Other wb2w can be identified with existing columns of different
forms. In the temple of Ptah at Karnak Tuthmosis III describes how hefound the temple built of brick with W741Wnd sbiw of wood4O and he
rebuilt thettemple in stone. The wh,
3w are. not mentioned again so that
one cannot betertain that this term was also applied to the only
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86
remaining Tuthmosid columns in the temple. These are polygonal.41HOw_
ever one can be certain that whiw in a dedication inscription of
Amenhotep III in the temple of Montu at Karnak42
does refer to the
papyriform-cluster columns of the temple,43
particularly as, for oncep
the determinatives given to the word corresponds to the actual colurnn-
type.
As mentioned abovep wh-bw in the Luxor inscription of Amenhotep III
seems to be a general term for all the columns of the temple, where
those erected by this king were either papyriform-clusters or single-
stem papyriform columns.44
n, s was often linkedp in textsp with elements which went to make
up doorwaysp such as; sb3wp45 sbhwtj46 a5
47
and htrw.
48
In the case
of the work carried out at Karnak in the Twentieth Dynasty by the
Migh Priest of Amung Amenhotep, Sauneron suggested that the WýSw were
'Iles supports d1un toit pAeSdant la porte"19 In view of the strong
connections between the wbaw and doorways this was pnobably also the
case in many of the texts where it is not possible to identify the
whiw with existing remains.V-
WM-colilmns could have been made of wood50
or stone5l and, in
one casep a man was likened to a wh,, of reeds under which was a ant52 X-
(q. v. )of copper. Of the types of building in which wh1w were Grect-- : __
ed, temples and their associated buildings occur most frequentlyp al-53 54
though wb3w were also set up in a palace# a tomb and an unspecified
secular building.55
In the Ptolemaic period wt,3wi as was also the case with other
colilmn-terms, was used in a general way for all kinds of columnq with
detailed determinatives added to indicate the column-type involved. 56
The word occursp at Philaep in a demotic inscription on one of the
columns of the Western colonnade.57
This columnp now in Berling is,
in factt a palm-colilmn58 and there Me no reason to doubt that the
inscriptionj carved by the stone-masoia in a formal demotio scriptj
refers to this palm-coltimn.
It is tempting to suggest, in view of this last example and alsoS9
theearlier evidence,
thata wb3 was, originallyp a palm-column.
Unless the word bnrt is much older than its earliest attested ref-
erenceq which is always possibley there is no known term for a palm-
column in dynastic Egypt1 although the form was a very ancient one
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87
in constant use from the Old Kingdom to the Ptolemaic period.
However, more usually, whs was a general term for a column and.V---
did not refer to a specific typep although the determinatives could
indicate theactual
form. Whswas used not only
for largepstone. -V.
columns but also for lighter wooden onesy both in temple architecture
for porches and in the context of a ship or a,, tent.
On present evidence it is not possible to be more specific than
this about the meaning of wh-s. It was, howeverv a very long-lived wordo
examples being known from the Fifth Dynasty to the Ptolemaic period
in hieroglyphic and to the Roman period in demotice In spite of the
fact that wt3 was still being used at such a late datep it seems to
have disappeared from the language by the time the Coptic script was
in general use*
1 Hassant ZAS80 (19509 137P fig-1-
2 Newberryp Beni Hasanp 19pl. xxv'I, 196.
3 Gardinert Admonitions, pl, 2p 10.
4 Jange and Schaferv Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Ralchnj II,
94. This block is also published by-Mariette(Catalogue
generaldes monuments d'Abydo 9 97P NO-545) and the writing of wb-b is quoted
by Newberry QPSBA22 (1900)t 99p note*) and Faulkner (Con. Diet*
67)- Mariette reproduces the form of the dete=inative asZ while
Faulkner and Newberry both show a papyriform-cluster column. There
does not appear to be a published photograph of the block (Cairo
20503 see IMP Vp 73) so that one cannot be certain of the exact
form Of the signt but as neither Faulkner nor Newberry claim to have
collated the text with the original there is no reason to suppose
that the sign is a papyrifom-cluster column. The block was origin-
ally ascribed to the Eleventh Dynasty on the grounds of its sim-
ilarity to another block from Abydos (Cairo 20502 see Lange and
Sch&ferp OP- cil p 93) which mentions the king Intef-aa who wasp
at that time, believed to have belonged to the Eleventh Dynasty
(Gauthierp le livre des Rois dligyptI Ip 227)- However it has
since been shown that this king belonged to the Seventeenth Dyn-
asty (Winlock, JEA 10 (1924)p 234-237-) and these blocks from
Abydos should be re-dated accordingly*
5 Urk-P 17P 13799 8.
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83
6 Rims, Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson fig-79 x+16.
7 Heyes, JEA 46 (1960)9 pl. XIIIA9 21, recto 7 (also 3P without
VCerny,
!LEA 15 (1929)p pl. XLIIIP recto 2,6 (BeM,
*10055)-
8 Urk.9
IVY 7659 13-
9 Varillaq Karnakp It pl-XVIIP 7-
10 Urk-9 IVY 1712v 2. This is the damaged pedestal inscription of
Amenhotep III in the temple of Luxor. For discussion of the form
of the dete=inative here see ntLbwt note 2. Ahother writing of wbsp
without a determinative2 also occurs on the pedestal (Urk., IV,
17119,9).
11 Spiegelberg, Orientalistische Litteratur-zeitung 5 (1902)9 319-320t
Ostr. Cairo 25241, recto 2,4 and 6. For a facsimile of the hiera-tic see Marietta, Abydost II, pl. 609 b.
12 Roeder, Zis 61 (1926), 61; pl. IVj 2.
13 Posenerv Catalogue des Ostraca, hieratiques litteraires do Deir el
Madinah, IIP P1-49týOstr- 12179 2.
14 Erichsenq Papyrus Harris It 59 10-
15 Ibid.,, 16,13-
16 Mariettet Karnakv P1-40P 4; Sauneronp BIFAO 64 (1966), pl. II9
x+5; x+7.
17 Navillej The Festival Hall of Osorkon II in the Great Temple of
Bubastis (1887-1889)t Pl-VIP frag- 11-
18 Macadam, The Temples of Kswaq It Pls-71 23; 8t 23 (Inse- NO-43)-
19 Ibidj 19 pl. lip 17; 129 17 (Insc. No. 6).
20 Ibid. p It P1-13P 3; 14t 3 (Insc- NO-*
21 Vercouttert BIPAO 49 (1950)p 889 3j 2 (louvre A88).
22 Ibideq 101. This statue (now in the museum n Alexandria) was
found in the East Harbour at Alexandria and has been ascribed to
the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty by comparison with louvre A88 (Daressyq
ASAE 5 (1905)t 127-128)- However see further below note 59-
23 Do Witt Ch. d'Eg. 36 NO-72 (Ju3.v 1961)t 300-
24 Pii-d- P 285-
25 n-P It 352*
26 Hassanp loc. cit..27 For a photograph of one of these columns see Jequier, Architectural
It pl*69 le
28 Gardinert Grammar, Sign Listp M12,
29 Wb,,9 It 5321,12-14-
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Set
30 W-b-t It 5329 15-16. Ma was also used to describe some kind ofX-
column or pole which seemed to serve as a divine totem (Erichsen,
op. cit., 16,13- Possibly also Spiegelberg, loc. cit.. and Roeder,
loc.cit..
) Thismay
beconnected with
thejh -column of
Cusae
(Mb-t It 352,2) but is outside the scope of this study*
31 Faulkner, Con. Dict., 67-
32 Urk, I IV, 664,7; 7059 13-
33 urk., IV, 23,14; 7079 13-
34 Roeder, loc* cit**
35 Urk- Y IVP 1712p 2*
36 Macadam, op. cit 9 It plso8j 23; 12y 17; 149 3-
37 Lb-id-t IIP 99; 107-9; Pls-XIV, IXt 0-
38 Wallerty Die Palmen im Alten Agypten 35-37-
39 M2-t It 4629 1-3-
40 Urk-P IV, 765,13* This particular part of the stela was restored
in the reign of Seti I but there is no reason to suppose that wbtw
did not occur in the original text.
41 For a photograph see J6quierv Architecture I, Pl-54,2,
42 Varillep loc. cit..43 Lbid., pl. XI.
44 i6quier, op. cit t I, pis. 62-68.
45 11-rk-t No 765,13; 1379,8; Sauneronp op. cit-t Pl-II, x+5; Erichsent
loc. cit*.
46 Gardinerg Admonitions, pl. 2p 10.
47 Lange and SchAfer, op- cit r 11,94; Hims, loc, ci oe48 Erichsen, loc. ci .; Mariette, loc. ci .; Sauneront op. cit , pl.
II, x+5; x+7-
49 ibidet 16t note (o). Comparealso Nimst OP- ci -, 73o
50 ! K-k-t IVP 1379t 8; Nims, op. ci -, fig-7, x+16; Gardinerp loc. cit.,(This last by implicationp since the wb3w were destroyed by fire);
Urlc-, IV9 765,13-
51 Hassang loc. cit..; Spiegelbergt loc. cit ; bernyp loco cit.;
Mariette, loc. cit.; Sauneron, op. cit-P PLIIP X+7; Brugscht LO-0-
cit.; Daressyp loc* cit.; Hayes, loc. cit. (By implication, since
wbS is determined with r-=
52 Posener, loco cit..
53 Erichsent loc. cit..
54 6erny, loc. cit..
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CW
55 Fewberxy, Beni Hasanp It 26,196.
56 De Wit, op. cit. p 2859 300-
57 Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Graffiti of the Dodecaschoenus
III, pl, XII, Ostre Philae 27p le
58 ! MY 19 107b; 1089 111. Por photographs of t7jis column in situ see; -
Lyonsp A Report on the Island and Temples of Philaep Pls-39-40Y
(column No*19)o A further Romanexample of wbb "column" exists on
the 'Marberini Obelisk" of which I have been unable to find a
publication. Brugsch (46rterbuch, 269) gives a spelling of C'ZOVnd
the text is translated, without a copy of the inscriptiong by Erman
R6mische Obelisken, 17, IV, c.
59 Other w4'5whave also been identified with existing palm-columns.
The description og the columns is foundp in two similar accounteg
on statues of the official Hor which are generally regarded as
belonging to the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty (Louvre A88 and an unnumbered
statue in the Alexandria museum. See note 22 above andp for a bib, -liography of each statuesee Vercoutte3; BIPA 49 (1950)t 85; 100-)
However Vercoutter (ibid.r 85-114)v although admitting thatv on
stylistic grounds,he
would preferto date the
statuesto the Twenty-
Sixth Dynastyp equates the work described by Hor with work of the
Thirtieth Dynasty at Heraoleopolis. This is in the temple of Hor-
shef which was excavated by Petrie (Ehnasyag 5-17; Plo-V-XI)-who
found it to have been mainly the work of Ramesses II with somelater rebuildingg possibly in the reign of Nectanebo II. There
was no definite evidence for rebUilding in the Saite period. At
the front of the temple is a row of granite palm-columns and it
is these which Vercoutter would like to identify with the 11w1jsw
of graniten in the two texts.
Since these columns are covered with the name of Ramesses II
they can not have been erected by Hor whether he lived in the
Twenty-Sixth Dynasty or the Thirtieth. It is possible that Hor
restored the columns and then claimed to have built them, but
one would then have expected them to have been inscribed with the
cartouche of the king for whom the work was carried out* A furtherobjection to Vercoutter's theory is that the side walls of the
court which he would equate with the "south and north lnbw"of the
text on Louvre A88 do in fact lie to the east and west of the temple
which faces south. In addition the elements named by Hor do exist
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qI
in the Ramesside temple at Heracleopolis but equally could be found
in any normal Egyptian temple and it is possible that there was
once a Late Period temple at Heracleopolis which has since been
destroyed.
Consequently while it is tempting to accept Vercoutter's, iden-
tification which would provide further evidence that the basic
meaning of WbIwas "palm-column"pit is not yet possible to identify
positively the wh3w of the Hor texts with the palm-columns of the
Heracleopolitan temple of Horshef.
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R2
wsljt
23
.,Dyne IV
inDyn *Vrchaic (? )v Dyne
M xxii
45
roC-:
6Dyne V9 Dyne V Dyne VY &%7C-3 XVIII,
a xix 9xxx
Dyne V7 Dyn. Vp VIp XII,8010--
2nd. Intel XVIII, XIX, XXII
Dyne V, VIO XI, XIIJ9f----,
Dyne VI, XVIII10
XVIII, Ptol.
Dyne Vg VIll Dyne V112 Dyne Vjl3
0 C(UM3ý p
CAw
'C2,
Dyn, X 1114 Dyne XII15 MIC7 C-3 '00 a,
Dyne XIII6
Sý
IQ 9zi
rl: ýC-3
aDyne XII, X3:X, XX17
F5775Dyn. XII18
6.9Dyne XIII'
9
da%20
1-17121
C-M22
2nd. Int. 2nd. Int Dyne XVIII or XJX
43-b
Rf42
N. K.23
=T-r
Dyne XVIII, XjXt 24 Dyne XV11125
VAMP Ptol. V93 a
Dyne XV11126' Dyne XVIII, XIX27 Dyne XV11128Ptol.LY II
Dyne XV11129 Dyne XV11130 Dyne XIX31a MUM
Dyne XIX32 Dyne X3X33W-01
Dyne XIX34
Dyn. XX135
r7 r-3
. 6 37Dyne XXI, A Ptol.
c-3 Ph. Arr.
The examples of wsbt shown above do no:ý claim to be extaustive as the
number of ways in which this word could be written is almost as great
as the total number of wr#ings. These variants dop howeverp present
a representative selection.
In examples which employed the FD enclosure the sign could be
depicted with or without the "battlements" and where these did appear
their form and number could differ considerably. In addition the signs
enclosed by the FLDcould vary, as could those within the "palace" if
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q3
it were included. Ptolemaic writings which use theobattlemented"enel-
osure usually giveg within the sign, the name of the hall in question.
Wsbt is a word which occurred in many different contexts from the
Old Kingdom to the Ptolemaic period. Etymologically it is derived from
the root ws4 "to be broad,,38
and hasp thereforev generally been reg-
arded as the name for a "(broad) hall or court,,39similar
in type to
words such as wsh. "broad necklace,,40
and wsb "transport ship for
cargo"041
In the Old Kingdom w4t occurred in titles such as the commonarp42,43-
ws4t andImy-r
wsbt and alsop in mythological contexts in the Pyr-
amid Texts. There are exceptions944 but in generalt in these texts,
the wsbt is either a hall in which offerings were made or one from
which offerings. came.45
The 'connection between the wsbt and offerings
wasp thusp established at a very early date and is reflected by the
name 3ýtp wsbt which was one of the regular donations in the offering
listst and is also mentioned in the Pyramid Texts.47
The implication
that offerings were frequently made in the wsbt is supported by the
archaeological evidence from the only Old Kingdom wsbt which can be
identified with any degree of certainty.This is the largeg open court, surrounded by a colonnade of loti-
form columnst in the mortuary temple of Neferirkare at Abusir.48There
can be no doubt that this court is the ws7jt with thirty-seven loti-
form columns (4bwt q. v. )49 which is mentioned in an inspection-
account in the Abusir Papyri.50
This open court originally contained
an altar51
so there can be no doubt that offering ceremonies were
performed there.
It is not possible to identify any other wsbt of the Old Kingdom
so it is difficult to determine the nature of the wsht in the earliest
periods of Egyptian history. The detailed depictions of the Old King-
dom writings often show a palace, labelled as tt4, standing in the
corner of the enclosure and it is tempting to interpret this arrange-
ment as a representation of the ancient form of the wsbt. In origing
therefore, one would expect the wsh. to have been an open court,
presumably broader than it was long, surrounding and protecting an
important building such as a palace. The projections on the wsbt-
sign are probably buttresses rather than battlements, reflecting the
popularity of the niched wall in both secular52 and funerary53
architecture of the Archaic period. However, by the Fifth Dynastyp
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q4-
the word has come to be used of an open court which formed a part of,
rather than enclosed, tlieppyra1id temple of Neferirkare so it must
be assumed thatg during the early Old Kinedomf wsbt was transferrdd
from an outer court to one within a building. It is this later mean-
ing which was retained and developed*
As usual the lack of evidence from the Old and Middle Kingdoms,
both of actual temple remains and detailed building textsp precludes
the identification of temple wEajwt. However it is clear that, by the
Twelfth Dynasty at leastp wsht was in regular use as a term for a.X_
court or hall in a temple.
The building accounts contained in Papyrus Reisner III refer to
a wsljt nt 4wt-ntrt54 while a papyrus from Lahur4 recording the inspec-
tion of the 4wt-ntr of the pyramid-town of Ankh-Sesostrio, mentions
various wsbwt in the temple055
Rather more information about a temple wsbt can be obtained from
column-drums of Amenemhat III from Crocodilopolis. These dr3ms des-
cribe the building, for Sobekq of "a 12Dtq its w3d-columns and its
"56 X_
szwt in granitep its -obaw in electrum. The wsbt was clearly the
hallin
which these granite papyriform cluster columns were erectedso this ws1jt must have been either a roofed hypostyle hall, or an
open court with colonnades, similar to that of Neferirkare at Abusir.
An interesting Thirteenth Dynasty stelat of Sebekhotep, VIII,
which was found within the Third Pylon at Karnak, records that an
unusually high inundation flooded the temple of A;mm. "His majesty
proceeded to the wsbt of the r-pr (and) Hapir the great on% w-as
seen coming to his majesty, the t of this r-pr being full of
water. His majesty waded in it..
ýý
A similar, but less well-
preservec; text on the other side of the stela describes the came
events.58
Unfortunately the plan of the Middle Kingdom temple is
largely a matter for speculation so this ws:bt can not be identified
with any existing hall. However as so much emphasis was placed on
the facttIhAt the wsbt of the temple was floodedq it can be assumed
that it was one of the main halls or courts of the temple. This is
also suggested by another Second Intermediate Period stelap ofSebekhotep IV, who carried out building-work in the Aman temple.
herecords making "a pure s3tw in the WSbt W3ý7t of this 4:wt_ntr.,,
59
The adjective W3dyt has no determinative but, in such a contextq
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96
presumably refers to the fact that the ws4t contained w3ý columns.60
It cang thereforep be assumed that the early temple of Aman.at
Karnak included an important colonnaded hall or court which was known
as aws4t.
In the Eighteenth Dynasty various wsbwt are attested in the same
temple but most of these can not be positively identified. One excep-
tion is the hal& between the Fourth and Fifth Pylons which is described
by Amenhotep II as a 'Owsht ofrzbble wLJ-7columnsll.61
This same hall
-t-2 63
was also called a w3dyt and a 3? nyt, both of which reflect the
fact that the hall contained columns. In view of the etymological
origin of ws4t it is interesting to note that, in this case at leasto
a wsbt was broader than it was deep.64
This is the first known use
of ws4t for a hypostyle hall rather than a colonnaded court,
Further wsbwt at Kaxnak can not be so firmly identified. Among the
sandstone blocks of Tuthmosis IV which were extracted from the Third
Pylon are a number which make up a scene of bulls. Along the top of
this scene is an incomplete building text which mentions a :ý11117ý3
bft-4r mInr
mn73n rwdt pbrw m1wnw. 65
The first word has been rest-
oredby Barguet
66
as wsljtq andqin
view ofthe fact that
similarexpressions to ws4t hft-hr are attested elsewhereq
67this restoration
is almost certainly correct. The exact nature of the building ( or
buildings) from which these blocks came is still uncertain.68
Barguet
considers it to have been a colonnaded court situated in front of
the Fourth Pylon.69
Another example of wsbt occurs on a granite block from the sanct-
uary of Tuthmosis III at Karnak. This building text describes a wsbt
'3t w3dyt t3w m Inr n rwýtt "a great columned wsht (with) sandstone
t3-columns".70
Originally Hims identified this as the court behind
the Sixth Pylon71
but he later reconsidered and decided that it ref-
erred to the pillared hall of the Festival Temple of Tuthmosis j-jI,72
Barguet had previously suggested that this was the hall between the
Fourth and Fifth pylons.73
'Which of these identifications is correct
is impossible to say. Both the hall of Tuthmosis I and the court
behind the Sixth Pylon had papyriform. columns4
and so could have
been described as w3dytq while the form of the determinatives of the
unusual word 13w(q. v*) would support the view that it was the rare
tent-pole columns of the, Festival Temple to which the text refers*75
Whichever of these interpretations is correct, it is clear that
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in the Eighteenth Dynasty there was more than one wsbt in the tmn
temple at Karnak. It is evident that wsbt was not being used of one
particular hall in the temple but as a term for any large and important
hall or court. The fact that there could be more than one ws#t in any
temple is also illustrated by a text of Amehhotep 1119 describing his
bwt nt t4w m =pwt at Memphis in which were ws7qwt.76
The plan of this
temple is unknown butp pres=ablyp wsbwt; referred to all the major halls
or courts within the building.
A wsbt of the reign of Amenhotep II is known to have existed in
the temple of Medamad77
but, as this example seems to be an abbrevia4i
tion for wsbt 4byt, it will be discussed below.78
There was also a wsLit in the great temple of the Aten at Azarna.
This is described as the wslýt n 4wt bnbn m prItn 79
and must have been
one of the courts of the great temple.80
There was another waljt at
Amarna which can be identified more positively but
,
it was a paj: t of the 81
so-called "grpat palAoe'19 not, the main tempýeýf and will be detailed below*
In the temple of Seti I at Abydos a dedicatory text for the Butcher's
hrjbbxe describes it as a sGw w"b with a ws:4t and wdiw.82
The wd1w will
be the threestorerooms, opening onto
the Butcher's Hall itselfand
it
is most likely that the wsbt is the main hall although it could alsop
possibl. vt be the smaller hall with four columns.83
Two further texts
from this temple refer to the same wsht.84
The colonnaded court which Rameses II added onto the Eighteenth
Dynasty temple at Luxor is described as a 11wsbt in front of his (A=nb)
ipt9"85while
the same king used wsbt to describe the hypostyle hall86
of his Theban mortuary templet indicatingp quite clearlyp that wsbt
could be used of both a forecourt and a hypostyle hall in the same
reign.
Later textsv of the Twentieth to Twenty-Second Dynasties, showp
by using the plural formg that there were a number of wobwt in the
temple of Amun at Karnak,87
If any principal hall or court could be
designated a wsbt then the addition of descriptive adjectives to help
specify the wsbt in question became necessary. This is demonstrated
in a Twentieth Dynasty papyrus which describes how the Vizier made
offerings for the workmen of the Royal Tomb in t3 Wsýt 113t 11tho great
_ýtlfof the temple of Rameses Ils
88'1 at Medinet Habu. The use of the
adjunct 9.3t would have distinguished this wsbt from any other in the
same temple.
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V
This use of descriptive adjectives led, from the New Kingdom, to the
fonnulation of various compounds of wobt, the most common of which,
wsbt 4byt, will be discussed separately below.89
Othersp which occur
only rarelyg include ws4t blyt90
which is found in the Nineteenth
Dynasty and must have described the hall into which the image of theW-
god made its appearance. There is also the term wabt n bnr "the outer
wsbt" which is self-explanatoryv9land the Graeco-Roman expression
wsbt ms"'t92
which was used for that part of the temple to which the
public could be admitted, probably the area immediately in front of
the pylon.
In the Ptolemaic temple of Edfu every hall on the main axis of
the temple was described as a wsbt and so the name of the hall was
added to the noun in order to specify the hall in question.93
In the context of a templet thereforep the development of wsbt
is quite clear. The word originated as a large open enclosure and
wasq by the Old Kingdomp transferred to an open colonnaded court
within a temple, In the'Middle Kingdom the wslýt is known to have
contained columnsp but whether in a hypostyle hall or in colonnades
can notbe decided.
Howevert by the New Kingdomp wsbt could certain-ly be used of both the hypostyle haAl and the open forecourt. The
increased use of the plural form and the evidence of the Ptolemaic
texts from Edfu show thatv eventualljrp wsýt could describe any of
thw major halls or courts within a temple. It is noticeably never
used of siderooms or stores.
In relation to the palace it isp as one would expectt much more
difficult to identify particular wsýwt, although something of the
nature of a palace ws7at can be reconstructed from the evidence
available.
In the reign of Hatshepsut there was a royal palace (h) attach-
ed to the temple of Aman at Karnak. In one, place this is called the
'h n wsýt*94 There are no remains extant of this palace which Gitton
has suggested was situated in front of the Fourth Pylon (at that
time the entrance to the temple).95
It is possible that the wsbt in
question was a part of the temple added to 14 in order to fix its
position within the temple complex.
Other wabwt which are connected with palaces are, however, clearly
within the palaces themselves. In the reign of Tuthmosis III his heir,
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CIS
the prince Amenhotepp was taught to shoot in the ws]3t of the pr-(. 3
of Thinisq96
which must have been a larg% open court. Oa the other
hand the wsljt which was full of records in the office (42,) of the97 -
Vizier Rekhmiremust
have beenan
innerroofed room.
Cne further
wsbt which can be identified with actual remains is in theligreat98
palace at Amarna. The ceremonial open court at the front of the building
is almost certainly the ws4t1tn to which reference is made in var-
ious fragmentary inscriptionsp found in the area around the court,99
This evidence that wsbt could be used for a large ceremonial
court in front of a building is supported by other texts in which
captives and plunder from foreign campaigns were assembled in the
wsbt of the palace and inspected by the king* 100
However, more usually in the New Kingdom ws4t occurs in the plural
form in contexts from which it can only be deduced that wcbxt -or-nsw101
had become a standard phrase to describe the royal palace; the court*
Cne textv at least, implies that access to the wabwt, pr-nsw was not
easy "*...... as for he who reaches the wsbwt pr6-nswq he is like the
waves of the seaq one remains alive while a thousand die. "102
In the palacep as in the temple, it would seem that wsbt was used
originally for a large open court and was later transferred to all
the principal rooms of the palace, so that the residence itaelf could
be referred to as the ws4wt pr-nsw.
Eveh when ws4t is used of more than one hall or court within a
buildingp whether a temple or a palacet it is only found to refer to
large and important roomsp and, for this reasong it is not usually
applied to private houses. Cne exception to this isa
Twentieth Dyn-
asty papyrus which tells how a private individuall Raia, built a
fine bbn for himself, containing EEýwt.103
Since the text goes on to
praise the building in great detail it can be assumed that the use
of ws4wt in this context is to emphasiouthe size of the house and
the importance of its owner*
One further use of wsbt, a detailed study of which would'be
outside the scope of this workp is as a place of judgementt usually
in mythological contexts, 104 which presumably reflects a similar
use of the term on earth.
Various wslawt of the gods are known some of vhich may be actual
courts within the temples of the gods',OLile
others appear to be
purely mythological.106
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IR9,
Cne final :Use of wsbt was to describe the large open court in
which the Bed festival was celebrated. This is shown particularly
by the title lry-p'ýt Mr(Y) ýnbw wsbt which is attested for the
Middle and New Kingdoms107
and which was held by the official res-
ponsible for the symbolic dnbw around which the king would ran. 108
Further proof of this meaning of wstit is provided by a scene of
Hatshepsut wearing the short Ipb-sd robe which is entitled "cominf;
and going to the pr-nsro to the wsh_t 4b-sd. 11109
This use of the te=
is of particular interest as it supports the view that the original
pre- or early dynastic waLit was a large open court such as that
found within the Step Pyramid enclosure which is, in facts a copyp
for the afterlife, of the Heb-sed court on earth*
Wsbt is a very ancient word which was used primarily for large
halls or courts in temples and palaces. Although it was probably
first applied to open courts within such buildings it later came to
be refer to all the principal halls, including the hypostyle hall
and the forecourt. In view of this fact, unless the context suggests
a more specific translations one should only use such general tran-
slations as"hall"
or"court" for
wsbt.Unlike the
compound wsbt4byt (qovo), waht was never applied to one particular part of the
temple or palace.
Since the use of wsbt was confined almost exclusively to palaces
and temples, the word disappeared from the language when such build-
ings were no longer in uses and its consequently, does not occur in
Coptic*
Kaplonyp Die Inschriften der Agyptischen PzýLhzeit, III, p1s*1109
abb-579; 111, abb-597; 598-(According to Kaplony (Ibid., Ig 1167)
the former of these writings of wsbt occurs in a title 11hm-ntr-
Vt4r von der wsýt (oder 3ým-ntr in der wsbt der ljtlýr)" while the
second examplep which is found on two cylinder seals is in the
proper name IINJ wslat-Nt" (Ibid.p 1,1169)o I can find no corrabor-
ative evidence for either the title or a connection between the
yvsbt and either goddess. Nor is the name Nj-wsbt-Nt noted by
Ranke (Personennamien)e Since the reading and interpretation of
these early seals is still rather problematical, and the sign in
question could be read as alphabetic h the existence of ws)jt 6n
the Archaic seals can not be taken for granted* It must be under-
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100
stood, h6wevers that the wslit enclosure was undoubtedly a very
ancient type of edifice and that the lack of evidence for its ex-
istence prior to the Fourth Dynasty is merely a result of the
paucity of inscribed material which has survived fromthe first
three dynasties. ); Chicago University, Oriental Institute, Me
Bubastite Portalp pl. 16,51- Caminos, (The Chronicle of Prince
Osorkon, 68-69, )reads the sign
f-0as wsbt 'but finds it "disturb-
ing" that wsht should have been used in such a context to mean a
"scribal office or scriptoriumlt. There are, however, titles linking
a wsýt with scribal offices in the Old Kingdom; ýrp sS wrAat (Bor-
chardt, Den1miler des Alten Reiches, 1,186; Mariette, Les Mastabas
de l1ancien Emp 247) and 1jrp, sd m wSbt c.N(t) (Hassanj Glza, V,
263P fig. 119; pl. XXXIII9 A)j, so it is possible that wsbt was used
to describe a scribal office. The alternative would be to take
this writing as an example of the rare word h from which the alpha-
betic sign acquired its phonetic value (ILbeq Ut 470t 1-2; Gardiner,
Grammarp Sign list, 04). The exact meaning of this word is doubt. '
M17and the contexts in which it occurs are singularly unhelpful.
Gardiner (loc. citp) notes that a late Period sign papyrus describes
the sign as a pr n 6ýt "field-house" so the h would have been a
light temporary structure rather than an established hall or court.
Fairman (ASAE 43(1943)t 308) noted that Grdseloff was of the opin-
ion that all writings of h were, in fact, variants of w!&t. However
the examples of h quoted by the WO"rterbuch(Belogstelien, IIP 715
(ref-470,1-2))would not seem to support this view, It is certain-
1Y true that the two "enclosure"signs were
interchangeablein
writings of wslat, and an example is quoted by Fairman (loc. cit. )
of the reverse procedure where sign 013 occurs in place of 04 in
a writing of1hi (Chicago Universityl' Oriental Institute, The
Mastaba of Mereruka, I, pl. 80)o
2 Junker, Gliza, XIP 55, abb-33-
3 Urkep It 47,10 (This word, in the title wd' mdw m wsbt, was read
as h3yt both by Hassan (GIza, V, 238f NO-14, translated as 'laud-
ience chamber") and Fischer (MIO 7 (1960)p 304, note 9), Fischer
noted that this was an example of the judicial function of the
h3yt. I can find no evidence that h3yt was ever used as the name
of a courtv although the title smsw h3yt was often held by officials
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101
who also had judicial functions. There arev however, firm links
between the wsLit and the judicial procedureaso it is more likely
that this writing is for wsht than for h3yt, This title can be
compared with the similarImy-r
w&mdw n wEOat (Murrayp Saqqar4
Mastabas, pl. XVIII). Finally it can be noted that, in the same
tomb at Giza as the title under discussiony the offering I)tp wsbt
is also written with the signM (Hassang op* cit-9 V, 252, fig.
4 Posener-ICgiieger and Do Cenivalp The Abu Sir Papyrit pl*XXXIIA, 11
(other writings of wsbt in the same archive employ the "enclostire"
sign, see; ibido, plsoVIIAp B; LIIAt A, 3t b); Ur-kop IV9 20609
The Nineteenth Dynasty writings use the same signs in different
groupingol(eog. KRI, It 358,4; IV9,99 11); Naville, Goshen and the
Slirine of Saft-el-Henneh Pl-5P 3-
5 Davies, N[oxman3 de G., The Tomb of Ptahhotepp It Pl-XVIIIt 406.
For further examples with the buttresses inverted see Ibid., pl,
XXVIII; LD, 11,48-
6 Murray, op. cit-t pls, XX; XXVo For similar examples see; Pjid.1Upl.
VII Davies, op. citop It pl*XIIt fig*225; IIPpl-VI-
7 Murray, op* citop pl*XVIII. The exceptional shape of the buttresses
in this writing may be an attempt t6 indicate more realistically
the niched facade of the enclosure.
8 The form, numbdr and positioning of the buttresses in the following
writing varies considerably but the basic form of the sign remains
the same* ID, 119 103; Mariette, opo-citop 230; PYrot 905b; 1749a;
lange and Schäfer, Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches, I,
121; 1769 b, 4; Mariette, Catalogue-glen6ral des Monumento d'Abydoe,
261; lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle dtliatshepsmt a Karnakq It
13.5; Ur1c.q IV, 10929 6; Abd el-Razik, -JF.A 60 (1974)t 147t 3;
legrain, Statues et Statuettes, 11I, 59-
9 The same variations listed for note 8 also apply here. Murray, op.
cit-P PI-XXIII; PYr- 590; Griffith and Newberry, El-Bersheh, 110
pleXIII, 9; Newberry, Beni Hasan, It pleXXXV; 1Dq 1119 25P 1;
Do Wit, Ch. d'Eg. t 36 No-,71 (Jan* 1961)v 69; 90.10 Pyr., 1069a; Urko, ITt 265P 5-
1D, 11,64, a; Marrayp ope citep plIX; Davies, op. cit t TIq ple
XVIII; lyr-9 1551a.
12 Pyreq 1984ae
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loz
13 PYr- , 1266b.
14 Simpsong Papyrus Reisner III, pl. 15A, GP 5p 23-
15 Ibid. 9 pl. IOA9 E, 4; similarg pl. JOA9 Ev 36.
16 Anthes, Die Felseninschriftenvon
Hatnub,pl.
16p Gr. 1793-117 Scha:ffv ZAS 59 (1924)9 Autographed pageov 10t 7; jig 9-10 (papyrus
10096); Gardinert Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 20,3; 1089 3; 1109
15; Idv late Egyptian Stories, 39,4; 40P 7; 56t 2; Idep Ramesside
Administrative Documents, 64t 12. This is the usual writing of
wsbt in Late Egyptian hieratic texts. Writings with the cursive w0.are also commont see; Id. 9 'Late Egyptian Miscellanies 66,16;
809 8; 124,6.
18 Habachig ASAE 37 (1937)v 880
19 Idep SAK 1 (1974)9 209; Pl-: 1-
20 Helckq MDAIK.24 (1969)9 1999 11; Pl-XVII? 11-
21 Mariettep Abydos, 3: p 309 28.
22 1ouvre stela C286; Wreszinskiv Aegyptische Inschriften nuo dem Ko
Ke Hofmuseum in Wient 56 (omitting the. ý).
23 Berlin KOniglichen Museen, Aegyptische Inscriften, 11,49 Do 3-
24 U=k., IV, 116,9; 66,17; 976,13; 1483P 12; 1795; 13; 1778,6;Janssen, Two Ancient Egyptian Ship's logs, 9, x+11; Do Wit, 2p,
cit. 9 90.
25 Urk-9 IV9 16449 5 (in the proper name'Dm-m-wa#t, see Ranket Per..
soriennamen, 19 289 2).
26 Berlin K6niglichen Museent op. cit-P 11,38-
27 Schiaparellij, Museo Archeologico di Firenze, Antichits, Egizie
204; Naville, les quatres Stýeles orienVees du Musee do Marseille,
pl, XIII; De Witv op. cite, Noe72, (July 1961). 312.
28 Urkoj IV, 13319 11-
29 Griffith, A Collection of Hieroglyphsq Pl-3,30-
30 Davieso N[oman1de Gt El Amarna, 119 pl. IX.
31 KRI-j It 1949 1 and 10*
32 Naville, The XIth Dynasty Temple at Deir el-Bahari, III, pl, Xj B,
e, 3.
33 LDT91119 134-34 Helckp Die Ritualszenen auf der UmfassungsmauerPamses, II in
Karnak, pl. 199 bild 21.
35 liamada, AUE 47 (1947)9 17,5-36 Brugsch, Reise nach der Grossen Oase El Khatgeh in der Libysche
WÜste pl. XXII) 9.
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103
37 Do Wit, op. cit,, 285,288; Ibid*g No*71,, (Jan 1961), 68.
38 W-b-t 1,3649 11-19; 365P 1-3*
39 Ibid. 9 Iq 366,5-17; 3679 1-2; Gardiner, OnOm-., 1,208* ý; Id, qGrammarp562; Faulknerv Con, Diet*, 69.
40 W-b-t IP 3659 16.
41 Ibidev 366,1-2; similar, 366p 3-4.
42 Ibidet 367,1-
43 Ibid-P 3679 2*
44 Pyre, 1266b; 1551a; 1749a; 1084a-
45 Ibideq 214c; 807b; 866a; 905b; 1069a.
46 Barta, Die AlthMtische Opferlistep passim*
47 PYr-P 590; 103b; See also De Back,, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 19209f*
48 Borchardtp Das Grabdenkmaldes K6nigs Nefer-ir-kW-re'-, pl, 10.A
49 Posener-Krileiger, Archives Neferixkare P IIP 499-501,
50 Posener-Krie'ger and De Cenivall op* citev pl*XXXIIA, 11*
51 Borchardt, op- cit-P 7-
52 Weeks, JARCE9 (1971-1972)v 29-33, see especially the plan of the
gateWayo
53 Emeryp Great Tombsof-the First Dynasty I-III.
54 Simpsongop. cit-t Pls-10AP A, 36; 1OAj,Et 4; 15A9 Gq 5p 23- For
a discussion of wsbt as used in this papyrus see Ibidep 37-
55 Scharffp loc. cit..
56 Habachip ASAE37 (1937)p 88*
57 Ld-P SAX1 (1974)9 211; pl. IIe
58 RLida, 209; pl. l-.
59 Helck, MDAIK24'(1969), 199t 11; pl. XVII, 11.60 Helck (P?de, 196) translates. welat w. d_,t as "Saulenhalle'le
61 Irk*, IVt 1331P 11-
62 Ibid, q 157v 13; 1589 8; 3749 11; 13289 1-3-T
63 Ibid-9 365P 3-
64 PM-P 119 Pl-X-
65 Chevrier, ASAF. 1 (19509 5729 figt8; Id-p ASAE52 (1954)9 2509
PlOVIII066 Barguett Templeý 95-
67 Compare;Abd el-Razikl, loc. cit* (wsbtes mbft-hr Ipt. f) and LDT,
1119134 (wSbt 3t NPsst--**4Obft-brOs)* '
68 SaunerongBIPAO75 (1975)9 453-
69 Barguetv loc. cit**
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10+
70 Nims, stuclies in Honor of John A. Wilsong fig-79 X+3-
71 lbid*, 72-
72 Hims, Beitrhge Bfel2v Festschrift Iticket 1070 note 3--
73 Barguet, op. cit-9 54-
74 See wsc-IP-59-
75 See t3 p*285and c3 P-30-31--
76 Urk., IV, 17959 IN
77 Ibid-v 14839 12.
78 See wsýt 4byt pe109.,
79 Daviesq op. cit. 9 Iq p3XXXVII; IT, pi. XXXIII (Apy 6); VI, pl. XIV,
(ceiling inscription S. ); XV19 10. See also Ibid, j11v pLIX for
offerings made in the ws73t at Amarnae
80 Fairman in Pendlebux7p City of Akhenatenq IIIv Textq 194-195-
81 See p*98.
82 KRIP It 1949 1-
83 Ep VI9 22*
84 Ego It 194P 10; "ar"ette, OP- cit--t 1.53- Compare alsop in the
temple of Hamesses II at Abydost nid. t IIP 7-
85 Abdel-Razik,
loc.cit..
An Eighteenth Dynastywobt at
Luxor has
been taken to have been a peristyle court in front of the temple;
lacau and Chevrier, op. citp It 133; 135, note J,
86 LDTo IIIt 134*
87 Gardiner, JEA 41 (1955)t Pl-X ( P. Turin 1882p roctotjVj 2);
Barguet, op. cit-o 37; Bru&sd4o loco cite; ChicaGo Universityt Or-
iental Institutep The Bubastite Portalp pl*21,15-
88 Gardinerg Ramesside Administrative Documents 64,12o
89 See P--107-113-
90 Legrain, BIFAO 13 (1917)t 39 No-,7; 8, note 1 (also Barguet, 92.
cit-t 315); M, It 75t 14; LDt IIIt 1321, b, Barguot, (op* citet
314) also suggests that the hall of Tathmosis I between the Fourth
and Fifth Pylons at Karnak was a wobt býyt but he does not cite
any evidence for this. At Tod the excavation ]report calls the
columned hall of Sesostris Ia wsbt b'7t (Bisson do la Roque, Tod,
8; 13; 15; 18) butt aZaing no evidence for this is presented.
91 'Wb.9 It 461,10.
92 Wbot 1,366t 11.
93 Do Witt op. cit-t 110-71 (Jan. 1961), 68; 691 90; No-72 (4uly
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105
1962)v 2E15; 288; 2B99 293; 311; 312. For other temple wsbwt (less
easily identified) in the Ptolemaic period see; Barcuet, Lo Papyrus
N-31'16 (S) du Masee du Louvre, 17t V9 24 (a webt of Amonit which
Barguet identifieswith
the hypost; ýle hallat
Karnak); Rag The
Archive of Vort 74t 16; pl. XXI (a wobt in which a court of elders
was held and which Ray suggests (ibidet 79, note n) referred to
the "forecourt" of the temple of Ptah at Memphis. )
94 Lacau and Chevrierg op. cit. 9 Ig 989 Karnakt 11.
95 Gittong BIFAO 74 (1974), 63-73- See also Ottog Topographie des
Thebanischen Gaue3,25-
96 U-rk-t IV9 976,13-
97 Ibideq 1092,6-7-
98 Pendlebury, cps cite, 1119 plt3. XIIIB;: XIV. For the view that this
this building was antEmple-rMet thAn a palace see; Uphillp JNES
29 (1970)9 151-166, See also 6wt-r'(ýr3bty)q below p. 262-3-
99 Pendleburyg opo citog 1119 Pls-CII, 31; CIII, 41-
100 KRII IV9 9., 11; Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 20,3o
101 Ibido, 66,16; 8o, a; 108P 3- See also Urkov IV9 21599 14 (wsbwt
n "Linwty in the reign of 11orembab); Gardiner, JEA 109 (1924), 90;Caminos, Late Egyptian Miscellanies 2569 note on (199 6)o
102 Gardinert Late Egyptian Uiscellanies, 124,6o
103 Ibido, 110t 15-
104 E-go Urkov 1,479 10; Smither, IE.;ý 28 (1942)t 179 10; Mariettoo 2a*
citO, 11,309 28; Urko, IV, 66,17; Naville, jAn quatron StMen
orientbes da njLdee de Marseille# pl. XIII; Gardiner, Late Egyptian
Stories, 39,4; 40t 7; 56v 5o
105 Janssen, op, citop 9, line x+11 of text; Helckp Die Ritualezenen
auf der ftfassungsmauer Ramses' II in Karnak, pl. 19p bild 21;
Hamada, loc, cit. o
106 Pyre, 1984a; Marietta, Lee Mastabas do Vancien 1hpire, 230o See
in particular the wsbt of Gab; Legrain, Statues et Statuettes I,
63; 11,31; Lange and Sch&fer, op., cit, qIg 176t bo 4; Navillet
The XIth Dynasty Temple at Deir el-Baha-rl, 1I19plX, B, e, 3; KM,
It 358.4; Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellanies 38,9; Mariettet
Catalogue general des Monilments d'Abydoa, 261; Berlin Konigliche
Maseen, ope cit-t 11,226; Wreszinaki, OP- Cit-9 56. Webt also
Occurs in such names asýImn-m-wr4t (Urke
p IT, 1644t 5) 1 Naty-
Wsbt (Mariette,op. cite, 914; Lange and Sch&fer, op* citet It
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io6
121; 122). For a list of such nazes see; Ranke, Persomennmen
111,44-
107 Lange and Schiifer, op. citev 119 152,6; Newberryq Beni Hasan, I,
pl*XXXV; LDT, 1119 252; Urk. 9 IV9 1513,13; Schiaparellio, op* cit 9
266; Urk., IV, 18819 4; 18979 10; Nwzille, Bubastic pl*XXXV9 E.
108 Spencer, JEA 64 (197819 52-55-
109 Naville, Deir el-Bahariv III, ple 1XIV (Urke9 IV, 265P5)40
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101
wsbt tLbyt
1Dyne XVII
ýLJ117A
a4
D.n, XV1112
not 1Wa M
Dyne XV1113I
Dyne XVIII4
Dyne XV1115 Dyne XVIII6
Aý
m C.a )mb%ityne XV1117 Dyne XVIII8
Dyne XV1119 Dyne XVIII10
Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII 12
13Dyne XIX
14
0Dyn9 XX
Dyne XXI15 Dyn * XXI16
r.7C3_. fa
4ýca C-3
Dyne XXU17
L. .J
Dyne XXVIa
m/,:AU44,LýL Ptole
19Ptole 20
Ptole21
Wsbt tibyt is the most frequently found compound of watt, and it in
the only one which survives in enough examples for any detailed conc-
lusions to be made, conce=ing its position and function in an Egyptian
temple. 22 The earliest writing known dates to the Seventeenth Dynasty
which may suggest that wstt 4by was the name applied to a part of
the temple which had not existed previously, although the absence of
earlier writings could be Just an accident of curvival. The term occurs
often in the Eighteenth Dynasty, but only sporadically in later periode.
As one would expect with a word which was confined in use to tomple
architecture, ws4t bbyt has no equivalent in C6p.ic.
The W6rterbuch translates wsbt 4byt as "Festhof des Tempel all 23
and Faulkner an "festival hall,,,24
As has been shown above wsbt alone could refer to any of the prin-
ciPal halls or courts of a temple, although originally it was used
of an open court. Consequently one would expect wobt bbyt to be the
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%OB
specific name of one of these major hallsq presumably one in which
festal ceremonies took place. -Barguet concluded that "il no slagiosait
pas de la cour veritable du temple, cello qui precede le pronaos ou
la salle hypostylet mais d1un espace sletendant dans l1enciente du
temple, en avant du pylOne dlentree" .25 He considered that the waht
4byt was a court in which were held certain ceremonies to which a
selected number of members of the publid were admitted.26
On present
evidence it is not possible to be specific about the function of the
wsbt 1ýbyt, it i6q however, possible to identify the position of the
wsbt 4byt within the temple.
The earliest wsljt tLbyt so far known was in the Seventeenth Dyn-
asty temple of Osiris at Abydos. Since the text which mentions theterm is on a column it can be assumed that the webt 4byt was either
a hyposWe hall or a colonnaded court. The latter, in view of later
evidence, is mo3mlikely to be correct. It is of interest that the ins-
cription, of king Intef V9 statespfir]enof
wobt bbyt m mswt, "He
made the wsýt 4by anew"tZ7
Euggesting that there had *already been
such a court in the temple. If this earlier court were of the Middle
Kingdom then the history of the term would be carried back further
than can be proved on present evidence,,
From the reign of Hatshepaut there are a number of references to
a wsbt 4byt in the temple of Amun at Karnake Unfortunately these do
not occur in dedication inscriptions in any particular halls or courts,
There are two references to the fact that the tribute from the Punt
expedition was measured and offered to Aman in the wsbt 4byt28
and
two of the blocks from the sanctuary of Hatshepout show a scene of
the barque of Amun being carried by the priests with a descriptive29title
'r4-t m wsbt 4byt. Lacau and Chevrier have suggeoted that this
webt 4bYt was the hypostyle hall of Tuthmosia I betweeh the Fourth and
Fifth Pylons.30
This hall was describedg laterl by Amenhotep II, as a
wsbt3l although it is not called a wsbt I;byt in any text which can be
firmly ascribed to it. The identification of the wobt bbyt in the
reign of Hatshepsut 32will be discussed below when more conclusive
evidence for the usual location of this court has been presented.Fortunately such evidence does exist, ae courts in various temples
are known to have been called wsbt 1ýbyt*
In the South temple at Buhen an inscription on one of the columns
of the court describes the makingg by Tuthmoois III, of a ws]jt ýbyt.33
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Oct
As has been noted by Caminos34
this can only refer to the court in
which the column stands. There is some doubt as to whether this court
was open to the sky or roofed35
but it would seem to be most likely
that it was an open court with only the colonnades roofed over*
The Amada stela of Amenhotep II describes the temple as containing
"a sandstone pylon in front of the wobt ýbyt*,36
leaving no doubt at
all that the term was being used to describe the forecourt of the
temple* In the reign of Amenhotep 37 this was an open court with only
four columns along the facade of the hypoetyle ha.11.37 The came fore-
court was also called, on the same stelat a1wnyt, illustrating the
distinction in Egyptian between a name which described the physical
appearance of a hallv 1wnytv and a name which specified the function
of the same hall, Wsbt 1ýbyt,
The parallel stela, which describes the temple of Khnum at Eloph.
antine, also mentions a wsbt hbyt.38
The plan of this temple has not
been recovered but it is of interest to note that another reference
to the wsbt %Lbyt;of Amenhotep II at Elephantine exists on a block
which was reused in the temple of Trajan on the island. Thin describes
the makingv for Khnum, of a 11wsbt 4byt so thatall
the people (rbyt)
might see..,39
This text would support Barguette view that the wtajt
4byt was open to certain members of the publict at least on the occ-
asions of festivals.
The remaining known wsbwt tibyt of the Eighteenth Dynasty can not
be identified40
although one text, on a private statue from the temple
of Medamudv indicates something of the nature of the court involved.
The inscription states that the statue was to be cot up in the webt
bbyt "so it might soak up the water sprinkled on the altars which are
4t...41
in the ws. It is not possible to reconstruct this templet of
which only architectural fragments were found42 and the statue was not
in situ.43
The description given, however, shows that the torm wcbt
4byt could be abbreviated to wsýt and that the court could containv
not only altars on which offerings were made, but also private statues
which could benefit from the reversion of offerings.
In the Nineteenth Dynasty the court of Ramessee II in the templeof Luxor was called a wsbt 4byt
44and in the Twentieth Dynasty an
inscription on the top of the second pylon of the temple of Rameosea
III at Medinet Habu has been understood to refer to the second court
of the temple as a wsht 4byt.45
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Ito
The forecoutt of the temple of Khonsu at Karnak was described, by
Herihor, as a wsht 4byt46
and so was the present day forecourt of
the temple of Amun. The latter reference occurs On a stela of Sheahonq
I from Silsila where the quarries were reopened to provide stone for
building work at Karnak, including a wi4t I;byt which was to be curr-
ounded by statues and a coldnnade (wjdyt q. v. ). 47
The Twenty-Fifth Dynasty temple of no-Horakhty beside the sacred48
lake at Karnak contained a wsbt 1ýbyt which ban not, now, be identified.
In the Ptolemaic periody as is true of so many words, the meaning of
IEýt 4b t0although,in theýyt was extended to include a hypostyle hall
50temple of Philae, it was still used for a colonnaded court.
From this evidence it can be seen that the wsbt bbyt of a dynastic
temple was the colonnaded court situated immediately behind the pylon.
The name primarily describes the function of this particular temple
wsht as a place in which offerings ware made and to which certain
members of the plablic could be admitted for festivals, However, the
fact that this court was made accessible to citizens other than the
priesthood ensured that the waht bbyt was always the first hall of
the temple.51
It clea3jj could not be situated towards the rear of the
temple to which access could only be gained by means of the more sac-
red halls to which only the priests were admittede Consequently, al-
though the term wsbt 1ýbyt does not in itself describe the physical
appearance of the courtp it came to be used solely for the colonnaded
forecourt. The change of meaning in the Ptolemaic period may reflect
a change in the temple ritual, or may be a case of the loose applic-
ation of a once specific te=*
It remains to be decided, on the basis of the evidence presented
above, exactly which hall in the temple of Amun in the oft-referred
to wsbt 4byt in the reign of Hatshepsut.
At the time of the return of the Pant expedition52
when the prod-
uce was weighed and offered to Azun in the wsbt 4byt, the temple 'was
basically that erected by Tathmosis I so the wsbt 4byt could have boon
either the hypostyle hall between the Fourth and Fifth Pylons or the
largeopen court surrounded
bycolonnades and statues
behind the
Fifth Pylon.53
The latter fulfills the usual plan of a wobt ýbyt, an
open colonnaded court but it must be remembered that the term was
used for such a court becamsev in later templesq the forecourt waa
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the first hall to which the public could be easily admittede Since
the primary requisite of a wsht tLbyt was its accessibilityp it is
more likely that the wsbt 4byt of the reign of Hatshepsut was the hall
between the Fourthand
Fifth Pylonswhich,
before theerection of
the
queen's obelisks and the addition of fuAher columns by Tuthmosia III,
presented a much more open aspect than it does today.54
Petrie, Abydosp 19 pl, lVI* This writing is the result of replacing
the coliimn fragment on the left of pl. LVI in the lowest break in
the column on the right, as was suggested by Barguet (Temple, 309,
note 2)e
11Jequier, L'Architecture, 1, pl. 25,4- See also lacau and Chovrier,
Une Chapelle d'Hatshepsout 'a Karnak 1.192, IZ77, note (I)*
3 Lbid., 192.
4 Urk-, IVP 340P
5 Ibid. 9 346,15-
6 Ibid,, 429,10.
7 Caminos, The New Kingdom Temples of Buhen, 1, Pl-79 (Urk-9 IV9 819P
2).a Havillep Das Aegyptische Todtenbuchq It P1-193t 6; ýý-t IVt 14839
10 (without the determinative).
9 Ibidop 12959 13-
10 Ibid. 9 12959 14-
11 Ibid.9
1361,6.
12 Davies H[orman] do G, El-Amarn.
IlIq pl*XIX*
13 Wb., Belegstellen IIlp 129 (ref-465,6).
14 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, Medinet Habu, V, pl. 356D.
15 LD, III, 244a. The cartouches contain the titles of Herihore
16 Wb., Belegstelleng 111,16 (ref., 60,13)9
17 Caminos, EA 38 (1952), pl-XIIIt 47*
18 Drioton, ASAE 29 (1929)9 2*
19 29 Wi, 39b-
20 De Morgan et al. p Kom Ombos, It 3371 460.,
21 ChasSinat, Edfoup Ill 119,13-
22 For wr4t n bnr, wsbt m5" and wslat :b-yt see wsht pe 97,
23 Wb-9 It 366,10.
24 Paullmer, Con. Dict., 167 (under entry for ýbyt "festival offerings")*
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liz
25 Barguetq opo cit-9 310, note 1,
26 rbid., 309-310o For another discussion of the wsht 4byt see; Arnold,
Wandrelief und Raumfunction in Agyptischen Tempoln des Neuen Reiches
106ff.
ZT Petrieg loco citoo
28 Urk-9 IVP 3469 15; 429t 10o
29 Lacau and Chevrier, op, cit*, 192 (For a photograph of one of these
blocks see; Jequier, loc. cit ).
30 Lacau and Chevriert opo cit-9 197-
31 Urk-9 IVP 13319 11-
32 For further references to this wsbt 4bYt See; Ibid., 3409 1 (where
Hatshepsut is described as "glittering as do the Stars in the wnht
4byt". This would seem to provide evidence that the wsbt 4byt was
an open court from which the stare would have been visible but since
Egyptian ceilings were painted with a star-design the possibility
that the slx3w in question were painted motifs can not be ruled out)
and Ibidep 4379 14 (where wsbt 4byt has been restored from T"C-3
33 Caminosp The New Kingdom Temples of Buhen, I, P1.79 (also Urk*9 IV,
8199 2),
34 Caminos, op. cit.., 66.
35 Ibid*9 12.
36 Urke, IV, 12959 13-
37 Barguet and Dewachterg Le Temple d'Amada, IIt pl*I,,
38 Lrkep Up 12959 14-
39 Ibid, v 13619 6.
40 Naville, loc. cit Davies, loc. cit. (presumably a court in the
great Aten temple at Akhetaten); Urkop IV9 21249 4 (a wobt 4byt, built
by Horemheb in the temple of Ptah at Memphis). One more oxample of
an Eighteenth Dynasty ws)jt 4byt which was quoted by both Barguotq
(op. cit., 309, note 2) and Arnold (op. cit-P 107, note 5) is the
result of an incorrect restoration by Moret (Studies P=esented to
P. Lle Griffith, 121) of the first sign of the noun nbbwt (q,, v. )*
41 Urk-9 Ivv 14839 10-
42 Bisson do la Roquep Rapport sur les Fouilleo de Medamoudv (1926)9
107-110*
43 Ibidet 108-109v
44 Wb.9 Belegstelleng 111,129 (ref-465,6).
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11,5
45 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, loc. cit.. See also H61scher,
Exc. Med. Habu, 111,6 and note 24.
46 LD, 1119 244a; Wb. 9 Belegstelleng 111,16 (ref. 609 13)-
47 Caminos, JEA 38 (1952),
Pl*XIIIP47-
48 Driotong loc. cit.. Wsbt 4byt was taken by P149 IIv 219 to be the
name of this temple. In view of the fact that, elsewhere, wsbt tLbyt
is always a court within a templet this is unlikely to be correct.
49 Chassinatt loc. cit ; De Morganp loco cit**
50 LDP IVP 39b.
51 The exception being the second cpurt of the temple of Medinet Habu
see note 45-
52 In year 9 of Hatshepsut (R?ýEov IVv 349t 10)-
53 Borchardtv Baugeschichtev 9t abb. 7, The work which Hatshepsut her-
self executed at Karnakt including the erection of the obelisks#
took place after the return of the Pant expedition (q2±.p IV, 3679
4-5; Borchardt, op. citop 20).
54 See nowt however, Letellier in Hommages il Serge Sauneronj 1,69;
pl. XI9 A, where a text from a limestone bu3.ding of Tuthmosis II
is published. The damaged inscription relates that Tathmoais IImadep for Amang a in Inr hd nfr n (nw. Letellier re-
constructs the damaged signs to read wsbt bbyt, which is undoubtedly
correct* She suggests (Elid.*,70-71) that this structure stood in
front of the Pourth Pylon at Ka=ak and was later refurbished with
the sandstone blocks of Tathmosis IV which were recovered from the
fill of the Third Pylon. If this suggestion for the'eituation of
the wsbt 4byt is correcto then it would have occupied a similar
positiong within the templet to other courts of the same name. This
court of Tuthmosis II ist therefore, likely to be the one to which
references are made in texts of the reign of Hatshepouto
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It+
b-ns
Dyne XVIII' Dyno XVIII2
Dyne XV1113
C=.
til
Dyne xix4 Dým. XX5 Dyn. XXmm%
ct=
1- ýrm
Dyn. XX7 Dým. XXB Iene XX9
5114
This is the only word noted by the Wbrterbuch with the stem bn"*"o so
it is not possible to relate itp etymologicallyp to any other tezm.
BnS did not survive into either demotic or Coptic (however see further
below) and so would appear to have had a very brief existence as it is
known only from texts of the Eighteentht Nineteenth and Twentieth Dyn-
astiese
This term has been discussed by Gardiner11
who assessed all the
evidence and concluded that bn-s was a "door-jamb" or "door-post"; a
conclusion with which it is not possible to disagree. -However it is
valuable to restate the evidence for this since bn-s is so rare a word.
It first occurs in the Book of the Dead in the Eighteenth Dynasty.
In the closing section of Chapter 125 the deceased is barred from
entering the ws73t msr-tyw'by the bnS'W--n 'sbs--,pn until he tells them
their names. The came procedure is repeated with the,I-ryt and then
the door-faetenings. 12BnS and cryt are also linked on an ostracon
which lists workmen engaged on a bAilding projectv two groups are des-
cribed as nty br p3 bns and two as nty m t3, ryt*13 In a papyrus now
in Turin a stone-worker is given as employed on n3w bnlgw in the hwt-
air- of Ramessee 11.14
in-9 is also used in conjunction with 'Iryt on the verso of the pap-
YXu8 with the tomb-plan of Ramesses IV on the rectoo The identity of
the tomb on the verso has not been firmly established; it may be that
Of Ramesses V which was usurped by Raztesses VI15
or that of Ramesses
IX.16
From the measurements quoted for the bn'sw 17 Gardiner concluded
that it referred to the "door-jamb". The measurements of the bn'g are
given as wmt (reveal or thickness)p hy..,_(height)
and hr (face)v all of
which combined can only refer to the jamb.
Such an interpretation is also supported by the use of bný in the
story Of the Two Brothers in which a bull is sacrificed and two drops
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115
of blood fall beside the two bnt-w of His Majesty which are on the two
sides of the great tri (_qov. ) ok Pharaoh.18
This amount of evidence that bn5 was used to describe a door-jamb
refutesthe
suggestion ofDrioton
19that bnS'
wasthe
ancestor of theCoptic noun XwG911crownllt "co2ing" or "battlement"*
20This etymology
is followed by Westendorf21
but not by Cerny22
who prefers to derive
,wjaýj from the Semitic stem lbs ##to clothe" "arm"o in Arabic "to make
a stockade, bulwark of reeds"* Drioton's suggestion that bng be trans-
lated by "fronton" is hardly commensurate with the facts known from the
Ramesside tomb-plan papyrus and the story of the Two Brothers. The
former gives the measurements of a tall vertical object while the lat-
ter shows that the bn9W itere based on the ground on either side of
the door.
One final mention of bnY3 occurs in a love-song of the Twentieth
Dynasty where a young mar; who finds the door to his lover, 's house
closed, decides to offer various animals to Parts of the door so that
they will admit him, This includes a stout goose to the bn'swe23
There can be no doubto in view of this evidence, that bnýs does
mean "door-jamb",
I Navillev Das AejMrptische Todtenbuch, I, pl*138 (Chap. 125,29)e
2 Budge, The Book of the Dead (1898)9 264t 4-
3 6ernyand Gardiners, Hieratic Oatraca, I, pl. XVII, 1,11 and 12.
4 Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellaniesp 127,13-
5 Id., Chester Beatty I, pl. XVII, 10.
6Carter and Gardiner, JEA 4 (1917), 148, (5), (6) and
M*
7 Ibi-dý, 146, (3); 147P W-
8 Gardiner, te Egyptian Storiesp 269 12 (emended to ea '§ý
C=dp&-*from )tIs I c-" , see Ibide, 26a, note 16,9, d.
9 11avill6v OP- Cit-P 11,326 (Chap. 125,29, T. f)-
10 Wb-, 1,464,3; See also Faulkners, Con. Didt., 83-
11 Carter and Gardiners, op. cit-9 146-147-
12 Budge, loc. cit.; Navillev op. cit P 111 326.
13 Corny and Gardiner, op, cit., plXVII, 1,11 and 12 (bn"s); 1,13
and 14 (Int); Also Carter and Gardiner, op. cit- 9 146.
14 Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 127s, 13-
15 Carter and Gardiner, op. cit. 9 158; PM. p I, part 2,511-517; plan
On 510, (9).
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116
16 Carter and Gardiner, loc. cit.; L11.9, I, part 2,501-505, Plan on
498, (6).
17 Carter and Gardiner, op. cit. t 146, (3); 147, (4); 14st (5), (6) and
M-
18 Gardiner, Late Egyptian StorieS, 26,12.
19 Drioton, B IFAO 26 (1926), 15-19.
20 Crlm# A Coptic Dictionaryp 138a.
21 Westendorf, Koptisches Handw8rterbuch, 76.
22 6erny, Coptic Etymological Dictionary, 70-
23 Gardiner, Cheater Beatty Ip pl*XVIIt 10*
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III
bbnt
pyn. XII1 Dyne XVIII2
Dyne XV1113
Dyno XVII14 Dyn. XV1115 Dyn. XVIII, 6
41 C--3X3X
1
Dyn. X TIlI I)yn. XVIII, Dyn* XV1119
a
/mill
'S"Iffxix
Dyno XVIII11
Dyn* XVIII12
Dyne XVIII,10
0Aft--^
xix
%%
m a
n sit
jftýw
C73
J
Dyne XjXl3
oDyno XjXl
5Dyno XIX14
mi 0jgýý3IWR
Dyn. XIXt XXI
Dyne XX17 Dyno
XX18
C-3-0 C--a
Aho "O eII
fl ib
. I
Dyne XXI19 -
Dyno XXV21yne XXII20
0 C=Lril
0Dyne XXV22
MuDyn o
XXX23
011
emPtol.
ý-w ww
24Ptol.
25 Ptole26
A,. %.
JC'= U'U'2
m Ptol.
LILA
27
The first point t6 note about bbntp the meaning of which is not opento
doubtp is that it may have existed prior to the Eighteenth DynastYv
the earliest date given for its use by the W6rterbuch.28
The Twelfth
Dynasty writing quoted above occurs, twice in Papyrus Reisner III.
Unfottunately tne contexts are not clear and so it is not possible to
state for certain that tnese two occu7rxmces are writings of the later
'word býnt. SimpsonZ9is of the opinion that these are for bLint-and does
not see the use of h instead of b, as a problem. Cne of the examples)*"2"
'3L 30which Simpsonn thi 0 Papyrus refers to the <:> C44a Lf 'M"'ý'3L
'a
takes to be a writing of rwyt13bty bbnt, "the eastern gateway of the
pyl on it.31
Aswill
beshown belowp howeverg rwyt does not mean
"gatewayi,32
while rwto which does, is not usually spelled in this way.33
This may
be a writing of the rare word rwyt vhich describes a smaller arch-
itOcturalelementg possibly a lintel.
34The main doubtp however, is
"ncO=ed with the writing bbnt which would be the earliest known
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lis
example of the Egyptian name for a pylon. It would be inadvisable to
dismiss this on the grounds that all other examples of the word are
Of the Now Kingdom and later since an earlier writing of wb3j once
also thought not to have existed prior to the Eighteenth Dynastyp has
now been recogaisod.35 The archaeological evidence would suggest that
there were pylons in templest certainly in the Middle Kingd=36 and
possibly in the Old Kingdom.37
Few early pylons have survived because
they would have been made of mud-brick with only their doorways in
stone.. This practice continued in the Theban mortuary temples up to,
and including, the pylon of the temple of Seti I at Gurna. Since bbnt
was the regular term for a pylon and since pylons seen to have existed
in the Middle Kingdomp it would not be surprising to find a Twelfth
Dynasty writing of the word. However in view of the fact that the
writings in Papyrus Roisner III are bhntp not bbntp and having regard
to the unclear contexts in which the word is used, it would be best
to treat these occurrences as possible# rather than certain, writings
of bbnt,,
Etymologically bbnt is derived from a verbal stem "to be vigilant"38
andis
related to similar expressionsin Hebrew.
39It
can easilybe
eon how a tower or tower-like structure such as a temple pylon acqui-
ed a name based on such a verb. A similar name, bbn, was used from
the New Kingdom for a large estate40 and the two words can look very
like each other.41
Usually the context can be used to distinguish one
from the other. Neither of the two terms seems to have survived into
COPtict which is hardly surprising in the case of b:4ntt while in dem-
Otic texts the two words seem to be indistinguishable.42
The meaning of bbnt is not open to question. Prom at least the
Eighteenth Dynasty, and possibly earlierp bbnt was the usual term
for the monumental pylon which was such a characteristic and dist-
inctive feature of the Egyptian temple.
The word is found in the singular, dual and plural; all three forms
being used to describe one pylon. The reason for this has been des-
cribed by Caminos ass, "the duality inherent in a two-towered structur'0143
However insome cases where
the dualor plural
has beenused more
than
Ono pylon was intended. This is so with the two pylons erected by
TtlthmOsis I at Karriak, Pylons 4 and 5- 'When Hatshepsut built her
obelisks in the hall between these pylons she described them as being
"between the bbnty wrty of ...... Ankheperkare"44 while the biography
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119
of Inoniq which details the work of Tuthmosis I at Ka=sks, uses the45plural form bbnwt for the two pylons* Similarly the use of the dual
býnty wrty43-
in a dedication inscription of Rameses II at his temple
at Abydoe probably reflects the fact that the temple originally had
two pylons, 47while the pylons of the temple of Ramses Mat Medinet
, abU48 are described as bbnw<t,ý. 49More usuallyt h6wever, bLint in
either the dual or the plural refers to one pylon alone. The dual
form is used for the Six1h 1ýrlon- at Karnak5o the pylon of the mortuary
temple of Amenhotep III at Thebes5l52
and the model pylon of Seti I,
'while the plural form is found describing the following pylons; those
Of thd temple of Amenhotep III at Soleb.53
the temple of Seti I at
Abydos954the Khonsa temple at Ka=akt55
thetemple of Taharqa at
Kawa56 and the Pirst Pylon of the A=,n temple at Karnak.57
Whenever
býnt ic found in the dual or the plural the text must be compared
with the plan of the temple to which it refers in order to decide
whether one or more pylons is intended.
The WSrterbuch_gives a secondary meaning for bhnt; "Auch von einem
einfachen Tor (in einer Llauer)#,58
for which the Belegstellen gives--W"
only two references. The first of these is an unpublished text from
Karnak59 which I have taken to equal a text of Rameses IX describingas a b4n(t>60 the gate which he erected in the southern wall between
the Third and Fourth Pylons of the Aman temple.61
The doorway is
itself labelled as a sb3 3962 which is the usual term for a large
temple door in the Now Kingdom.63
This can only be interpreted as
h7POrbolesince Ib=eses IX also built the adjoining stone wallsp
-leaving no room for any kind of pylon to be erected on either side
of the gateway.64
The second reference given by the Belegstellen is
ina Ptolemaic text from one of the crypts of the Hathor temple at
Dendera.65
These two examples do not provide a firm basis for the assumption
that bbnt developed a secondary meaning. They are more likely to be
CaBOB either of hyperbole or simple misgse of the tezm, since bbnt
-is one word which retained its originalt and quite specific, meaning
throughout dynastic Egypt until the Ptolemaic period.
I Simpsong Papyrus Rejengr 1119 pls. IOAj E32; (omitting '16. IN J34-2 Urke, IT, 365P 4; 7389 1-
3 lbid-t 56,1.
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120
4 ILr-k-9 IVP 9409 12.
5 njid., 1679 15-
6 Ibid-p 1295t 13 and 14; similarKRI, 1,479 12.
7LD9 1119
89;Urk. 9 IV9 1750Y13-
8 Ibid. 9 16549 11; KRIv ITp 38,1 and 2 (restored)*
9 Pilletl ASAE25 (19209 9o
10 Urk. p IV, 165OP4; similar Mariettep Abydosy IIP Pl-3t 4o
11 Urk., 179 1650P18-
12 Ibid.9 1823P 1-
13 BadawyqMisdellanea Wilbourianay 19 5Y fig-5o
14 Abd el-Raziky JEA 60 (1974)t 151p 2o The damagedsign is reproduced
in the publication as 0 but, from comparison with other writings
it is probably the pot V which is intended. The other alternative
would be the sign c= as in NO-15-
15 Ibid. v 151P 5-
16 KRI, 119 38t 4; Gardinerp Late Egyptian Miscellaniesp 1349 2;
Jansseng TwoAncient Egyptian Ship's Logs, 61,9. -
17 Chicago Universityp Oriental Institutep Medinet Habul Vp PL-3559 8-
18 Erichseng Papyrus Harris 19 4P 9; 5OP14-15; Barguett Templep 84;Janssen, op. cito, 60y 23 and 25; Gardinerp The Wilbour Papyrusl I,
pls. 20At A441 29; 30A, A63t 13; 30A, A64v 20; 32A, A67,19s 32Ap
A689 13; 69Av B222 14-
19 1Df IIIp 2489 h and 1; 2519 a and bo
20 Caminos, JEk 38 (1952)v Pl-XIIIY 46.
21 Macadam,The Templesof Kawa, 11 plso8p 24; 12p17.
22 IbidelPI-14P
4--
23 Abd el-Razik, MDAIK, 23 (1968)9 159 (in plural); Idol MDAIK34
(1978)9 114-
24 Chassinatp Le Temple de Dendaraq VI, 69 7-
25 Idol Edfoup Y9 311? 12.
26 Petrie, Koptosp pl. XXp 20; (with one tower only) XX, 19o
27 Chassinat, op- cit-P V9 4f 2.
28 Wbop q 471p 9-11,
29 Simpsont op. citop 38, note 6o
30 Ibidov P1.10A,F-32.
31 Ibidop 38-
32 See below p. 151ff-
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III
33 see below P. 143-
34 Seebelow p. 149Pn- 36.
35 Jamesp The Hekanakhte PaPerst pl. 12A9 versot 3- See also above P;664;
36 The earliest certain pylon would seemto be that
ofthe
chapel of-king
$ýankhkzoýe*, on the western cliffs at Thebes. (For photographs
of this see Petrie, Qurneh, pls. V and VI; for a description of the
pylon see Hokscher, The Excavation of Medinet Habu, Ilt 4-5t fig. 2)
There were also brick pylon-towers on either side of the Middle
Kingdom gateway in the temple of Thoth at He=mopolis (Bittel and
He=annq MDA3X 5 (1934)t 24-25) and other brick pylonsp which have
since been completely destroyed, must once have existed.
37 The evidence for pylons prior to the Middle Kingdom is less conc-
lusive. A pylon is thought to have existed in the "temple primitift,
at Medamud but is not described in detail in the publication (Rob-
ichon and Varillev Description sommaire du Temple primitif do Med-
amoudq Plan. ) A Fifth Dynasty pylon has been restoredp in plany by
Von Bissing at the solar temple of Niuserre (Von Bissingq Das Re-
Heiligtum des Ko'nigs Ne-woser-req 11 8-10; 19-24) while a precursor
of the pylon was seen in the structures at the corners of the sameking's funerary complex at Abusir (Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des
K6nigs He-user-reýq 97)-
38 Osingf Nominalbildung, 258; 832-8339 note 1116. See also Sotheq
Die Bau- und Denkmalsteine der alten Agypter und ihre Namen, 903ff-
39 Wbep It 471; Gardinerp Onome1 11,204*-205*-,
40 Wb-t It 471,6-7-
41 Compare, for examplep Erichsenp op- cit-P 4,9 (bbnw(t)) with
Gardinerg Late Egyptian Miscellaniesp 110p 11 (bhn).
42 ErichsenjDemotisches Glossarv 121.
43 Caminosp ope cit-9 56.
44 Urk-P 17P 3659 4-
45 Urk-P IVP 560 1.
46 Mariette, op- cit-P IIP Pl-39 4-
47 PMt VIP 32.
48 PM9 UP pl-X1III-
49 Erichsen, Papyrus Harris 19 49 9-
50 Urk. 9 IT, 9409 12. Another description of the same pylon (Urket IV9
167P 15) uses the singular form.
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121
51 Urk-P IVP 16509 4. As Cazinos (loc. cit. ) noted, the dual noun is
here followed by the plural adjective 'ý'2, .
52 Badawyq loc. cit. *
53 Urk-, IVP 17509 13, The inscription is from one of a number of
granite rams found at Gebel Barkal but originally intended for the
temple at Soleb to which the texts refer (PM., VII9 216; Reisnerp
US 66 (1931)9 819 6-10. For, a plan of Soleb temple see PMp V179
168).
54 KRIP It 47P 12. The temple of Seti It as it now standsp has only
one pylon which was erected by Rameses II (PLIPVIP 1-2). It isp
howeverg possible that it was originally intended to build two
pylons as was done at the nearby temple of Razeses II CLIII-d-p 32)*
55 UP My 248P h and i.
56 Macadamqop. cit., pl. 6p 24- Por a plan of the temple see; ibid. pIIt p1612.
57 Caminos, OP- cit-P Pl-XIIIP 46.
58 Wb-P IP 4719 11-
59 Wbo,Belegstelleng It 77 (ref-471t 11)v Karn. <784) D. 20
60 Barguet, Op- cit-P 84-61 PM9 III pl. X.
62 Barguet, Op- cit-9 273-
63 See sbl P* 221-64 PM9 111 75-76.
65 Quoted by the Belegstellen as; Mariettet Denderahq Mvo. 479 abo 109
but this has now been published by Chassinat, Le Temple do Denderat
vi, 6,7-
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123
pr
There are no true variants of pr which was-always written with either
the ideogram alone or with the ideogram and a stroke.2
The latter
is the more frequent writing, occuriing from the Old Kingdom to the
Ptolemaic periodg while the writing without the stroke is found only
infrequently for pr alone, although it was employed in compounds of
pr from the Archaic period onwards.3
Since the sign, c--39 had the phonetic value of pr it was used in
other words of the same stem4
and also served as a general determin-
ative for a building or place.5
The pronunciation of pr is indicated
in the Sign Papyrus from Tanisp which dates from the Roman period
and gives the reading as p3o
6
In Coptic pr survives in words such as
16"E'Tu)Pfrom a hypothetical *cJ3ý1-5n pr and -mr-pi-mr-pol from pryt
pr-C3 f8 although there is no direct descendant of pr which meant9 10
"house" in Copticp as the common noun HI is from the Egyptian ct*
At one time it was believed that "I originated in 12r but this theory
has been rejected in favour of 1-1-twhich, to some extentp fulfils the
same role as pr in the later dynasties4
The basic meaning of pr given by the Wo"rterbuch11
is "houseN
The dictionary then goes on to list the various uses of prt12
many
of which are outside the scope of this study* Since pr can usually
be translated as "house" the sign itself has been interpreted as a
pepresentation of a house.13
However, In a series of letters to
Lefebvre which were later publishedv Loret14 has suggested that the
sign represeAtdd an enclosure with an entrance rather than a domestic
house as we would understand the term today. He points out that for
the semi-nomadic pre-dynastic Egyptiansp amongst whom the language
evolvedg the word pr would describe temporary structures which were
erected at night as protection against the weather and predators*
These people would have had no need for permanent dwellings and the15
earliest known settlement in Egypt consisted only of unroofed shelters.
Loret also suggested that the pr-enclosure could have contained other
kinds of buildings9 beside housesp and this would explain the use of
pr in compounds such as pr-jiýq which would have been usedoriginally
to describe an enclosure which'cbntained storehouses. Later such
expressions came to be used of administrative departmentsq, and they
are not included in this work since the extent to which they referred
to actual buildings, rather than to the adminittrative body concerned
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12.1-
is open to doubt* Examples of these comp=118 are numerous, occurring
from the Archaic period.16
In the biographical inscriptions of the Old Kingdom pr is used
to describe the large estates of high officials and, although to a
poor man pr undoubtedly denoted his own small dwellingg to a wealthy
man a pr was something much more grandiose. The earliest extant des-
cription of a pr dates to the reign of Snoferu when Metjen built a
pr which was 200 cubits in length and 200 cubits in width*17 The
size of this prq added to the fact that the text continues to say
that the pr contained a lake and orchardsp18
proves that this pr
was an estate rather than a house.
Similarly Harkhufj in the Sixth Dynastyq describes building a
pr, erecting ts-columnsp digging a lake and planting trees.19
The
same inscription tells how Harkhuf, on his way home to Egypt from
the Southp came from the neighbourhood of the pr of the ruler of
Setju and Irtd6t-20
which must have been the estate of this Nubian
chief .
Another indication that, in the Old Kingdomp pr meant "estate"
comes from ao.ext from Giza in which a man describes how he was left
in charge of all the possessions (Lst) of his brothert during which
time "the property (lit) increased more in his pr than (in) the pr
of any noble. "21
Another Old Kingdom inscription from Giza records
the sale of a prv22
while a similar sale is mentioned in the Hekai4a
nakhte letters.23
The natural development of the term resulted in its being used
for en "estate" in it-s widest sensep the land and property owned by
one man or administrative department. This is illustrated in the
contracts which Hapdjefa made with the priesthood of the temple of
Wepwawet at Siut. He stipulated that the offerings were to come from
the property of the pr of his father and not from the pr of the nom-
arc04 Presumably the nomarch was n9t permitted to use the property
of the official estate for his own benefit and had to pass it ong
intact, to the next holder of the office.
Egyptian texts often mention the "founding of a all (grg
pr)which is taken by the W6rterbuch to be a synonym for "to marry"
25
and seems tm indicate that a young man would leave the family home
and establish his own pr.. The maxims of Ptahhotep show that this was
regarded as the right and responsible thing for a man to do,26
while
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125
Ahmose, son of Ebana, tells how he joined the navy after he had found-
ed his pro27
Although p-r. was used often for an "estate" it also retained its28
original meaning of "house". By the New Kingdom '-to the ancestor of
29 30the Coptic V419had begun to be used with the Same meaninge How-
ever the more conservative vocabulary of the literary texts preserved
the use of pr for "house"*
In the Story of the Two Brothersp when Anpu returned to his pro
he found that the fire had not been lit and that the pr was in dark-
ness.31
This can only be referring to the actual h-ouse-building and
the same must be true, in the story of the Doomed Princet of the pr
which the ruler of Naharain built to keep his daughter isolatedq asit is described as having only one window which was 70 cubits from
the ground.32
There are also some examples of pr being used in preference to33It in noný-literary texts of the same and later periods and pr-is
also found in demotic texts.34
It cang thereforev be seen that at all periods pr was used of a
"house". This usage was notp howevor, confined to the actual house-
building butp even by the Old Kingdom, it could be extended to
include an entire estate. It was logical that the house of the king,
týe palace, should have been described as pr-nsw35
and this term
alsop like the simple pro cameto be used of an estate from which
produce could be isSUed.36
The differences between pr-nsw and other terms which are usually
.1,39couldranslated as "palace" such as c4o37
stP-83938
and pr-c.,
only be elucidated after a detailed study which is not relevant tothis work. The distinctions could well be based on their respective
administrative functions rather than on their physical character-isticso
The role of-the'torm, pro as it related to Egyptian temples is
of concern to this study,. The fact that pr could be used of a temple
as well as of a domestic dwellingq indicates that the term was not
restricted in use toone particular
building-plan. Although theplan
of an Egyptian temple, as the "house of the godJ1was based on that
of a house, the simple house-plan was extended and elaborated to
such an extent that the plan of a temple bears no resemblance to the
original enclosure depicted in the ideogram*
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126
In the Koptos Decrees of the old Kingdom the temple of Min at
Koptos is referred to variously as r-pr P "this r-PT1194011the Er of
Mine,41
and "the bwt of'Xin'1942
while the Decrees of Neferkauhor also
use the term bLwt-ntr*43 The terms bwt and bwt-ntr describe the funct-
ion of the temple as a cult-centreJ44 r-pr indicates that the temple
served as an offering-place45 while pr reflects the fact that the
temple was the actual home of the god. The fact that the decrees were
to be set up "at the crrwt of the 32r of Min,,46
suggests that pr here
is being used of the temple itself and not its administrative estate*
However# in the same way that the pr of a private individual could
be his "house" or his "estate" a temple pr could be the stone temple
itself,in
which case theterm
wasbeing
used as a synonymfor 4wt-ntr,,
the entire temple complex within the enclosure wall, or the administ-
rative estate* Unfortunately there are many texts in which the context
does not allow a decision to be made as to which of these translations
would be the most accurate.
, There are a few texts which support the view that pr could be
used of the stone temple alone* An inscription of Tuthmosis III from
the Festival Comýlex at Karnak gives a speech of the Ennead to the
king instructing him to embellish (smnb) the pr of his father Amun-
Re inInr tLý nfr n 1-nw.
47The temple of Hatshepsut at Deir El-Bahari
is described as a pr4
as is the Anubis chapel within the temple*49
The temple of Ramesses III within the forecourt of the Aman temple5o
at Karnak is called "the pr of Usermaare Merismun in the pr of A=inll
and a curious use of the term is found in relation to the temple T
of Taharqa at Kawao The text tells how the king found the temple of
Amun built of brick and ordered it to be reconstructed in stone* Theinscription continues, "then this bwt-ntr was built in sandstone....
the pr in gold, the columns (w)j3w) in gold ...... its pylons (bbnw) and
its doors (2b-3w) inscribed with the Great Name of his Majesty. j,51
The sandstone bwt-ntr is clearly the stone temple-building and Mac-
adam has suggested that pr also refers to the main temple becauser
"Minute specks of gold leaf were found adhering to the walls in
placesis.52
If this is so, and it is difficult to see to what else
pr could refer in such a contextv then pr n nwb must be in appositionto bwt-njr m
Inr hd nfr n rwat.
Two interesting tomb-scenes show the facades of temples with labels
indicating that each was regarded as a pr. Cneq from the tomb of
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12-1
Panehsy at Thebes (No. 16) shows the frontage of the temple of Amun
at Karnak which, in the reign of Ramesses II to which the tomb is
datedg was at the second pylon. The text above the representation
states that it is the pr of Amun-Re.53
The second example is from the
tomb of Amenmosey also at Thebes (No. 19), and depicts the facade of
a temple dedicated to the deified king Amenhotep I. The legend reads;
pr ( ý'Imn 4LtpJ n p3 wbl "The pr of Amenhotep of the wb3,,.54
Since the
entrance to the temple complex and the entrance to the stone temple
would have both been through the pylon which formed the temple facade
it is not possible to decide on which of these two interpretations
was intended.
There are, however, other texts which showl quite clearlyp that
pr could be used of the temple temenosp as distinct from the stone
building, the bwt-ntr.
A-building text of Amenhotep I from Karnak states that the king
built his (Amun's) pr and embellished ( smnb) his 4wt-nt 955 while
texts of the reign of Hatshepsut describe how treest brought back to
Egypt by the Punt expeditiony were planted 6n both dides of the hwt-
ntr in thepr of Amun.56
The distinction between the Er and the hwt-
nir is also well exemplified in the stela of Pianchi. After the con,
quest of each major cult-centre, the king went to the pr of the god
where, after purification rituals in the pr-dw .he entered the
]ýwt-ntr to make offerings.,57
In the New Kingdom in particular, however, the pr of a god was
the designation of his administrative estate, so that a temple which
was described as being within the pr of a particular god was admin-
istratively sabordinate to the main temple of the god in question.
In this way the royal mortuary temples on the West Bank at Thebes
,,58
were often described as "the hwt of king..... in the pr of Amun
indicating that they were under the control of the temple of A=
at Karnak. Obviously the situation of the temples on the opposite
bank of the Nile precludes the identification of prp in this exp-
ression, with the temenos of the main temple building*
The same relationship isalso
foundoutside of
Thebes between
the main cult-centre and its dependent temples. For examplet at
HeliOPOlist Ramesses III built a bwt nt bbw m rnpw to the north
of the city, which was regarded as being "in the pr of Itost. 59
It can be seen, thereforep that the simple termt prt could
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l2a
have various meanings throughout the dynastic period in Egypt. When
used of the dwelling of a private individualt it could refer to the
house-building itself and also to the whole of an official! s estate*
Similarlyp whxn the term was transferred to Temp-Le arcniTec-rure 7rne
pr could be the main temple-buildingg, the temenos or the administrative
estate. Only a careful examination of each occurrencet comparing the
textual evidence with existing temple remains, where these are pre-
served, can show which interpretation of the term is the most suitable.
I E. g.; Devaud, Les Maximes de Ptahhote v 38t versov 383; Pyr. t 292d
(Unas); 1189c (Pepi I); Irk., 1,150,16; Gayetv Ste'les de la Me
Dynas. ie, pl. LIVt 2; De Buckv Readin Bookv 91,13; Sethe, Aegyp
tische Lesestucke, 939 20; Irk. 9 IVP 4099 9; British Museumv Hier-
oglyphic Textsp VIP Pl-479 12; Daressy, ASAE 18 (1919)0 1459 14
and 15-
2 Examples of this writing of pr are legiong e. g.; Urk-P It 3t 1;
49 10; 1219 13-14; 1259 8; 163v 11; 216,11; VIIP It 15; Lange
and Schäferg Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches 1,69,
(IV9 pl. VI); UP 299 (IV9 pl. XXXI); Sethev op- cit-P 939 3t 20;James, The Hekanakhte Papers and other Early Middle Kingdom Doc-
uments, pl. 26t 8; Urk.9 IV, 3PI; 439 10; 47,7; 96t 12; 1009 6;
117P 5; 1329 7; 1609 7; 1639 3; 165,4; 1949 16; 195t 1; 297P 4;
3009 2; 328# 4; 352,10; 353P 2; 3099 14; 405P 3; 409P 9; 4499 5;
456,9; 472p 16; 862P 5; 9129 13; 10649 15; 1494,16; 15599 11;
LRI, I, 124P 5v 9 and 10; 2029 8; 2039 13; 206v passim; Gardinerp
Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 30,11-319 1; 48t 15; 499 2; Id. jLate Egyptian Stories, 3,5 and 12; 79 10; 99 12; 109 4; 139 13
and 15; 189 16; 309 14; 75,3; Erichsen, Papyrus Harris 1,695;
109 14; 12,6; 34t 8-11; 55,6; 58,6-9; 69,11; Krk., III, 15P
2; 219 8; 35,6; 38,10; 41P 10; 429 3-
3 See; Kaplonyl Die Inschriften der Aigyptischen Pr6ihzeitq 1119
passim; Lrb., It 515-518-
4 Ibid. v 518-532.
5 Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, Sign List, 0.1.6 Griffith and Petrie, Two Hieroglyphic Papyri from Tanistliplo. 171XVIO,
7 Cernyt Coptic Etymological Dictionaryt 316; Cnmp A Coptic Dict-
ion 775a.
8 Ibid.9 269b; C"erny, opp cit p 128.
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l2q
9 Crtun, op. cit., 66.
.10 Cernyj, Op- cit-P 41.
11 'Vb- 9 Ig 511-
12Ibid.
9511-516.
13 Gardiner, loc. ci
14 Loret in Lefebvre, Kgmi XII (1952)9 laff.
15 See, for example, the predynastic shelters at Mahasna; Garstang,
MaýLasna and Bet Khallaf, 5-8; pl. IV.
16 As note 3-
17 Rr-k- 9 It 49,10-
18 Ibid. v It 49,13-14-
19 Ibid*t It 1212 13-14-
20 Ibido, It 125,8-
21 Ibidop It 216v 17-
22 Ibidep It 257-9 15-
23 James, loc. cit..
24 Sethev Ope Cit-v 939 209
25 T! - 9It 512,8.
26 Devaud, op. ci 9 34(P. Prisse, 8p
10);38 (P. Prisse, 109 8)e
V Urk. t IV# 3,1*
28 'Wb.t It 160,1-13-
29 Cernyq op. cit-, 41; Crum, OP. cit. 966.
30 Gardiner, Onom,.* IIj 206*-207*.
31 Gardiner, late rmtian Stories, 139 13-15-
32 Ibid., v 3,5-
33 Emg-; Peetp Great Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Eaptian DynastY,
119 pl. XXXII9 B. Me 100529 11,18; Gardiner, Late Egyptian Misc-
ellanies 489 15; 499 2; grk*t MY 41,10; 429 3-
34 Erichsenq Demotisches Glossarp 132; Griffithp Catalogue of the
Demotic Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchestert MY 928t
note 6. See also; Glanvillep Catalogae of Demotic Papyri in the
British Museum It xxxi Y note 1.
35 n-9 It 513,3-5-
36 E. g.; Urk. p I, 175t 10; 58,10; 60,16; 1105,5-6; 2158Y 16#37 n-t It 214,10-21*
38 Ibid., IVY 340P 11-13; 3419 1-11-
39 Ibid,Y "l, 516p 2-4-
40 Urk., I, 2B19 1; MY 2; 283t 15; 2859 10; 2869 5; 2929 2; 294t 12.
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ISO
41 Ibid*q Iv 2809 18; 282,6; 2839 2; 283,8; 284,6; 2859 16; 286,
3; 287,7; 292,99
42 Ibidej 2909 4-
43 Ibid-, 300,3; 302,16; 3039 15-
44 See belowq bwt p. 165ff,; Md bwt-ntr P-177ff-,
45 See below r-Pr P-137ff, -
46 Urk., Iv 2869 3; 292,9; 299t 16. See further under Irzytv above
P. 47-48.
47 Vrk. t IV, 863,5-2Inr hd nfr n Cnw should properly be translated
"limestone" but most of the works of Tathmosis III at Karnakp inc-
luding the Festiigal Complexy are of sandstone, See further under
bwt-n±rq below p. 182.48 Ibid*, I7v 2979 4-
49 Ibidep 3009 2.
50 Erichsen, Papyrus Harris I, 6P 5-
51 Macadamt The Temples of Kawal I, pl. 8p 23 (Insc. IV).
52 Ibidev 219 note 52*
53 Baud and D=iotont Le Tombeau de Panehsy, 21p fig. 10.
54 roucartl Le To3abean d'Amonmos, pl. 2B. The owner of the tomb was
a priest of Amenhotep of the wb's. For this god and hie relation-
ship to the wbs of Aman see farther under 039 above P- 69-70-
55 irk-P IVP 439 10-
56 Ibid., IV9 328,4; 353,2.
57 Ibid. j111,35,6; 389 10- See also under 4wt-ntr, below P-1134-
58 Examples are nulnerousp eg.; Mop 1119 1529 c; KRI9 Iq 206,8;
216,11; Vt 228t 11; Gardinerp Late Egyptian Miscellaniesp 42;
Erichsenv op. citep 12,6; 139 17; Gardiner, The Wilbour Papyrus,IVY 59; 61; Marciniak, Deir El-Bahari, 1,69; pl. =IV; Bnxyereý
Rapport sur les Fouilles de Deir El-Meodineh (1933-1934), 56;
Chevrier and Driptany. -le Temple 3ýepasiair do Seti II ýaKarnakq 25-
26.
59 Erichsen, op. cit-, 349 10-
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1,31
pr-113(t)
Dyn. XI Dyn. XX72
C'73 11.0IC IL-13
The first of the two examples of pr-hi(t) occurs in the Eleventh
Dynasty accounts of Hekanakhtep in which five pieces of willow-wood
are said -to be m pr-h3.3 James has noted that the pr-bs was the rear
part of a house "perhaps even the out-houses,,,,4
As has been noted
above5 the only other location given in the account is for a mast
which is in a wb3t6a
term which is not elsewhere found outside of a
temple-context.
The second example of pr-4z(t) is in the Dream Stela of Tanutamun
and refers to a part of the Amun temple at Napata.7
Although this can
not be firmly identifiedl the etymology of the torm would suggest
that it was either the rear pýart of the temple or a building at the
back of the main temple building.
Possibly pr-4s(t) could be used for the rear part of any kind of
building or complex. Since the term was in use in both the Eleventh
and the Twenty-Fifth Dynastiesq it is likely that further examples
of the te= may come to lightp hopefully in contexts from which a
more cartain identification of the nature of the pr-h3(t) can be made.
I Jamesp The Rekanakhte Papers and other Early Middle Kingdom Doo-
uments, pl. 12, Vp 2,
2 Urk,,, p 111,68,13-
3 Jamesp loc. cit.,
4 Ibid., 61.
5 See Wb3q p. 66-67-
6 James, op. cit., pl. 12, vo 3o
7 Urk. p 111,68,13-
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ISZ
pb3
Dyne XXI
Dyne XX2 Dyn, XX3
13Ic
E3Xj00%
-1=ell"Mis termp known only from three as yet unpublished ostracap was taken
by Helck4 to mean "veneer" and the same i-nterpretation has been adopt-
ed by Janssen.5
In Ost. Berlin 11260 the pLi3 is linked with the door-frameg the
4trip in the phrase ps 4tri p3y*f pbs "the bLtri and its pbs"6
and
in Ost. IPAO-704
it ocburs in the expression pb3 n ps abs "the pb5 of
the sbs .7
Kemp8
has pointed out that door--frames were unlikely to have been
veneered and Euggests that the p:4-s wasp in facty either the lintel or
the threshold of the door. In view of the fact that 4tri (me htrw in- -- 9 L-
the plural) seems to have included both jambs and lintelp the pbs is
most likely to have been the threshold. In Osto Deir El-Medineh 28910 -he p45 is made of wood and wooden thresholds for doorways have been
11found
atDeir El-Medineho
1 Unpublishedo see Janssent. Co=odity Prices from the Ramessid Periodt
25; 391-
2 Unpublishedp see Ibid-9 391-3929
3 Unpublishedt see lbid-9 81-82; 391-392.
4 Helckp Materialen zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Neuen Reichesp 8889
5 Jansseng op. cit-9 391-392*
6 Ibido., 391-
7 LOC. cit..
8 Kemp, JFA 65 (1979)v 183-
9 See below, 4trit P-195ff-
10 Janssen, op. cit-9 391-
11 Eege, Brayerev Rapport sur les Fouilles de Deir El-Iledineh (19
37P fig*25-
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IS3
nhbwt
Dyn. V1D XVIII
There are only two Imown examples of this word and both are in the
plural form, nkibwt. The first writing is from the archives of the
mortuary temple of Neferirkare at Abusir and describes the columns
of that templep while the second is in a building inscription of
Amenhotep IIIf referring to the construction of the temple at Luxor.
Nkibwt is related to the word nlýbt "flower of the lotus, esp-1
t4ecially the closed bud. n3 (Prom the Nineteenth Dynasty #m and
nhb5 were also used of the lotus bud and the flower respectively. )
It would thus be reasonable to assume that 4bwt was used to des-
cribe lotifo3: m columns, particularly those with closed-bud capitals.
The lotus bud column was very popular in the Old and Middle
Kingdoms and recurred in the Ptolemaic period. Columns with an open
lotus capital were often depicted in tomb-scones but few actual ex#. :
amples have been found.6
The Fifth Dynastywriting
occurs ina
contextwhich
leaves no
doubt that it refers to the thirty-seven columns of the great court
of the mortuary temple of Neferirkarep the twelve columns of the
"vestibule" and the four columns of the týporch.J
Only the bases
of these columns remain but Borchardt was able to reconstruct them
and prove that they had been wooden lotus bud columns on limestone
bases.8
So there wereq at Abusir, lotiform columns which were des-
cribed in a contemporary papyrus as 4bwt
Unfortunately the determinatives of 4bwt are'not lotus bud col-
ulnns9 and the hieratio signs used have been transa: i'ved in the pub-
lication of the papyri asT
.10
This hijroglyph depicts a papyrus
plant and was therefore used as an ideogram for a papyriform column
but would not have been a suitable deterainative for a lotiform
column. It is possible that these htiratic signs should be tran-
scribed as an open lotus flower, which is used as the determine-
ative of 21tbt "lotus" in the Pjrramid-texts.
11
The second writing of 4bwtp the only reference given for this
word by the WSrterbuch,12
is of the Eighteenth Dynasty so that it
is impossible to trace the development of nhbwt. This is unfortunate
since this later example appears to describe papyriform cluster
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1*3+
columns and it would have been interesting to have had evidence as
to how this changet or extension, in meaning came about.
The second 4bwt occurs on the south pedestal inscription of
Amenhotep III in the temple of Luxor. The text'hlls how the king
madev for Arnm-Rep a great Ipt in sandstone and then continues; -
A 11%/01II
The orthography of this inscription is somewhat unusual. The P in
wIpw is probably a misplaced pronoun and the group is to be read
,ýrbjw. s. In addition the plural strokes of nhbwt ought to be afterp
not befor4 the determinative. It would seem thatl in this inscriptiong
w43 was used as a general word for a column while nl)bwt was used to
specifythe
particular column-typeinvolved.
There areq howevert no lotiform columns in the temple of Luxor
and all those erected by Amenhotep III are either papyrus-cluster
formp (the hypostyle hall and the court)v or single-stem papyriformp
(the colonnade)p so it is to some or all of these that this ýext
must refer. Since the determinative is of the form a it is almost
certainly the papyriform-cluster columns which were described as
4bwt
How exactly the Old Kingdom word for a lotiform column came
to be used in the Eighteenth Dynasty for papyriform columns can
not be proved in view of the lack of evidence for the intervening
period. However the papyrus-cluster column largely superceded the
lotus bud column in the Hew Kingdom and the word nhbwt was probably
transfewed from one coliimn-type to the otherg since they resetable
each other very closely.14
Although this one text uses 4bwt of papyrifomm cluster columns
these seem to have beenp more usuallyp described as w39w (SL.v. ). How-
ever it is impossible to be certain of the reading in texts where
the ideogramE
alone is usedl usually in the plural.15
Written evidence is unfortunately lacking but_4bwt was probably
used of both types of lotiform column, that with the open flower as
well as the closed-bud varietyp just as w54 was used to describe both
types of papyriform column.
The fact that nlýbwt is such a rarely found word can be easily
explained as detailed building texts are generally of the New Kingdom
while the lotiform column was most common n the Old and Middle King-
doms. If more building inscriptions had survived intact from the
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1,36
earlier periods then no doubt the number of known writings of nhbwt
would have been augmented.
1 Posener-Krieger and Do Cenival, The Abu Sir Papyrip pl. XXXIIA9
11.
2 Urk-p IVP 1712p2. This textp from the pedestal of the south wall
of Luxor templep has also been published in full by Moret (Studies
presented to P. U. Griffithp 121. ) and the part relevant to the
columns is quoted by Wallertp (Die Palmen im, Alten Agyptenp 36. )
and the. W6rterbucho (Die Belegstellenp III 429p ref. 2949 4-)-
Moret restored the missing sign as'MT
and this was followed
by Wallert but is almost certainly wrong. The WO"rterbuch restoredthe sign as the 4 bird (Gardinerp Gra=arp Sign-list, G.21) which
is supported by the later publication of the Fifth Dynasty text.
The surface of the sione upon which the missing sign was inscribed
is now completely lost and no trace of the original sign remains.
The variety of forms given by the different writers for the det-
erminatives of both wh3, and abwt in this text only serves to
emphasize the need for true epigraphic copies. The WO"rterbuch
Belegstellen gives wrong forms for both determinatives while
Wallert has that of whsw correct but that of nlýbwt wrong. Since
there appears to be no published photograph of the text (Pmp III
336. ) 1 checked the original at Luxor. The determinative of wh3w
is a palm-coluxomp that of 4bw Is a papyriform cluster column.
3 Wb-I III 294p 2-3-
4 Wbop III 297Y 10- Dya-19 onwaud-
5 ID-9 III 307p 3-8. End of the New Kingdom and Graeco-Roman period.6 Borchardtr Die Aegyptische PflanzenAulep 3-17-
7 Posener-Krie"gert Archives N; ferirkarep 111 435, note y. See also
Kaplonyp Orientalia 41 (1972)p 203p whop for some reasonp reads
the word as xibbwt rather than 4bwt.
8 Borchardt, Das Grabden1mal des KO"nigs Nefer, -ir-kell-ret 1 20-22.
9 Posener-Krieger and De Cenival, op. citop pl&=II4o
10 Ibid.p
pl. XXXIIA, 11*
11 Pyrp 1223e. On the other hand it is also possible that nhbWt
acquired the w3d sign as determinative because of the use of wld
to describe the papyriform cluster column which bears a strong
resemblance to the lotus bud column. Examples of the fo=er type
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13b
12
13
14
have been found in the mortuary temples of Niuserre and Sabure
at Abusir. (Borchardtq Das Grabdenkmal des K6'nigs-Ne-user-relp 11,,
abb- 5. and Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Kýnigs Slashu-rell It
539 abb- 59-61. )
n., 119 294t 4-
Urk-9 IVP 1712,2. See footnote 2 above.
Compare Borchardt, Die Aegyptische PflanzensWulep 79 abb. 109
(lotiform) with ibid-p 32p abb- 559 (papyriform)o This similarity
between the two forms led to their being often confused in early
works on Egyptian architecture. Seep for example, Foucarty Hist-
oire de 11ordre lotiformep passimg where boýh fo=s are treated
as one and the same.15 E-9-t KRIP It 2019 5; 202p 9.
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13'1
T-pr
Dyn. IV, VIq XI9 2adol Dyn. V2
'Into, XVIII9 XIX C-73
Dvn. VI, XIII, XVIII, 3 45Dyn. X19 XIII Dyn. XII9.4=21 xxii 4--:0 mit XVIII 4=--v-3 XVIIIP XIX
C-3 I
2nde Intel Dyn. XVIIIv6
Dyn. XVIIIj, XIX9 XXIIt7
xixp xx xxvis Ptol.
Dyn. XVIII, XXI XXV8 Dyn. XXV949=> -3 C=> Q
10 C-3
The etymology of r-pr has been discussed in some detail by Vergote
10
who concludes that it is not to be understood as 'Ila porte de la maison"
but rather as 'Ila porte do sortiellp since r-pr was first applied to
a false-door in an Old Kingdom tomby out of which the spirit of the
dead man could come to accept the funerary offerings* Gradually the
offering-place developed into a nichop then a room within the super-
structure of the tomb. The tern hadv thereforej come to be used of a
"chapel" and it was then transferred to other chapels and applied to
"temples"o
This theory of Vergote's would seem to be an accurate assessment
of the development of the use of r-pr. It willp thereforep be necessary
here only to present the textual evidence to support this view since
Vergote himselfy whose article was primarily etymological in intent,
omitted to do so.
The evidence for the use of the term for a false-door comes from
tombs of the Old Kingdom at Saqqara. In particular a text describing
offering-bearers in the Fifth Dynasty tomb of Ti reads "Bringing
produce to the '4T9-3Iffl of the "sole courtier" Ti. "11
The Sixth
14:?, 12Dynasty tomb of Sneferunefer has a similar formula using -. 1 *In the tomb of Kagemniv formulae have "the chsmber (, It) of the L-LrIIq
13
R-pr is also used of the offering chapel in the Fourth Dynasty tomb
of Debhen at Giza. This was lined with limestone.14
This use of r-pr
is not restricted to the tombsof private
individualssince a royal
funerary chapelf of king Menkauhorp is also called a r-pr.15
It can be seen, thereforet that, even by the Fourth Dynastyp r-pr
could be used of a "chapel" as well as for the false-doorp for which
the usual torm was rwt.16
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1,19
R-pr was also being employedp by the Old Kingdomp as a term for
a temple and occars as such in the decrees issued for the benefit of
the temple of Min at Koptos. This temple is often referred to as r-pr
pn "this r-pr"
17
and the decree for the Vizier Idu clearly implies 18that r-prw were to be regarded as being as important as bwt-ntr (pl. ).
This textp in which r-pr and bwt-ntr are used side by sidep raises the
question as to what the differencep if anyv is between the two terms,
Gardiner once remarked "that"r-pr seems sometimes to imply a
temple of secondary rank or a provincial temple'1*19 This view has been
rejected by Vandersleyen20
who considers it to have been founded on
fortuitous occurrences. He prefers to regard a L-pr as being a part
of a hwt-ntr and cites an example from the Book of the Dead in support
of this theory. 1 Wsir ink hm n r-pr. k Imy-lb n 4wt-ntr1,21 which
he translates as. 110Osiris, je suis le pretre de ton lieu do culte
qui est dans ton enclos sacre, 1122
Unfortunately this is based on a
wrong translation since imy-lb does not mean "which is in" but is a
noun "favouritell.23
The text shouldp thereforev be translated asp 110
Osiris, I am the servant of your r-pro the favourite of your bwt-ntrilt
implying a degree of equivalence between the two terms,
This is also suggested by other textst particularly those in which
a specific temple is described as both 1ýwt-ntr and r-pr. This is the
case with the temple of Ptah at Karnak which was rebuilt by Tuthmosis
III. "Now his majesty found this r-pr in brick........ehis majesty order-
ed that this tLwt-ntr be built for him in sandstone"*24
Both the temples
of Amada and Elephantine, which were completed by Amenhotep 119 are
also referred to by both terms. "Now it was his majesty who beautified
this 4wt-ntr which his fatherp the King of Upper and Lower Egyptp Mon-
kheperrev had made.......... in order that the great name of his father2ý
the Son of Rep Tuthmosisq might be established in this r-pr for ever".
There are other temples for which both terms are known to have
been used. These include the temple of Osiris at Abydos,26
the temple
of Mat at Kaxnakt27 the northern temple at Buhen (in a Nineteent13,. -Dynasty text)t
28the festival complex of Tuthmosia III at Karnak29
and the Karnak temple of A= itself030 The fact that the Amun temple,
the major state cult-centre in the New Kingdom and in later periodst
should have been so often described as a r-pr is a clear indication
that a T-pr was in no wa; - inferior in status to a hwt-ntro
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ISCI
A tomb scene from the tomb of Puyemre at Thebes would seem to
suggest that r-p were in some way regarded as subordinate temples.
This shows the weighing of incense in the presence of Payemre with
the deseriptive label 11Reckoning theincense
for the1%-prw which
are subordinate to (? lmyw-7jt) the pr of Aimin, in the pr-4 of the
bwt-ntr.,,31
Facing the scene are the names of the r-p which include
the pr of Amun itself, the prw of Mat (? )o Khonsup Monthu and Ptah M
and several poyal mortuary temples on the West Bank as well as (poss-
ibly) the temple of I=or.32
All of these temples would have been under
the administrative control of the temple of Amunq whith is why they
are described as being subordinate to the pr of the god. Howeverv each
of these could elsewhere have been called 114wt-ntr" or 11bwt#1 howing
that there were no distinctions in either size or function bwtween
a Enpr and a bwt-ntr.
This can also be illustrated by a building text of Tuthmosis III
from Karnak. "I (the king) pleased him (Amun) by making for him .....
, sea4wt-ntr on the east of this 1--pr. to
33In this text the ýr is
the Karnak temple of Ajmxnv while 4wt-nt_r is, probablyp the much
smaller"Eastern
Templesi.
34
Another text shows that a EMpr could even be regarded as "contain-
ing" a bwt-ntr. A statue of the official Uinnakhte from Koptos describes
him as "one who informs every official of their dutdes in the bwt-ntr
of every r-pr. is35
It is unnecessary, therefore, to attempt to distinguish between
the two terms. Both were used for a temple to describe, not its physical
appearance nor its sizet but the fact that it was a cult-centre (4wt-
ntr) and a place in which offerings could be made (r-pr). since both
criteria were relevant 6o every temple in Egypt it follows that any4wt-nt could be described as a r-pr and vice versa.
36R-pr often occurs in the plural form as a generic term for "temples"
but it seems always to have retained its meaning as an offoring-place
and the link between a ý:-pr and offerings is stressed in texts of allperiods.
"One who knows the offerings of the r-prwit (Eleventh Dynasty stelaof Intef
9 son of Myt).37
"Controller of divine offering(s) in the r-prw of the gods Df this
city" (Twelfth Dynasty title from Beni Hasan). 38
'Tsernakhta did whatever all the gods desired, by making laws
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1+0
establishing the rule, by building their r-prwj by establishing their
divine offerings"(Eighteenth Dynasty stela from Gurus, ). 39
"An offering which the king gives (to) Amun-Req king of the gods,
that hemight cause
theofferings
to bereceived
in hisr-pr"
(Eight-
eenth Dynasty statue)040
"One who provisions the offering-tables in the r-prwII (Eighteenth
Dynasty statue ). 41
Describing a former time of anarchy; "They made the gods like the
forms of men, offerings were not presented within the r-prw. " (Papyrus
Harris 1).42
R-pr was originally used for a false-doorp then an offering chapel
andf by extensiony any place in which offerings could be made* It couldp
therefore, be appliedv quite accuratelyp to any temple with the result
that one building could be describedl legitimately, as both a 1ýwt-ntr
and a r-pr.
R-pr occurs with the meaning of "temple" in both the demo ic43 and
-44
Coptic scripts.
This is one of the most frequently found writings of jnýr in thesingulart particularly in the Eighteenth Dynasty, e9go; 'grkep I,
209 5; 2129 3; 2799 4; 2819 1; 2829 2; 2929 2; Mariette, Les Mast-
abas do Itancien Empire, 394, bottom; Clare and Vandier, Textes
de la premiere Periode intexmediaire et de la XIeme Dynastio, 479
339 11; Mariette, Abydos IIP Pls-30; 39; Urk. p IV, 100,11; 1639
8; 1699 7; 1759 9; 268,13; 363P 12; 366,15; 7539 2; 767Y 1; 8639
2; 9929 4; 1187P 11; 12259 3; 1252t 17; 12949 7; 13709 5; 14329 13;
1441,9; 1511,4; ERIP It 279 4; 283,14; 360P 11; Abd El-Razikt
JEA 60 (1974)t 1519 5. This grouping is also found in the plural
(Urk-P IVP 4139 2; 1392t 3) and (KRI9 It 2409
12).
2 Steindorfp Das Grab des Tit P1-31-
3 Von Bissingt Die Mastsba des Gem-ni-kaip 11,20; pl. XL; Sethe,
Aegyptische Lesestucke, 76,22 and 24; Urk., IVt 1446t 4; Vercoutterp
Textes biographiques du Seraple'um do Memphis 3; Pl-1-4 This writing is occasionally found in the singulart Sethe, op, cit,,
769 12; Urk., IV, 832,13; 834,179 but occurs more often in the
pluralp Clare and Vandier, OT- ci -P 44,31,3; 'ýLrkoj VlIt 18 j 19;
44P 19; 45Y 5; 45t 20; 49,4; Urk., Up 1045t 5; 1047P 7; 1151,14;
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%+I
5
6
7
11569 3; 14419 13; 14439 1; 1444P 14-
Sethe, opl cit-, 739 21; Urk., IV, 208,9; 7699 5; 7729 4; 8359 7;1
8399 17; 879,5; 1376,12; 1447,13; 14959 14; British M-useump
Hieroglyphic Texts, VIP Pl-47,14; Wb., Belegstelleng 11,588, (ref.397,6). Also in the plural formsv4::"c--3 (jrk-t It 304P 18; -Sethiaj.
c=> i C-3 c-3
pp. cit., 69,18);111
(Urk,v IV9 102t 2 and 10); r. .3 Qbideq
IV9 913,2); and 'eff: L% (Ir-k-p VIIIt 43)-
Usually in the pluralv Sdthe, 02- ci -, 33P 4; Urk, q IV, 1579 8
(singular); 387,2; 483,12; 20279 3; 20299 14; KRIp It 42v 8 and
9; 49,7 (singular); 126,2; Gardinerv late Egyptian Miscellanies,
6,9; Erichsenq Papyrus Harris 1,7,9; 129 7; 91,13; Gardiner,
ýF-A27 (1941), 70-
All the following examples are in plural fo=mso Irk., IV, 2489 9;
1095,9; 1184,10; 1186,9; Mariettep op, ci -t 1P P1952,16;
Chicago Universityq Oriental Institute, The Bubastite Portalp pl.
169 42; Vandermleyen, Rev. d'Eg. 19 (1967)9 pl. 9, A, 18; Chassinat,Edfou, It 229.
8 Usually in the pluralt 1! k*t IVP 96P 5; 150P 7; 8349 13 (singular);
1293v 11; Erichseng op. cit.. p 91,13; Urk-P Int 669 12*9 Urk. 9 111,35,1; 919 12; 93P 1 (all plural)*
10 Vergotef US 91 (1964)t 135-137-
11 Steindorf, loc* cit. *
12 Mariette, Les Mastabas de l1ancien Empire, 3941, bottom,
13 Von Bissing, loc. cit..
14 Irk. 9 Iq 209 5-
15 Lb_id.
p
Ig 2129,3-
16 See rwtp P-143-144-
17 E-g-9 Urk. 9 It 281,1; 2829 2; 2929 2. Similarly for the temple of
Osiris at Abydos, Ibid., 1,2791 4-
18 Urk-v It 3049 18-
19 Gardiner, op. cit-, 70, note 1.
20 Vandersleyen, op. cit-, 1489 note 1.
21 Navillev Das Aegyptische Todtenbucht
22 Vandersleyen, op. cit., 148.
It pl. CCIV9 Chap*1809 12 (Pa)o
23 Tý-q 19 729 18; Faulknerv Con. Diet* , 18.
24 Urk. 9 IVP 879P 5-
25 Urk-9 IV9 1295,7 and 8-
26 Sethe, op. c -9 76,12; Urk. j IVO 100,11. Cf. hwt-nt-r, P-178; 164-
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1+2
27 ýrkoj IV9 15119 4- Cf. hwt-ntr, p. 181.
28 KRIv It 38,8 (n! P-r); 389 7 (4wt_ntr),
29 Urk*j IV9 8639 8- Cf. 4wt-ntr, p. 181.
30 E. g.j
Ibideq 157t 8; 175P 9; 3639 12; 366,15; 7539 2; 8399 17;
Cfo bxt-ntr, p. 18o-181.
31 Davies, The-Tomb of Payemre, It pl, X1.
32 Ibid*, 1,94-96. See alsol Helckq Materialen zur Wirtschaftsge -
chicht6 des Neuen Reiches, 23-24-
33 ýrk-, IV, 834P 13- Seet Barguet, Templ 33-
34 See, Ell., II, pi. XVII, 6.
35 1ý_rk-, IV, 1187,11-
36 Eg., Sethev Op- c-it-, 33,4; 78,9; Rrk., IV, 96P 5; 102,2; 102,
10; 1049 7,413,2; 484,10; 1151,14; 1392,3; 1441,13; 1443,1;
2027,3; Mariette, Abydos, I, PL, 529 16; KRIp 1,126,2; 240,12;
Erichsen, Papyrus Harris ,7,9; 12,7; Chicago Universityq Loc.
cit.,
37 Clere and Vandiert OP- cit-, 44,31,3-
38 Urk-P VII, 43-
39 Ibid-P IV, 1045t 3-6.
40 P?Ld-, IV, 1225,2-3-
41 Ibid*, 1184,10-
42 Erichsen, op. cit., 91,13-
43 Mot Demotisches Glossa 1 245-
44 CrumalA Coptic Dictionary, 298b; Cerny, Coptic Etymolomcal Dict-
ionaryq 138- See alsop in greater detail, Vergote, loc. cit. *
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1+3
rwt
Dyne IV1
Dyne IV2
Dyn. V3
Dyn. V, VI4 5Dyno V or VI 6Dyn o VI
Ch
<::&99 .12;
Dyne VI7 Dyn. VP
9Dyn, vi Dyne VIlo Dyn. VI
n
<==>U M rn
Dyno V,12
Dyn. V,1 3
Dyn. XI'4
<=> CM 1 -. --=> C-3 2 C-3Dyn. XI,
1 5Dyn. X?
16Dyns17
tu; p<=> <=> i= r,=:; Xlxý xi I
iß 19Dyno XII 2nd Int o
20Dyn. XVIII9
<=> c,-a xixu-m \\
Dyne XVII,21
Dyn o XVII,22
Dyne XVII,23
Dyne XVIII24
Dyne XVII,25
N
OK.
26
C.N
N, y2728
Dyne XIX
IX29yn oX Dým,31
XX Dyn. XXV
=>iý
La 4a11
Dyno XXV32 ptol.33
üptol.
34
Q £Z11 (?A
Two entries with the spelling ivt are given by the W6rterbuch. The
first is a tena for the false-door of a tomb35
while the second is
translated as "gate" or 11doorio.36
In view of the fact that the basic
meaning of each rwt is the same, it seems likely that they are, in
fact, the same term, applied at different times to different types of
entrances. Consequently both are included in this entry*
There doS?, however, seem to be a distinction between the terms
xwt and rryt (qevo) which will be discussed below, and between rwt
and rwyjý , one of the accoutrements of the false-door.
In the Old Kingdom rwt was used for the false-door of a tomb39I
or a royal pyramid temple.40
When it was used in such a v; ty ;mt was
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14-t
determined by detailed signs depicting the complex design of the
false-door.
This was notv however, the only meaning of rwt in the Old Kingdom*
It was also used as a term for an actual entrance and one stone dooz%-
way has been found which was labelled 'Irwt". This came from the fun-
erary temple of Queen Wedjebten of the Sixth Dynasty at Saqqara. The
doorway belongs to tWo 6fficials and gives their names and titles on
the jambs while the lintel has the name and titles of the Queen. Be-
neath the figures of the two officials on each side is the text rwt
nt dt. f "the rwt of his funerary estate (? )#,. 41This was discussed
by Jequier42
who suggested that the estates of the officials had
formed a part of the estate of the Queen. Whatever the true meaning
of At43
there can be no doubt that rwt is the name of the doorway
itself. In the Pyramid texts, also, rwt is used for some kind of
entrance.44
Rwt is, in additiong foundt both in the Old Kingdom and laterv
in the expression rwtIst. The W5rterbuch regarded this as a com-
pound noun and commented that it was t'parallel zu 9nwt und pr-lid"
and "eine Ortlichkeit bei Memphist. 45 The evidence for the first of
these comes from various offering formulae of the Old Kiggdom in
which offerings (usually of meat) are provided from the rwtIst. 46
The expression in this context was discussed, brieflyp by Junk6=,47
For the second definition the W6rterbuch gave several references,
none of which are very helpful. Two of these are titles involving
the rwt Ist, 48while the third is presumably that on which the def-
inition is based, since it describes Sokar-Osiris as "preeminent inthe rwt ist of 1ýwt-k-s,,.
49I Vwt-k3 may be short for Vwt-k3-pth? a name
of Memphis, but the epithet gives no indication og the nature of the
building. The second component of the compound, Ist, is a term for
some kind of kitchen or bakery50so
the rwtIst
was probably a work-
place from which goods were issued for the mortuary cult to be offered
at the false-doort the rwt.
In the Middle Kingdom the use of the dual rwty appears. The exp-
ression rwty wrty occurs in the story of Sinuhe where it is used of
the main entrance to the royal palace. At the beginning of the story
the rwty wrty are closed on the death of Amenemhat I51and
when his
successor writes to Sinahe to ask him to return to Egypt he says that
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14-5
on his arrival Sinuhe can kiss the earth at the rwty wrt .52
Finallyq
when Sinuhe has returned to the palace and had his audience with the
king in the 'Lhnwty, he leaves the palace by the rwty wrty and is ins-
talled in the house of a prince*53
Other examples of the dual form include the rwty of the pr-ns
of Nekhen54
while a stela of the Second rntermediate Period mentions
the rwty ot the god Osiris at Abydost55presumably the entrance to the
temple. A further example from the Middle Kingdom may occur on the
jambs of the gateway of Amenemhat II at Hermopolis which is described
as being a sb3 c2o rwt (plural) bwt-;4ntr.56
This was taken by the ex-
cavatorsto be
a writing ofthe
preposition r-rwty,
57although
theuse of the plural form would be unusual in this expression. This shows
that it is not always possible to be certain as to whether rwty is
for the dual form of the noun of a component of the preposition r-
rwty-58
The latter will have originated in the use of the former to
describe an entrance so that anything which Was "at the entrance" was
"outside" of the building. Which of the two was intended must be dec-
ided on the context, the spelling of the word and the determinative
used* For example, a text of Amenhotep I, from Karnakq describes the
door (sb3) on which it was inscribed as being r rwty 1ýwt-ntr.59
The
door in question is a large monumental entrance (20 cubit3high) and
is also called "the southern sb3,P60
indicating that it stood, origin-
allyv on the south side of the Amun temple and probably marked the
main southern entrance to the temple complex,61
Rwty herd is deter. '.
mined by TTTTso it is likaly that this is not the preposition but
is the dual noun, used to describe one of the principal entrancesto the temple temenos.
It has been suggested by Sethe62
that rwty was the word used for
a pylon before the introduct-don of bbnt in the Eighteenth Dynasty.
Since the earliest known examples, from the story of Sinuhe, describe
a palace, not a temple, this can not be proved. Most surviving ex-
amples of rwty and rwty wrty date from the Eighteanth Dynasty orlater and so are contemporaneous with bbnt, In addition there does
seem to have been a distinction made between the rwty of a temple
and the bbnt of the same building,
In the reign of Tuthmosis I, both the Fourth and Fifth Pylons ofthe temple of Aman at Karnak were erected* The surviving obelisk ofthis king, before the Fourth Pylon, is stated to be "at the rwty
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14-6
of the bwt-nt f"
ý.ýthat is to say, in front of the main entrance to
'the temple. Another text which describes the work of Tuthmosis I gives
details of the two bbnt on either side Of the rolumned hall64
and cont-
inues with a description of the flagstaffs at the rwty of the bwt-ntrý5
It is interesting that the same text should use both rwty and bbnt in
such close proximity to describe the same pylon (the Fourth). The
reason for this is that both the Fourth and Fifth Pylons could be cal-
led bbnt but onljt the Fourth,, the main entrance to the temple in that
reign, could be described as a rwty, and it was outside the Fourth
Pylon that the obelisks and the flagstaffs were erected.
The same pylon is again described as a rwty by Tuthmosis III who
also constructed obelisks in the space before it*66
At Karnak, in particularp there could be several rwty. The main
entrance to the temple will always have been from the west, along the
temple axis and this was the rwty wrty of the temple*67
There was also
a rwty on the southern side of the temple,68
as is shown by the door
of Amenhotep I, presumably on the line of the existing southern app-
roach, and there was a "western rwty"69
which led into the palace(1-h) named Nil-w3*11-r-ft probably situated to the
north-west ofthe
approach to the Eigbtee2th Dynasty temple.70
In the context of the temple, therefore, rwty was used of an imp-
ortant entrance and rwty wrty of the main entrance. With the except4
ion of Karnak the two probably nearly always coincided.
Further temple rwty include a mention in a damaged text of Amen-
hotep II in a flagpole niche of the Eighth Pylon at Karnak, describ-
ing the erection of the flagpoles at the rwty (only the determinative
is preserved) of the bwt-nt . 71 In the reign of this king the Eighth
Pylon was the southern entrance to the temple.
Rwt is also found in texts from the temple of Seti I at Abydos.
In one case braziers are to be set up it a rwt72
while shrines (bmw)
were to be built of stone at the r*ty of the lord of Ta-Djeser.7ý'_
At the temple of Razesses M at Medinet Habu two of the fladpold
dedications on the first pylon state that the flagpoles arellat the
rFvty wrty of his bwt-ntr.,,
74
Cnce again the term is being used forthe main entrance of attemple.
At Rawa, king Tahai-qs: 'r1made obeisance to Amun at the rwty of the
bwt-nt75
and the Shabaka stone describes the union of the reed and
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14-1
the papyrus at the rwty of the tLwt of Ptah*76 In texts which date t'77
the Ptolemaic- period rwt was used generally for the doors of a temple.
Both rwt-j, -aAd rwty wrty also occur in texts which relate to the
royal palace. This was noted above in the story of Sinuhe and the usage
continued into the New Kingdom.
In the duties of the Vizier from the tomb of Rekhmire the text
tells how the Vizier meets other officials m P1 sb3 n rwty wrtY "in
the sbi of the rwty wrtyP78
This shows that rwtY w was the term
used for the "entrance" to the palace and so could itself be regarded
as having alldoor" (sb3)1,and that rwty was not just a synonym for sb3.
In the Heb-sed scenes of Amenhotep III from the tomb of Kheruef
at Thebes, the king appears at the rwty of the '-1ý79 while, in the
Nineteenth Dynasty, aa official goes to make his report beside the
rwty wrty.80
Originally, therefore, E!! t was a term for the entrance to a build-
ing or an estate. In the Old Kingdom it was used to describe the
false-door of the tomb and also occurred in mythologicql contexts from
this period onward as the entrance to, for example, heaven.81
From
the Middle Kingdomrwt
is foundmost
frequently in the dual form,
often qualified by the adjective wr, to mean the main entrance to a
palace or temple. It was not, in dynastic Egypt, used for other door-
ways within the buildings and, apart from the example from the fun-
erary temple of Queen Wedjebten detailed above, no door-frames bear
the name rwt.
Rwt should be regarded as a term for an'lentranceP rather than
the name of the door itself, for which sb2. was the usual term.
The word does not occur in either demotic or Coptic.
1 Borchardt, Denkm&ler des Alten Reiches, 19 44; PL-10 (No- 1384).
2 Urke, Iý, 38,9-
3 ýrk., 1,389 11. The forms of the determinatives of this and the
preceding writing are not given correctly in the public. ation. The
fo=s of the signs shown here have been collated with the originals
in the Cairo Museum (No. 1482).
4 ]Llu=ayp Saqqara Mastabas, I, pl. Vll; Hassang Glza, 1-929-1930,1099
fig-10? (Urke, 1,234,16); Urk., 1,175,12; Pyr. 9 1638a.
5 Junker, Giza, XIq 87-
6 Urk-, 1,107,2.
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14-2
7 Borchardt, op. cit., I, 114*and pl*28 (Urk*j 1,86,16).
8 Pyre, 603a.
9 urk., 1,99,16.
10 Pyr.
9
1638a; 2067b.
11 Pyre, 1713a (see also 603a with';ý
and n, reversed).
12 Jequierq La Pyramide d'Oudjebtent 22, fig. 28 (Urk., 1,2739 4)*
13 Urk- 9 19 2201,11 e
14 Drioton, Rev* dlEgeq 1 (1933)v pl. IX, x+6 (The text, louvre stela
C-159 was published, inaccuratelyp by Pierret (Insc. Louvre, 119
29)e Mere (in Nimsq Studies in Honor of John A. Wilsong 71-72,
notes) has pointed out that the initial sign of this word is the
lion (Gardiner, Grammar, Sign List, E. 23) not the bubalis (: [ýidvq
E*9) as was given bý: Pierret. This can be confirmed from the photo-
graph (Driotong op, citeg pl. IX),
15 lange and SchAferg Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches, II,
153; IV, pl. XL3:p 15.
16 Sinuhe R. 9; Gardinerv Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 399 6; For p=4
as a determinative of rwt see; Gardiner, jDramm ,Sign List, N. I.
17 Sinuhe B. 189; B*285-
18 Roeder, MDAIK 3 (1932), 289 fig-13-
19 Marietteg Abydos, 1190-309 37-
20 Urkop IV, 43,4; Barguet, Temple 81.
21 Urk. 9 IV9 93,6; Lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle d'Hatshepeout 'a
Karnak, 98,9,19; 1089 11 and 12*
22 IE-rhov V9 56,3-
23 Gardinerv JEA 38 (1952), pl., IV, 2.,
24 Urk-, IW, 1105,16.
25 Urkot IV9 1386,16 (Faulkner, Con. Dict. 9 147 quotes this refer-
ence as a writing of rwty "outside". ); 1867,5-
26 lb., Belegstelle,
11,598 (ref-404t 5); Mariette, op. cit., 19 pL.
409 a, 12.
27 Erman, ZAS 38 (1900)9 29.
28 Ma=iette, OP,, Cit-9 190-359 be
29 KRI, It 177t 1-
30 Chicago Universityq Oriental Institute, Medinet Habuq 119 Pl-103t
16.
31 Maoadamq The Temples of Kawa, 19 P1.8p 9 (Insc- NO-4)e
32 Breastedq 7AS 39 (1901)t Pls-I--IIt 15c.
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14-q
33 Piehl, Inscriptions, 11,84-
34 Chassinat, Edfouq 11,31-
35 T?-t 11,403,13-
36 Ibidov 11,4049 1-101 Faulknerg ON Cit-P 147-
37 T2-9 119 4079 12-15-
38 Ibidv 11,407,9-10; Maspero, PSBA XI (1889)9 304ff-
39 Urk-9 It 389 9 and 11; 99P 16.
40 Ibid., 1.1079 2; Pyrqq 20Pbo
41 Jequier, loco cite*
42 Tbid., 23-
43 Wb-, YOL510,4-9-
44 PYr* 9 603a; 1638a; 1713a.45 Kb--, II, 404v 4-5-
46 Urk-, It 1759 12; Murray, op. c pl. VII; Junker, loc. cit..
47 Junker, loc, cite.
48 Pierret, OP- cit-, 11,35 (C-176); Wreszinski, Aegyptische Insch-
riften aus dem K. K. Hofmuseum in Wien 179, V, 2.
49 Wb., Belegstell! ýn, 11,598 (ref-404t 5). Por further writings of
rwt 11st see;Ibid, 11,598 (ref-404,5)
andpossibly Borchardt,
OP. cit-, It 44; Pl-10 (No, 1384)-
50 Wb-s It 1279 7-9.
51 Sinuhe R.9.
52 Ibid*, B, 189*
53 Ibid., B, 285-
54 Lange and SchýXerq op- cit-v 119 153; IV9 Pl-XLIq 15-
55 Mariette, OP* Cit-9 II,? L-30,37*
56 Roederv loc. cit-*
57 nLide, 28, note 2;.1det AS 67 (1931), 85, note 5-
58 Wb-9 11,405,6-8.
59 Urk,, IV, 43,4- The blocks from this doorway were found in the
"cour de la cachette" at Karnak, see; PM., 11,133-134-
60 Urk-9 IV, 43,12,
61 Barguet, op. cit., 88 and note 2.
62 Sethe, Die Bau- jXnd Denkmalsteine der alten Agypter und ihre Namen904-
63 ! r-k--v IV, 93,6. Faulkner, Con, Diet*, 84, took this to be a
writingM
of the dual of bljnt, but in this context it is more
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160
likely to be for rwty. For the location of these obelisks see; LM9
11,75.
64 ! rk., IV, 56,1.
65 Lb
-id
-, IV, 56,3-
66 Ibid., IV, 642,12. See also PM, 11,74-75-
67 Lacau and Chavrier, op. cit., 108,11 and 12.
68 Urk-, IV, 43,4 and 12; 1332,19.
69 Lacau and Chevrier, op. citop 98,19.
70 Ibidep 103, no See also Gitton, : _IFAO74 (1974)9 63-73-
71 Urk., IV, 1332,19,
72 KRI, 19 171,1-
73 ERI, I, 177v 1. For a rut (?)
in the Xiwt.&ntr of Ptah-Sokar see;Mariette, Op- cit-, 1440, ap 12o
74 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, Medinet Habu, 119 Pl-1039,
5 and 16.
75 Macadam, op. cit., I, pl. 8p 9.
76 Bre"ted, loco citop
77 Chassinat, loc. cit.; Piehl, loc. cit,; Wb.,, 11,404,2.
78 Urk-P IV, 1105P 16.
79 Ibidep 1867,5*
80 Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 39,6. Erman,, 1gypter, 63,
quotes this text as an example of rwty wrty as a title of the king.
81 Wb-9 11,4049 1-
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161
rryt
Dyn * VI1
O*K.2
Ist* Into, Dyn*3
."Iin IVIII9 xxvi
r -3
1st. Int. 4 641
1st. Int. 5 Dyne XII9 XVIII,g>b .996
M XIXJ XX=0 C=> 44189Dyne XII Dyne XIIP Dyne XII9 XVIII
JQ644 xviii xxvi
10 1112
AzDyne XVII I Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII
C-3
Dyn. XXI3
C-i
Sir-Dyne XX14
.06 C-3
Dyne XX1544 cl % --> 4="=> 9:31 or XXIý6 1-2ý61 m9MM
C-3
The first problem to be resolved concerning this word is that of the
reading* The W5rterbuch16
queried the reading xMt in view of the
number of writings with the double r and also those which omitted the
we Gardinerl7gave the word as Mt, under the same entry as rwtv while18
Faulkner, who again reads the word as, rwyt, has separate entries
for rwyt and rwt. Howeizer, 6erny 19took the reading of the word to be
rryt, which wpuld be supported by the majority of the writings quoted
above. Those which contain the w are rave and are piobably due to
confusion with the similarly spelled word rwt (qov. ) while the Late
.Ck e-=>F=ugyptian writings and particularly the earlier variant c=> ci
would suggest that a double r was intended at the beginning of the
word* Writings in which only one r occur are again probably due to
confusion with rwt. Both of the writings with only the. ýb6 sign
come from the title Im r rryt of Imaunedjeh in the reign of Tuth-
mosis III, showing that various spellings could be used for one
wordp even within the same text.20
The balance of the evidence would seem to be in favour of a
reading rryt and this hasp accordinglyp been adopted in this study.
Rkyt occurs in texts from the Old Kingdom to the Twenty-Sixth
Dynasty. It is used most frequently in the title Imy-rrryt which
is first found in the Sixth Dynasty21
andis the title
of severalofficials at Dendera in the First Intermediate Period.
22It continues
23to be used in the Middle Kingdomp although it is never a very common
title. In the New Kingdom one important holder of the title is the
Theban official Imaunedjeh who was both aIny-r
rryt24
and 37my-
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15Z
rt nsw.25
Other officials of the same dynasty also held the simple
title26
and it recurs in the Saite period.27
There would seem to have
been more than one official attached to the rryt since an Eighteenth
Dynasty text talks of the rmt of the =t.28
However titles such as
this, no matter how often they may occur, are not very helpful in
deciding on the nature of the building involved.
An important indication as to the function of the rryt is found
in the Maxims of Ptahhotep where the rryt appears to be a kind of
reception-room or antechamber connected with the office of an import-
ant official.29
Men are warned that there is a code of behaviour for
the rryt and that they must act accordingly if they wish to be rec-
eived. Gardiner has noted that one version of the text has pr-n
instead of rryt "the picture conveyed to my mind is that of officials
crowding at the entrance to the palacev and waiting their turn to be
admitted. "30
This interpretationg regarding the rryt as a reception
room at the entrance to an official building is also supported by
the evidence of Eighteenth Dynasty texts* As was noted above the
official Imaunedjeh held the titles Irrryt and
1my-rrryt nsw3lMY-
andhe
was also a wbm nsw32 and wýam sw tpy.
33
The fact that Imau-nedjeh had such a combination of titles has undoubtedly contributed
34to the confusion in the past between the rryt and the grryt as an-
35,--
36other officialq Intef, had the titles wtLmnswt wj1m 3, n nsw, whm
tpy n nsw37 and wým tpy n ýrryt. 38Although ImaunedJehIs titles are
never compounded with 'Irryt the fact that both men were wbmwhas
led to the mistaken identification of the rryt of Imainedjeh's title,
imý-r rryt and the Irryt in Intef's titleg wtLm_tpy n ý-rryt. To add
to the confusionp among the list of Intef's duties are the state-
n 09ments "One who carries out the procedure of the g44r6-3
and40These were my duties in the --D, C-3 0 This group has been takeng
previously, to be a writing of '-rryt but there is no evidence that
the sign -: k can be read as I- It wasp however, often confused withJ, 6becaase of the similarity of the two signs in hieraticP41 and
the group is, thereforep to be understood as a writing of rryt. This
means that the official Intefy among whose titles was w4m tpy n 'rryt,
.performed duties in the rryt. This does not, howeve=9 necessitate
the identification of the twop although it is p1robably fair to assume
that they were in close proximity as both appear to have been situated
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)53
at the entrance to an official buildingg often the palace.
The 'Irryt was the "approach" to a palace or office, the area imm-
ediately before the door, while the rryt was a reception-room within
the buildhg, as is shown by the. consistent use of the dete=inative
M for rryt. It is, thereforep highly likely that the duties of the
officials connected with the two areas would meet and overlap. The
wbmwwould greet visitors and petitioners in the 'Irryt and lead them
to the rryt where they would wait before being condudted in to the
presence of the official with whom they had business.
Originally rryt would seem to have been confined in use to the
official reception-rooms of administrative buildings. Howevert from
the New Kingdom the te= appears to have been extended to includesimilarly-placed rooms in private houses. Early examples of this are
42 43dated to the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties but these give
little indidation of the function of the rryto In the Twentieth Dyn-
asty a text advising a scribe to reject his idle lifep remarks that
he has made for himself a rryt in the brewers' quarter,44
while, in
love-songs of similar daýep the rryt seems to be a meeting-place for
lovers.45
46Cerny has suggested that rryt may be related to the Coptic te=
"cell, 3:oom,,647
Essentiallyp thereforep rryt was used to describe a reception-room
or antechamber attached to administrative officesp usually within the
palace, although it, later, came to be used for a room in a private
dwelling. Rryt does not seem to have ever occurred in a temple-context
and is included here primarily- because it hasp in the past, been
confused with b6th rwt and crryt.
Davies, N[orman) de G, The Rock Tombs of Deir el-Gebrawi, 119 pl.
XII.
2 Weillp Raraq pl. XLIII; anotherp damagedt writing occurs on pl. XLII.
3 Petriev Dendereh 1898, pl. IX; XII Urk.y IV9 9579 15; Wb., Beleg-
stellenp II, 603t (ref-407P 14)-
4 Petriev op. citep pl. X.
5 Fischer, Dendera in the Third Millennium BeCop pl. XVIIt a.
6 5&ba, Les Maximes de Ptahhotepo 339 220 and 227 (the earliest ex-
tant version of this text is Papyrus Prissep in which this spelling
of rryt occursp and which has been dated to the early Middle
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151-
Kingdom. Other versions are of the Middle and New Kingdoms. There
must, however, have been an Old Kingdom original of the text from
which the later versions were copied (Ibid., 7)- It is probablev
thereforet that this spelling of rryt was also used in -the oritinal
text); jrk.p
IV, 9589 10; 961,1; 983,6; lange and Schiifer, Grab-
und Denksteine des Mittleren Reichesq 1.303; IIP 310 (with a stroke
added); Davies N Cormanj de Gt El-Amarna, 1119 pls*27; 29 (largely
restored); Harip (Mepetoire Cnomastique Amarnient No*19) gives a
writing of rryt in the title of the official Ahmose, 3my-r=7t
asc, 1cD=6,,ýA
I*The final stroke does not in fact exist on any of
the inscriptions of this man (Davies, loc. cit.; Petriet Tell El-
Amarna, pl*239 NO-44; Pendleburyl City of Akhenaten, III, plolXnIV9
7). Hari also gives the same title, spelled in the same way, for
User (Harig op. cit--v
NO-72), This official is named on a weight
which bears his titles (Pendlebury,, op. cit III, Pl-LXIIq 4;
CIII, 49 ) including the damaged group'ý,.,ý, It is possible that
this is to be read as rryt (Ibid*9 1119 1619 7) although it is
more likely to be a writing of gný* In any case the word cannot
be'restored togive
thewriting reproduced
by Hari; Gardiner,
Late Egyptian Miscellaniesq 259 13; 106,17-
7 Zgba, Op- cit-t 519 442 (This writing occurs in a Twelfth Dynasty
version of the Maxims of Ptahhotep (Papyras B. Mo 10371/10435P 0-
5). The older version of this passage (Papyrus Prisse, 13,10)
has pr-nsw instead of rryt so it is possible that this term
may not have occurred in the original text.
8 Newberryp Beni Hasang It pl, XXX; Pierret, Insc. Louvre, Up 108*
9 Lange and Sch1iferg op- cit-P UP 310; 'Urk. p IV, 9559 10; 9579 6;
958P 15; Wb., Belegstelleng IIP 603 (ref-4079 14)-
10 Urk-t IV, 9549 5; 958t B.
11 Ibid,v IVv 967t 7; 9739 17-
12 Ibid., IV, 10649 15; 1867,6.
13 Gardiner, Cheater Beatty It pl. XXX, 92P 4-
14 Lbid. v pl. XVIt 9*
15 Budge, Facsimilies thf Egyptian Hieratic Papyri in the BritishMus
, Second Series, pl. XLII, column 111,12 (this writing was
transcribed as shown here by Gardiner, (OP- cit-, 36, note 1) and
Cerny (Coptic Etymological Dictionary, 134) but as c'Ps by
Miller, (Liebespoesie, pl. 6). )
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16 Wb., 119 407-
17 Gardiner, Gra= 1,577-
155
18 Faulkner, Con. Dictop 148,.
19 derny,op- cit-9 134
20 Urket IV9 954-961, passim.
21 Davies, loc. cit.; Weillp loc. cit..
22 Petrie, Denderethý 1898, plsIX; X; XI, * Fischer, op. cit., pl. XVII,
a.
23 Newberryp loc. cit.; Pierret, loc. cit.; Lange and Schiifert 2p,
cit-, IIP 310,4; Petriep Lahunt 119 pls. XXI; XXIX.
24 Urk-P IV, 954,5 and 8; 955,10; 957,6 and 15; 958,10and 15-
25 Ibid., 958,8; 962, lle
26 Ibid*, 983,6; Daviea, loc. cit..
27 Wb., Belegstelle 9 11,603, (ref-407p 14)-
R8 'Erk. . IV9 1867,6.
29 Zýba, OP,, cit-9 339 220 and 227*
30 Gardinerg JEA 37 (1951)9 109, note 2.
31 As notes 24 and 25 above.
32 Urk*q IV9 955P 10; 9579 10; 958P 11; 960,2; 961,9; 962,7-
33 ald-P IV9 957,61 957,15; 9589 12; 959,8; 961,1; 9629 12 and 17-
34 Erman, ZIS 20 (1882), 2. note 1;; Millerg ZIS 26 (lm)p 90-92;
Spiegelberg, Studien ur)d Materialen zam Rechtswesen des Pharaonen-
reiche ,52-53-
35 Urk. , IV, 975,16 and 17-
36 Ibid. , IV,, 963,15-
37 Ibid. 9 IV, 964P 9-
38 Ibid*, IV, 9659 5; 972,15-
39 Ibid., 1V, 9679 7.
40 Lbid-P IV9 973,17-
41 Gardinerp Grammar, Sign Listp E. 23 and U-13; M61ler, Hieratische
Palaeographi p 1-11,125 and 468.
42 Urk-9 IV9 10649 15; Miller, Liebespoesie, pl. I, 18.
43 Gardinerg Late Egyptian Miscellaniest 25P 13-
44 Ibid-, 106,17.45 Gardiner, Chester Beatty Papyri, I pl, XVIO 9; XXX, G.294; 6iller,
op-, ci , P12,6-7, column IIIt 12; For a discussion of these
writings of rryt see; Gardinerg OP- cit , 36, note 1.
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166
%R
46 Cerny, Coptic Etymological Dictionary, 134-
47 Crum, A Coptic Dictionaryt 287b.
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161
h3yt
Dyne IV9 V Dyne IV, V2 Dyne V3ro ro ro
r. = Dyn9 V4C&
Dyn- V5 I st Int* 69===: p
m
m 92ri J'%a h..
-a4Dyne XII Dyne X118
-. f.A. I119Dyne XII, Ptol.
ro nyfl
Dyne XVIII10 0xviii
11
,i
m
V==:Dyne XVIII12
Dyne XIX13O-k-
D; =: q C
-
Ack
v=:9III
HeKeq Dyno XX914
xxxal44
=:q'4
Dyne XjXl5
C-3e
Dyne XX16in
ink 3ýAn c-: 3
roca =,
Dyne XXI17i
I
&.\-=. I = 'Q-Q
Dyne XXII, XXV18
ro 44 cl C--j
='A4--:Dyne XXV, Ptol. 19
, ,yn * XXV20
Dyne XXV121 Dyne22
ro
It
A=k=1xxx304ý;
AD3rn. XXX2
3
C-3,CL rZ3%Ph, A=*
24
Ptol.25 _
ptol.26
Ptol.Zi
-28Ptole29
Ptolo 30Ptole
fD ft
ra.44pto, 03132
Z2; Z4 Ptolo
leiFt: 44
ptol. 331,
pto, 034
Th,e Vrterbm-ah has three entries for building elements named hlyt. One5:>-
of these seems to be connected with the verb hs "to roaatt,36
and wasp
probablyp some kind of bakery or kitchen. As such this wotdq which37occurs only in accounts of the reign of Seti I, is outside the scope
of this study and is unlikely ta be related to the h3yt under discus-
sion here*
The other two words in the W8rterbuch are h3yt "hall" or "fore-
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Iss
court.,36
and h3yt "heaven" or , oof it.39
This division into two separ-
ate terms is also followed by Faulkner who gives htt "ceiling,,40
and
h3Yt Ip 0 rt a,,,.41
However, it seems likely that there was only one term the meaning
of which changedv or rather became extendedi, between the Old and Mid-
dle Kingdoms when the preferable translation is "ceiling" and the
Late and Graeco-Roman periods when a small chapel or portico was int-
endede
H3yt becurs very frequently from the Old Kingdom onwards in the
title smsw hiyt42
writings of which2bhow determinatives to support
translations of both ,halln43
and "ceiling,,,44
indicating thatq on
the evidence of this title albnep only one word is involved* Despite
the fact that this is a very old title45 which continued in use
thrcbughout dynastic Egypt,46
little is known of the daties of the47 48
smsw hiyt. He could be attached to a temple or a pyramid although
he seems, more often, to have been a palace offidiale49
In the last
capacity he is mentioned in the biography of Rekhmire as "clearing
the way for the Vizier to enter the palace. "50
This would suggest
that the, h3ytwas at
the frontof
the buildingta porch or a portico
leading into the main edifice. Sincd Rekhmire had just mentioned
reaching the sb3 of the yt51
where courtiers were bowing down
to him, it would be reasonable to assume thatq having entered the
area immediately before the main building (the Irryt, qevo) he was
ushered on by the official of the h3yt, a covered portico in front
of the door.
Examples of hSyt outside of this title are rare before the Third
Intermediate Period. Those which are known would support an original
meaning of "ceiling" for h3ytp although it is also possible that the
word had acquired an interpretation of "Porticoll, at least by the
Middle Kingdom since it could, by that date, be already determined
by a "columned hall" IAgn.52
One of the earliest examples of h3yt outside of the title gmew
h3yt occurs in the description of the tomb of Ankhtifý*. gt XpAjýg.
-111ý0Here, mn a very obscure passage, the M would appear to
have been part of the c3-door.53
Fortunately other examples of h3yt leave no doubt of the mean-
ing of the word.
In the Instructions of Amenemhat 1, the hsywt of a pr are des-
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169
cribed as being made of lapi B.54
The choice of a blue stond would
suggest that this h3yt was a ceilingg coloured blue to imitate the
sky. Although surviving versions of this text date from the New King-
dom the original compositionp and consequently the choice of vocab-
ulary, was of the Middle Kingdom.
Texts of the New K:Lngdomp alsot support a meaning of "ceiling".
An Eighteenth Dynasty stela records the fact that the storehouses of
the temple of Amun at Karnak were filled with tribute up to their
h-ýyt,55
while, in the Book of the Deadt the house (pr) of Osiris
contains walls (Inbw), a floor (s3tw) and a ceiling (Myt). 56A sm_
ilar description of a pr of Amunp in the Twenty-First Dynasty, also
j 57includes a haytp inbwt s3tw and c-3wy.
Clearlyp in these texts, h3yt is tm be understood as a "ceiling"
and thisp on the evidence availablep would seem to be the preferable
translation for the term in texts ascribed to the New Kingdom oilý
earlier. The use of the word in the title smsw h3,ytv howeverp part-
icularly as illusttated in the Rekhmire inscriptiong strongly sugg-
ests that h3Yt was already acquiring a wider meaning as a term for a
portico or porchbefore
an entrance,Unfortunately further texts of the New Kingdom are not very help-
ful for an understanding of the development of the term.58
Cne interesting case where h3yt is used of a porch before a temple
pylon occurs in the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty when Shabaka renewed tj; e
door and porch of the Fourth Pylon at Karnake He describes the res-
ulting structurep a lightly roofed porch with two supporting columns,
as a h-3yt 3t.59
At the end of the samedynastyg Tanutamunbuilt two h3Yt for the
temple of Amunat Napata. One is described as being of stone with
door-leaves (II-_,,wy) of electrum.60
while the secondt at the back (? pr
]ý_&t,qevo) of the temple was connected with the care of cattle.61
Whatever the nature of the latterv the former hsyt was probably a
portico like those erected in the Thirtieth Dynasty. This is poss-
ibly also true of the h3yt built in the wb3 of Horshef.,by the official
Hor in the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty*62 Vercoutter has identified this
with the frontage of the Ramesside temple at Heracleopolis but this
suggestion remains unproved.63
A damaged texto contemporaneous with the %eý-Sam-h dynasty, notes
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IbO
the restoration of a h3y[t] at Kawa.64
By the Thirtieth Dynasty h3yt had become the term used for the
porticos with low screen walls and engaged columnsg which were erected
on severaltemple
sites*One
ofthese
was constructedby Nectanebo I
at Philae and was described as a Ilh-3yt.... of aandstonet surrounded
by columns. "65
The same king records the building; at He=opolisp of
a pr for the goddess Nehmetaawy, with a h3yt which is said to have
columns with sistram-capitalsp66
as has-the portico at Philaes67
The
Hermopolis pottico was undoubtedly of similar design*
In the temple of Hibis in Kharga oasisj Nectanebo II constructed
a portico with plant-form columns, abutting onto the front of the
temple. This is called a h3yt 68 and also a h3yt c3t, 69
In the time of Philip Arridaeus work was executed on the w1bt of
the Falcon at Athribis, including the building of a hiyt with eight
t_73d colu; ins, situated at the entrance (r) to the wcb *0
By this time h3yt was firmly established as the name of these
small "porticos" and wasp thusp easily extended in use and applied
to all structures of similai design, wherever their position within
the temple complex* In the Ptolemaic period the term was used forthe roof-chapel of the temple or Hathor at Dendera,
71and for build-
ings situated beside the sacred lakes.72
The Dendera roof-chape,73
is similar in style to the Thirtieth Dynasty porticos and there is
no reason to suppose that other h3ywt.) which can not be so readily
identified, differed greatly in plang size or appearance* Other
Graeco-Roman h2qwt are recorded at Esna974 Karnak75 and Edfu.76
The meaning of hsyt in the Late and Graeco-Roman periods is not
in doubt; it referred to a small portico or chapel with screen walls
and engaged columns. Similarly there is no doubt of the existencet
in texts up to the Twenty-First Dynasty of a noun h3yt which is best
translated as "ceiling". It is possible that these are two separate
unrelated terms which happen to show similar spellings, however, it
is much more likely that the original term h3yt, "ceiling'19 was extend-
edq probably at a much earlier date than can be proved on present
evidenceg to cover a small porch in front of an entrance and it is
as such that it occurs in the title smsw h3Yt. Later still the term
came to be appliedq specifically, to the porticos of the Late and
Graeco-Roman periods.
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16%
Previous discussions of h3yt have, in the main, concluded that77
it was a te= for a porticop pavillion or similar structure. One
exception to this is Goedicke whop in discussing the title smsw h3Yt9
preferred to see the. h3yt as a"collective
designation of the admin-
istrative quarter. .,78
If this were sop then hsyt as used in this
title would have to be distinguished from the term which, clearly,
described a part of a building. This is not neca1; sa=y, ' since there
is no Corroborative evidence to support Goedicke's suggestion.
H3yt is pralmbly related to the term hyt "heaven", a translation
which the W8rterbuch gives as an alternative iheani2Lg of h%ýt "roof".
Whether or not hiyt survived into Coptid is open to question.
Gardiner regarded h3yt as the ancestor of the Coptic Zc). e:%-r a "gate-
wayil porch or forecourt, 1180 Z' 81 62
although Cernyp following Spiegelberg
and Krall83
preferred to see ZcLr-l-r as a derivative of Egyptian
b3ty.84
1 Junker, dzav IXv 77t abb-31; Mariettev Les Mastabas do l1ancien
Empirdp 262 (wrongly numbered 362)9
2 Junker, op. cit-P 78, abb-32; Mariette, Op- cit-9 341-
3 Borchardt, Statuen und Statuetten Ip 24, No. 22; 142, No. 212.
4 Hassant Gliza, VIq part 111,103-
5 Borchardt, op. cit j Ip 25, Noe23-
6 -11oAdierv Molallav 232, VicAp 3; P1-20-
7 Lange and Sch&fer# Drab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Relcheal I.
67.
8 Ibid, 9 17-9 Ibid. 9 249; Chassinatp Edfoup 1,415-
10 Griffithq ZAS34 (1896), 47- see also Malininep BIFAO34 (1934)v
65-
11 Urk- 9 IV9 1073,5-
12 Ibido, IV9 4299 7- -
13 Griffith, loc. cit.; malinineg loc* cit* (P. Sallier UP 1119 1.
The second bird was transcribed by both Griffith and Malinine as
the 4-sign (Gardiner, Gra=arq Sign Listp G.21). It ist in factp
theTlw-bird (Ibidop G-4) as would be expected in such a writing.
For a copy of the hieratic text see+ Budge, Facsimilies of Egyptian
Hieratio Papyri in the British MuseumqSecond Seriesp pl., IXV,
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162.
Compare the sign with MO'llerj Hieratische Palaeographiet II, W*.91,
The same also applies to the transcription by Malinine of the
same sign on a new ostracon (Malinine, op. cit., 65 and following
plate (unnumbered). This writing determines the word with n in-
stead of F-4 .
14 Budge, The Book of the Dead, (1898)t Egyptian Text volumeg 267,
(Chapter 1259 44); Chicago Universityq Oriental Institute, Rameses
III's Temple vfithin the Great Inclosure of Among I. pl*23A9 19;
Roeder, ASAE 52(1954)p 393-
15 LD-P 111,170-
16 Gardiner, Cnozqp Pl-XIW5*
17 Hamadaq ASAE 47 (1947)t 179 3-
18 LD., IIIv 255)'L-, rk-, 111,68,13-
19 Wreszinskit Orientalistische literaturzeitung 13 (1910)t Pl-II9,
12 (after P*381); Leclantg Rev. d'Eg. 8 (1951)9 107; Pl-4;
Mariette, Denderah IIIP Pl-37o i-
20 Urk. 9 111,689 5-
21 Vercoutter, BIPAO 49 (1950)t 88; Ple- II; III-
22 LD*p III, 285a.
23 Metropolitan Museum of Artq Egyptian Expeditionp The Temple of
Hibis in El-Khargeh Oasisq HIP pl. 649 top (same, omitting a pl,
65p reveal)*
24 Daressyp ASAE 18 (1919)9 145P 8-
25 Sauneronq Esnaq IIIv 194, Insc*284P 3-
26 Ibideq 196, Insc. 284,12*
27 Urk. 9 VI11f 152,237- -
28 Chassinat, BIFAO 30 (19309 300-
29 Urk., VIII9 52, No. 63P he
30 Mariettep opo cite, IV90-2.
31 Urk-9 VIIIP 52, Noe63, d.
32 Mariettet opo citep Ijý. 62, J.
33 Dýmichenq Baugeschichte des Denderatempelsq, pl, XXXI, 14 and 17-
34 Wbot 119 476 (not quoted, by the Belegstellen
35 Ibid. 9 476,14-36 Ibid-9 4759 9-
37 KRIq I, 244t 15; 245P 14; 260,9; 269p 15-
38 Wb-s UP 476t 4-11.
39 Ibid. P 476,12-13. Leclantg, op., cit#9 1110 note 3v notes that
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16S
Fairman is of the opinion that the W5rterbuch should have trans, -
lated h3yt as Decke "ceiling" rather than Dach "roof".
40 Faulknerl Con* Dict,, 156.
41 loc. cit-.
42 Wbe, 11,476,8-11.
43 E. g. tLange and Schaferp op. cit. 9
1,17; Gardiner, Late Egyptian
Stories, 61,1; Malinine, loc. cit..
44 E-g-v Lange and Schaferv op. cit. v67; 249; RKk.
qIVP4299 7; 1073,
5-
45 Murrayq Index of Names and Titles of the Old Kingdom, pl, XLI.
46 For discussions of thts title see; Helckq Beamtentiteln, 839 note
31; Gardiner, Onom.p Iq
60*-61* 1135.
47 Gardinerp Late Egyptian Stories, 61,1; Davies N[ina] de G and
Gardiner, The Tomb of Amenemhat, pl*Vll,, see qlso; Lbidov 7*
48 Hassan, loc. ci .; Badawi, ASAE 40 (1940),PI-60.
49 See; Gardinery Cnom., 1,60*-61*
50 Urk-, IVP 1073,5-
51 Ibid.,
IV, 10739 3-
52 Lange and Sch&fer, op. cit., 1,67; 249-
53 Vandierp loc. cit. *
54 Malinine, loc. cit*.
55 Urk-P IV, 429,7-
56 Budgev loc, citoo
57 Ramada, loc. cit..
58 LD., IIIP 170 (a h3yt at the Ramesseum); Chicago University, Or-
iental Institute, loc. cit.; Gardinerv Op- cit, pl-XIP 15-
59 Leclantt loc. cit. (also Yoyotteq Ch. d'Eg 18 NO-55 (Jan. 1953)v
28-38.
60 Urk., 111,689 5-
61' Ibido, IIIj 689 13-
62 Vercoutter, BIFAO 49 (1950)t 88 and pls. II; III. (See also; Dar-
essy, ASAE 5 (1905)v 127-
63 See further under w1a3q p. qC),note 59-
64 Macadam, The Temples of Kawaq 1,67, note 200; pl. 26, line 106.
65 Champollion, Notices Descriptives, 1,166; 167. For a plqn see;
PM.9
VIf 202; 204; for photographs see; Lyons, A Report on the
Island and Temples of Philaev Nos--3 and 4-
66 Roederq Op- cit-# 393-
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16t
67 Lyons, loc, cit..
68 Metropolitan Museum of Arto Egyptian Expeditiong opcit, X, 0,. 65,
66t reveal. Por a plan see; Ibid.9 Iq pl. J=III, and for a photo.., --
graph see; Lbid. 9 It pl, VII.
69 Ibid*9 I, pl-64, 'top-.
70 Daressy, ASAE 18 (1919)9 145,8.
71 Mariette, OP. cit-v 111,0.37; IV, 02; DUmichen, loc. cit..
72 Mariette, op. cit. 9 It? 1.62, j.
73 Chassinat, Le Temýýe de Dendara, 19 Pl-XLI; PM-9 VI, 100-103 and
plan on 94-
74 Sauneronq opo cit-, 194, Insco2849 3-
75 Urk-9 VTTIP 52,63, d and h; 152,237o76 Chassinat, Edfoul, 1,415; Idop BIFAO 30 (1931), 300o
77 Leclant, opo citop 111-112; Badawyt ZIS 102 (1975)v 88; Vercoutter,
OPo Citoo 95; Barguetv Templev 288; Alliott Le Culte d'Horus & Edfca
au Temps des Ptolemees, 11,483; Daumas, les Mammisis des Temples
ooegyptiens, 210, note 4; YoYottev opo cit-P 36; Chassinat, Le Ma=-
isis d'Edfou, p. X, note 8; See also Cartef and Cardinert JEA 4 (19
17)q 134,note
7 (2) for hzytas a
term for "ceiling".
78 Goedicke, The Report of-Wenamun, 19o
79 Wbop 11,476,12o See also Wilke, ZA'S76 (1940), 93-99-
80 Gardiner, Onomop 1,60*-61* f-1-3-31.For Zmeerr see; Crum, A Coptic
Dictionaryq 713b-714ao This term does not appear to be entered in
Westendorf's Koptisches Handw'O'rterbucho
81 Cerny, Coptic Etymological Dictionary, 298.
82 Spiegelbergp Koptisches Handw6rterbuchv 248; Ido, Koptische Ety-
mologien, 25, No. 16o
83 Krall in Revillout, Revue Egyptologique 2 (1882)9 31, note 1.
84 Wb-9 1119 2229 5-
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165
bwt
Dyn. I Dyn. 19ý]
Dyne 13 Dyn. I, V, XII4
D.n* I-PtolP. 5 Dyno IV, V, VII Dyne V7a xii, xviii N
Dyno V, VI, 8 Dyii. V9, VI, XII9 XVIIIýXII, XVIII, XIX
clXIxq XX, Ptol.
C310 C-3 11 12
Dyno VIq XVIII Dyno Xii Dyno XII50
Dyne XII13 Dyno XI,14
Dyno XjIl5
16[] 18Dyno XVIII Dyn. XVIII 17 Dyno XVIII,XTX, XX
Dyno XVIII19 Dyno XIX20
Dyno XIX21
r-3
Dyn" XX22 Ptolo23
LJ
IQ]C'o znlC-3
Vwt is an extremely common term which was in use throughout dynastic
Egyptp from the Archaic period to the Ptolemaic era. It is a term to
which a separate study ought really to be devoted and it is not poss-
ible in a work of this kin4 which is attempting to review a large
number of wordsp to assess adequately this one word which occurs so
frequently Sn texts of all periods* However, it would also be unacc-
eptable to omit such an important term and I propose to give here a
summary of the history of 4wt and to discuss its use *ith'relation to
actual buildings.
The term is a very ancient one which occurs, both alone and in
compounds, from the First Dynasty onwards. It is, thereforeq clear
that the enclosure which is represented in the bwt-hieroglyph must
have been a building-type which was already in existence in the pre-
and protodynastic periods. The form of the hieroglyph varies slightly
in the Archaicperiod
(see thewritings above), but it is essentially
a rectangular enclosure whichp at this period in Egypt, would have
been constructed of brick. The main point of contention concerning
the exact nature of this enclosure is the matter of the identification
of the small square which is usually depicted in one of the lower
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lb6
corners of the enclosure in the most usual form of the sign0
which
was in constant use from the First Dynabty. Some writers have inter-
24preted the square as a building, possibly a tower to guard the ent-
rance to the enclosurev25
while others have regarded it as being a
representation of the gateway itself. 26 The early variants of the sign
would tend to support the latter interpretation as the second writing
quoted above does seem to show an entrance. It is, thereforeq probable
that the small sq1zarn represents a gateway in the corner of the enclosureg
This wasp probablyg a complex entrance designed to restrict ease of
access to the enclosure27
in which case it can be claimed that at least
two protodynastic 4wt have survived.
These are the large brick enclosures at Abydos, known today as the
Shunet Ez-Zebib28
and the Middle FortP A third example also exists
which it has not been possible to excavate as the enclosure is now occ-
opied by a Coptic monastery.30
The original purpose of these enclosures
has been a subject of much debate. The excavators regarded them as
"forts'19 a judgement which was, presumably, based prinarily on thibir
size.31
More recent opinions on the nature of these enclosures has
depended on whether or not thewriter
believed theroyal cemetery
at Um El-Q&! ab to be the actual tombs of the kings of the Archaic per-
iodg The weight of the evidence doesp however# indicate that the royal
tombs of the First Dynasty, and some of those of the Second Dynasty,
were at Abydosq the large archaic mastabas at Saqqara belonging to
high officials,32
In this case it id most likely that the'enclosures
at Abydos were connected with the provision of the mortuary cult of
the dead kings9 playing a similar role to that of the court around
the Step Pyramid at Saqqara. Both the Shunet and the Middle Fort
have complex gateways which would have been readily represented in
the hieroglyphic sign by a square in the corner of the enclosure*33
Those writers who prefer to regard Saqqara as the royal cemetery
of the Archaic period have suggested other interpretations* Emery34
sees them as "surrounding the Upper Egyptian residence of the king"
and Ricke35 considers that they were "Residenzen far die Teilnahme
der lebenden Vnige an abydenischen G5tter-festen" at the nearbyOsiris temple. Lauer,
36however, suggests that they were magazines
for this same temple.
In view of the comparison which can be made with the court of the
Step Pyramidq the proximity of the enclosures to the royal cemetery
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16-1
and the overwhelming evidence that 1ýwt was concerned primarily with
the funerary cult, these enclosures are much more likely to have
served as cult-places for dead kings than as either residences for
the livemonarch or storehouses
for the Osiris temple.
The survil7ing enclosures at Abydos are of the Second Dynasty but
there is no reason to doubt that similar structures existed within
the rectangles bounded by the "tombs of the courtiers", to serve the
cults of the kings of the First Dynasty.37
Since the form of the hieroglyph was already well-estaUished by
the start of the dynastic periodp it would seem logical to suppose
that similar enclosures had existed in predynastio Egypt. These need
not necessarily have been connected with the cults of dead rulers
as it is possible that any large brick enclosure, whatever its pur-
pose, was called a ý:wt. There is certainly evidence to suggest that
large produce-bearing estates were originally enclosed by brick bound-
ary walls and known as 1ýwtq since the term is used, in the Old Kingdom,
to describe the funerary estates which provided offerings for the
mortuary cults. This use of the term is outside of the scope of this
study and has already benn extensively studied by Jacquet-Gordon whodiscusses both. the. ý:w t-foundations and those known as n1wtv which
also provisioned the funerary cults.38
She regards the 4wt as having
been foundations instituted by the king to provide for his mortuary
cult and under the control of officials app6inted by the king. These
estates are also attested for an earlier periodq when the occurrences
of hwt on the jar-seals of the Archaic period refer either to the
estate from which the produce originated4o or, if contained in a titlet
the office of the administrator resp=ible for despatching the offer-
ings to the tomb of the noble or king concerned.41
To return to hwt as it is known to have referred to actual build-
ings, there is further evidence, from texts, that the cult-centres
of the kings of the Archaic period were called kiwt, which serves to
support the identification of the function of the Abydene enclosures.
A piece of a diorite vase found at the tomb of king Kda at Abydos
bears the title of a sem-priest of the 4wt of Kda. 42 This would have
referred to the 4wt of the king at Abydos which has since been comp-
letely destroyed. In addition the'expression 1ýwt-k3 had already
come into use by the end of the First Dynasty* A tLwt-k3 of Adjib is
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16T
attested43 as is a 4wt-k3, called 3b-ntr, of the first king of :bhe
Second Dynastyq Hetepsekhenuy.44
The use of ýwt-113 for the mortuary-- 45
chapel of both private and royal individuals continues.
In the Old Kingdom 4Wt was retained as the name of the mortuary
temple of the king even when the design of the edifice had been changed
to such an extent that it no longer resembled, '. the original brick
enclosure. This is illustrated by the fact that blocks which were int-
ended for the Valley temple of Snofdru at Dashur were marked with a
bwt-hieroglyph before they left the quarries.46
In the Abusir papyri
the pyramid temple of Neferirkare, is referred to as "the 4wt of Nefer-
irkarei,47
and "the bwt of Kakaiii.48
There can be no doubt with these
examples thdt this bwt of the king was the temple itself and not a"foundation" in view of the contexts in which the terms occurv part-
icularly the writing of Hwt-Nfr-Ir-k5_rI which is found in a duty-rota
specifying the officials which are to be on duty in the '=t-bntt and49 50
the pr-wrw, both of which refer to particular areas of the temple.
However, other examples from the Old Kingdom of the tLwt of a king
probably refer to an estate of the king rather than to his mortuary
temple. This is so with another example from the same archive which
records that provisions for the temple of Neferirkare were brought
from the jLwt of Raneferef.51
In the Old Kingdomq thereforep 4wt was used in two ways. Firstly,
and most frequently, to describe a foundation which provisioned a
mortuary culty and secondly as the name of the building in which the
cult was celebrated. Hwt does not occur as the term for a cultus templeL.
in the Old Kingdomy the regular expression being 4wt-nj (q*v-)t although
possible exceptions to this are found on the Fifth Dynasty Palermo
Stone.
In inscriptions of the Archaic period rectangular enclosures which
lack the "gateway" can be equated with others of the same name which
employ the standard bwt-hieroglyph,52
showing that the simple rectangle
could be read as bwt. Cn the Palermo Stone the same sign is also found,
within which are hieroglyphs representing the name of the edifice*53
Theusual
hwt-signis not employed for the same buildings but, occasion-
ally the rectangular enclosures have "battlements...54
These buildings
have been discussed by Kaplony who regards them as 11G6tterfestLMgen, #.55
In view of the fact that at least three of these buildings are named
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I bq
in connection with the pd-gs ceremony, it is most likely that they were
temples of some kind.
In the same annals the expression tp-bwt (qov. ) occurs56 to mean
the"roof"
of a temple.The use of bwt in the Middle Kingdom is less well attestedg although
it was certainly still connected with the mortuary cult as the 4wt of
various individuals are known.57
There is little evidence for the use
of the term in relation to cultus temples although the title 1my-r hwt
n_ Swth "Overseer of the hwt of Sethi,58
implies that lawt could be
employed as an abbreviation for bwt-ntr. However, due to the relative
paucity of relevant texts for this period, further evidence has not
survived. 59
As with so many words the majority of the extant examples date from
the New Kingdoino
One interesting text, from the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty,
records how Ahmose I builty at Abydos, a pyramid and a lawt for his
grandmother Tetisheri.60
These structures have been excavatedrevealing
that the 4wt, in which the stela bearing the text was found, consists
of a square brick buildingg divided into many compartments which were
filled with rubble to form a solid constructiono An offering chapel,
at the entrance tm which were hundreds of offering pots, extended from
-one side into the centre of the structure. The stela had been, origin. 4
ally, set up at the back of this chapel.61
The use of bwt to desoribe
such an edifice, which bears no resembl=ce- either to the encloEwre
represented by the hieroglypht or a standard Egyptian templet indicates
that the basis for using thisparticular
term fora
building lay in
its function, not in its plan. This virtually solid construction was
purely an offering chapel for the cult of the dead queen, the presence
of the large amount of pottery leaving no doubt as to the purpose of
the building. This hhows the continuance of the essentially funerary
nature of the bLwt, as already evidenced for the Old Kingdom and the
term continues to be used as the name of the mortuary temples of, the
kings and quwens of the New Kingdom.
Examples of this are much too frequent to be detailed individually
and little would be gained by so doingo However, it can be noted that
the royal mortuary temples on the West Bank at Thebes were most often
described as being the 1ýwt of a particular king.62
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110
Often these temples are described as being "the 4wt of the king (named)
in the pr of Amun",63
indicating that they were under the administra-.
tive control of the main temple of Amun at Karnak. One text refers
to these temples collectively as "the tLwt (pl. ) of the Kings of Upper
and Lower Egypt which are beside his (Amenhotep III%)father Amun at
Thebes".64
The full name of each of thesettemples-:. rwaotthe 4wt nt ]ýýw
m rnpw "the 4wt of millions of years" of the king. This expression,
which was once thought to have been used only for actual mortuary
templesp65
was, in fact9 used of any temple in which the worship of
the king was observed, even if the temple in question was dedicated
primaril. *,,.r to the chief god of the area.66
Since this expression is
linked so closely with the cult of the king it is interesting to note
that the full name of a king's tomb in the Valley of the Kings was
pz tir -. spss n bbw n rnDwt r-&3 hr Imnttw3st "The great and noble
tomb Of billiohs of years of Pharaoh on the west of Thebes" 4,67
Hwt, therefore, clearly retained its association with the funerary
cult and, in the New Kingdom, this was extended to private individo.
uals.68
It was, howeverfrom the New Kingdomonward
that 1ýwtwas used
with increasing frequency for the cult-place of a god, as an abb-
reviation for kiwt-ntr. Once again, examples of this are so numerous69
that there can be no doubt that 4wt was employed in this way and to
quote texts at length is unnecessaz7ý-
In the Ptolemaic period bwt is found referring to individual
rooms within a temple.70
There is little that can be usefully added in such a brief study
of this important term. The administrative aspect of the 4wtv as
indicated in the Ramesside Wilbour Papyrus, is a topic too diverse
and complex to be considered here.
It is worth, however, emphasising once again the fundamentally
funerary nature of 1ýwt which can be seen clearly in the Old Kingdom
when it was used almost exclusively in this wayq and which continued
into the New Kingdom as the name of the royal mortuary temple. Since
a 1ýwt was essentially a cult-placeg there is no one form of building
which can be identified as a 1ýwt, the term defining the function of
an edifice rather than its plan. Originally a hwt was an enclosure
like that depicted in the hieroglyphic sign but, even by the time of
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III
the Old Kingdom, the term was being applied to buildings which bore
no resemblance to the original enclosure. The link between these tLwt
and those of the pre- and protodynastic period was their identity of
function. Since the simple term was so closely identified with the
cult of the dead, the adjunct ntr was employed to distinguish the cult
place of a god from that of a king. Although even i7a the Old Kingdom the
distinction was not being enforced with the result that the temple
of a god could be called a 4wt while the cult-place of the king, hiU
mortuary templet could be described as a Ijwt-ntr.7T
72Hwt occurs in the demotic script with a similar range of meanings
but in the Coptic period, by which time the pagan temples had fallen
into disuse, hwt survives only as a term for allsepulchrel"73
1 Emery, Hor-AhA, 20, fig. 13 (also published in Kaplonyq Die Inschr-
iften der Agyptischen Prýihzeitq III, pl-199 36. The sign occurs on
a seal from tomb 3357 at Saqqara, and has within-ýthe enclosure the
name of Hor-Aha. The sealýh-as-two rows of hwt-enclosures and one
large-ý . This group has been read by Kaplony as either 1ýwt-njswt
Or 4wt-k'j'(t) (Ibid., 11,1098).
2 Petrie, Royal Tombs II, pl-XIIt 3& The reading of the sign as I)Lwt
is confirmed by comparison Wth Ibid-v I, pl. VI, 8 which shows a
typical bwt-enclosure of the same naze*
3 Ibid-Y It pl-IXq 12.
4 Although this sign lacks the characteristic "gatewael of the hwt-6
hieroglyph, the reading is confirmedq as with No, 2, by comparison
with otherwiitings
(Ibid, Itpl.
IX9 1and
2; IX9 1and
3)- Other
writings of this simple enclosure which could be interpreted as
'%wt" see; Kaplonyq OP- ci -, III, Pls, ý5,110; 67,241; Urk-, It
165,15; British Museum, Hieroglyphic Texts, II, pl. 2D.
5 This writing of )ýwt occurs consistently from the Pirst Dynasty to
the Ptolemaic period. Examples are so numerous that the following
references provide only a representative selection; Petrieq opo
Lit., I, pls. XV, 16; XXVI, 58t 59 and 60; Kaplonyq op, vit*y HIP
Pls-35,115; 36,118,86P 322; 1239,737; 1259 749; jjrkep 19 49 9;
Petrie, Hedum pl*21; ID-9 119 42a; 76a; Marietteg Les Mastabas
de I'Ancien Rnpirep 384; Newberry,, El-Bersheh, 19 pl. XXXIII;
Lange and Scha'fer, Grab- und DenkBteine des Mittleren Reiches, I.
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111
39t h, 5; Newberryo Beni Hasang 19, pl. VII; Urk., IV, 25,1P; Naville,
The XIthe Dynasty Temple at Deir El-Bahario III, pls. VIt 1; XVI9 1;
'Qrk., IV9 1796,10; Mariettev Abydon I, 47b; ER-I, 1,335,3; 111
428,9; Marciniak, Deir El-Bahari, It pl, LXXXIV, Graffito No*128;
Chicago Universityv Oriental Institutep The Bubastite Portal, plo
16,40; Benson and Gourlay, The Temple of Mut in Asher, 351; Chass-
inatt Edf I It 92; 539; Mariette, Dender 1 111, pl. XXIII.
6 Petrie, MeI pl., 21; Lange and Sch&fer, op. ci ., 1,6; Quibell,
The RaxmBsse=, 1896, pl, XXXIII; Mariette, Les Mastabas de l'Ancien
Empire, 317 (in the name of a town); Davies Nýorm=3 de Go Ptahhotep,
I, pl*XII, 228; ýD., 111 63; Petrie, Dender pl. III; jjrk., It
102,7; 'grk-, VII, 61t 3; H61scher, Exc. lied. Habu, 111 109, figs.
92; 93-
7 Ulk-o It 236,14-
8 PYrot 308; Urk-, 1,85,7; Newberry, op* cit I, pl. XVIII; Urk.,
IV, 3879 1; Davies N[o=an3 de Go El-Amarna, IV, 3; Urk, 9 IV,
2027,10; LD., III, 152d; Mariette, Abydos It ýU479 a.
9 Lange and Schafert op. cit-t 111 4; '9-rk-, 1,264,14 (in hwt-k3);
212,10(the
exact fo= of the 11wthereis 9 ); VII, 28,16; IV,
28,1; 108,1; 447,5; 766,2; 885,7; 975,8; 1748,5; KRI, 1,171,
5 and 6; 326,11; Erichsen, Papyrus Harris 1,6,3; 7,7; 13,17;
30Y 3; 50,8; 67t 16; Faulkner, The Papyrus Bremner-Rhind, 6,15;
24,12; 33,5-
10 Urk-, 1,131,6; Davies N [o3nan3deGo The Tombof'Puyemre at Thebes,
I, Pl-40 ( in the expression bwt-k3 n 'Icbms Nfrtiry
11 De Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, I, 160e; Adam, ASAE56 (1959),
pl. 9.
12 Louvre C*198 (this stela, mentioned by Pierret (Insc. Louvre, III
53) does not appear to be published and this sign, in the title
1ýk34wtv was noted in the Louvre. The stela Is dated by Boreux (Ant-
iquit6s legyptiennes, Catalogue Guide, 1,161) to the Twelfth Dyn-
asty).
13 Bisson de la Roque, To"d, 107--
14 Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kabun and Gurob, Pl-35t 34e15 British Museum,Hieroglyphic Texts, III pl, 2 (this could concievably
be a writing of rbt, but, since 4wt-ntr in the same stela is written
a reading of hwt for this group is probably to be preferred).
16 urk. I IV, 131,16.
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1"13
17 Ibid-, 15429 8.
18 Berlin K6niglichen Museeng Aegyptische Inschriften, 119 41 (with
000 instead of -i it ); ! R--It 1,42,3; 48,3; Erichsen, op. cite 9
79 9; 70,10; 81,15 (withxaand'ý reversed); 49,22 (with cursive
,E) -
19 Urlc. p IV, 1928v 14o
20 KRI, It 39,13-
21 Foucart, le Tombeau d'Amonmos, pl. X111.
22 Chicago Unffersity, Oriental Institute, Medinet Habu, II, pl. 123,
B.
23 Chassinat, Edfou, Is 589-
24 Gardiner, Grammar, Sign List, 0.61 note 1 (after Calverlpý).
25 Griffith, A Collection of Hieroglyphs, 35-
26 Masperof PSBA-XII (1889-1890), 247; Lefebvre, Grammaire de 1'Egyptien
Classique, 402,0.6 and 0.7; Petriet Royal Tombs 111,28-29; Ayrton
Cgrrelly and Wiegallp Abydos, 111,5-
27 See, for examples Emerys, Archaic Egyp , 118, fig-75 and 76. It has
also been suggested that the 4wt hieroglyph depicts a sanctuary
within a temple enclosure-walland
it has been claimed that such
a situation exists on the site of the Old Kingdom temple at Tell-
Basta (Jacquet Gordon, Les Noms des Domaines funbraires sous l1ancien
Empire 'egyptient 4, after Anon. Ch. d'Eg- 39 and 40 (January and
July 1945), 84)e However, Habachi makes no mention of a sanctuary
in the North-West corner (Tell Basta, 11-32) and although the temple
sanctuary may well lie to the North-West of the centre of the encl-
osure, it is not in the corner and the plan of the temple enclosure
does not resemble the usual hwt-hieroglyph (Ibids plan)*
28 Ayrton et ale, op. citop pl. VI.
29 Ibideq ploVII*
30 Ibid, t 3-
31 1hil-d-i 1-5-
32 Kemp, JEA 52 (1966), 13-22.
33 See notes 28 and 29 above.
34 Emeryp op. cit., 116.35 Ricke, Beitrage Bf- 4. Bemerkungen, 1,27; 130, anm.163-
36 Lauerq MDAIK 25 (1969), 83-
37 Petrie, Tombs of the Courtiers and Cxyrhyhkhos, 1-9; pls,, I-XXI; PM-P
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11+
V, 54-55; Kemp, loc. cit ; Peet, The Cemeteries of Abydos, 11,30-
35o
36 Jacquet-Gordon, op* cit t passimp especially ý-14; Junker, ZIS
75 (1936), 69y note 30; Goedicke, MDAIK 21 (1966), 18; Fischer,
Dendera in the Third Millenium Mot 11, note 53; 73-
39 E!ja-
those of Sneferu, Pakhry, The Monuments of Sneferu at Dahshur,
II, The Valley Temple, Part 1,19-58.
40 E&. Kaplony, Die Inschriften der Agyptischen F3ýýhzeitt III, pl*
19,36; 58,210; 67,236; 66t 243; 699 246v 249 and 2511
41 Ei-jg. Ibid*, III, 35t 114; 36v 118; 499 182; 86v 327; 94t 366; 123,
737; 154,878.
42 Petrie, op. cit-t It pl. IX, 12. For the exact Irrovenance of thisinscription see; Ibid., 15; pl, IX (over chamber 3)-
43 Amelineau, Les Nouvelles Pouilles d'Abydos, 1895-1896,1, Pl-32.
44 Petrie, op. cit. 9 1, pl. VII, 10; 11, ploVIII, 9-11; Lacau and
Lauer, La Pyram6de 'a'Degree, IV, pl. 12 (Nos. 61 and 62); 15 (No*
74)-
45 Mot III, 5v 14-20; See also; Varille, Inscriptions concernant
l'Architecte Amenhotep file de Hap
9
75-76.
46 Fakhry, OP- cit-, 14-
47 Posener-Krieger and De Cenival, The Abu Sir Papyri, ploIVAq go
48 nLid., pls. XVIIIA, B; XCIIIA, A (twice); XCVAO A.
49 Ibido, ploIVA, go
50 Posener-Kri6ger, Archives Neferirkare, It 38-42-
51 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalp opo citev pl, XLVA, C. See Pos-
ener-Krieger, OP- cito, 312-314-
52 See note 4 above.
53 Schiferv Ein Bruchstuck Altagyptischer Annalen, PloI, 3t 4 and 5-
54 Ibidoy ploIq 2 and 3o The same buildings are named on inscriptions
from elsewhere, see; Kaplony, ZiS 68 (1962), figs-13-23-
55 Ibido, 5-16o
56 Scha'ferg op* cit. 9 ploI1, tliej eijýno -.an not be distinguished on
thid Rhotog: Eajhp_ sad Ibid.,,. K6 and 39; See; d1bo -Urk. ?44,3;
248-t 1-57 British Museum, Hieroglyphic Texts, Hy plso2; 10; 111, Plo38;
Adam, ASAE 56 (1959)9 plog; Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kahun
and Gurobp Pl-35,34; Urkey VII, 28,16; Newberry, El-Bershehp I,
ploXXXIII. For lawt in the plural, referring to the estatesq see;
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1"75
British thiseum, op. citeg IIp pl. 8; Vrke, VII, 61,3-
58 Lange and Schgfer, OP- cit-t I, 39p h, 5-
59 For another example which may refer to a cult-centre of Sesostris
I at T8d9 see; Bisson de la Roque, T8d, 107.
60 Urk., IV, 28,1.
61 Ayrton et alev qP- cit-P 35-37; pllI,, For another copy of the stela
see; Ibidot pl, LII.
62 Eog* Havillet The XIth. Dynasty Temple at Deir El-Bahariq III, ple
XVI9 1 (Tuthmosis 1); Id.p
Deir El-Bahari, It pl. XX (Hatshepsut);
Eft-P IV, 885P 7 (Ttithmosis III); Wb.p_
Belegstellen, 1119 1 (refo
2t 5) (Amenhotep II); Navilleg The XItho Dynasty Temple at Deir
El-Bahari, 1119 pls*VIT 1; VIII, E (for a better photograph see;
Hayesp Scepter of Egypt, II, fig*191) (Amenhotep III and Tutankhamun);
Holscher, Ebcc. Med. Habu, 11,109, figso92 and 93 (Horemheb);
,KRI9
1,3329 4 (Seti 10; Quibell, The Ramesseum, 1896, pl, XI (Ramesses
II); Erichsent. opq cito, 13t 17 (Ramesses ITIO.
63 See; Helck, Materialen zur Wirtschaftgeschichte, ýdes Neuen Reiahes,
It 9; 79-119; Gardiner, The Wilbour Papyrusp 11,13-14-
64 Urk-9 IVP 1796,10.
65 Wb-, 111,29 7-8; Gardiner, Memphis, V, 35-
66 Schaedel, Die Listen des Grossen Papyrus Harris, 22-23; Otto, Top:-
ographie des Thebanischeii. Gaues, 28; 76; Arnold, Wandrelief und
Raumfunktiong 62-63. There aret however, a number of temples which
are refereed to as 4wt nt bbw m =pwt in which evidence for the
provision of a royal cult is not immediately obviousq although it
may once have existed.
V7 Cerny, A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside Period,
22-24- It is also of interest that the one exception to the rule
that only royal tombs are called p3 br, id the use of the term to
describe the "tomb of the Apisj1 the Serapeum at Sagqara (Ibido,
14). The Serapeum is also called a 4wt nt 4w m rnpwt ( Brugsch,
ZIS 22 (18809 116) indicating the high regard in which the Apis
bull was held since expressions normally reserved for the tomb
and cult-place of the king were applied to the burial-place ofthis sacred animal. The Sepapeum was also described as a 4wt-ntr
(Vercoutter, Textes biog-raphiques du S6rapleum do MemPhist 32).
68 Urk., Iv, 108; 1; 131P 16; 1329 4 and 14; 447, '5 (quoted by the
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I-i
T2., 111,1,11 as a use of 4wt for the house of a private individ-
ual).
69 E. g. Urk., IV9 299 10; 387t 1; 766,2; 859,2; 975,8; 1796,10;
2027,10; Davies, N[orman] de G, El-Amarn,
IV, 3; KR--I, 1,42,3;
171,5 and 6; LD., 111,152, d; Van Dyk, G6ttingen Miscellen 33
(1979), 23,7; Erichsen, op., cit., 6,3; 79 7-9; 30,3; 50,8; '70,
10; 679 4,5 and 16; 81,15; Chicago University, Oriental Institute,
Ramses III's Temple within the Great Inclosure of Amun plIII, E;
Id., The Bubastite Portal, pl. 16,40; Benson and Gourlayo 2je
Temple of Mut in Asher, 351; et al**
70 Chassinatp Edfou, 1,92; 539; Mariette, Denderah, 111,23-
71 Since, however, the mortuary temples of the New Kingdom were also
dedicated to the chief god of the area, the use of 4wt4ntr is not
inaccurate.
72 Erichsen, Demotisches Glossar, 283+284-
73 Eeniy, Coptic Etymological Dictionary, 273- Vwt is also retained
in Coptic in place-nazes and in the names of the goddesses Nepthys
and Hathor (loc. cit) and in the noun 2SN66-re which is derived
from-]ýwt-ntr (Ibid*, 289; bsing, Nominalbildung 441)-
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till
bwt-nt
'ViligI
V2yne It V, VIv X11p X, Dyne
M9 xixg xxi, XXV9 xxvig Ptol.b-IJ
345Dyne V, VIp 1st Into Dyne Vq VII Dyne Vp XIIvC.% F9-1 a Ptol- M11 xvilit xix
r--a M_1C'3 Lai
Ist Intel Dyne Dyne XI, xiig Dyne X171s XIIIV
M xi xviiig xixt is xvil, xviii,
C-3
ID
=IV xxx xix10
Dyne XIIp 2ndo Int*99Jcl
Dyne XIIv 2nd Intel XVIII
XVIII9 XIXq xxt xixC-3
11
1DC-2
12D.n* My XtC
AZDyne XII Dyne XVIII13
ri 11C-3 C-1
Dyne XVIII14
Dyne XVIII15 Dyn &X IX16
=C, IMI
_j13,
L.
--IjC--3
1D. n. XIX17
aDyne XIXP XX
In
E-3
inDyne XVIIIj XIX
19
11wt,ntr is the standard term for an ancient Egyptian temple and was
in continuous use from the First Dynasty to the Ptolemaic periodr
surviving 4nto Coptic as ZeNee-re I'monastexy"20
and also into more21
modern languages.
The term is self-explanatoryp designating the bwt. of a god* The
simple termg tLwtv was originally the name of the cult place of the
dead king and in the pre- and protodynastic periods the building was
of a form identical to that depicted in the hieroglyphic signp an
enclosure with a fortified gateway.22
Since the cult centre of the
king was called a bwt, it would have been a logical step to indicate
that ý:Aemple was dedicated to a god other than the king by the addi-
tion of ntr to the basic term. It cannot be provedv howeverp that
the cult centre of a god ever resembled the bwt-enclosure. The earl-
iest known representations of cUlt-temples seem to show shrines
builtof wood and reeds
23
which are quitedifferent in
planto the
large brick enclosures which were erected for the mortuary cults of
the kings. Howeverg it is possible that these shrines were enclosed
by a brick boundary ws,119 as were later dynastic templesy wjth the
result that all that would be visible of the shrine itself from the
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1-18
exterior would be the.-,
ops of the flagpolesq denoting the fact that
the building was dedicated to the service of a god. It isp thereforet
possible that the most frequently found writings mf 4wt-ntr in the
Old Kingdom which enclose the ntr-sign within the 4wt are an attempt
to reproduce pictographically the temple as it was seen by the general
public outdide of the enclosure wall. This form of 1ýwt-ntr was already
established by the end of the First Dynasty, occurring on a seal of
Ka-a from Saqqara.24
The archaeological evidence for the plans of early temples is in-
conclusive as these templesp built of brickt wood and reeds9 have not
survived to any great extent.25
By the time of the Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period
4wt-nt was firmly established as the name of a cultus temple and
several examples, belonging to various godsp are known which cannot
be identified with any extant remains.26
One exception to this is
a number oýC eferences to-the
Old Kingdom temple o:C Zhentimentiu at
Abydos.27
Theoretically, a royal mortuary temple was referred to as the 4wt
of a particularking or queen* However, these temples
could alsobe
called 4wt-nt . This is the case with the pyramid temple of Neferir-
karg to which references are made in the Abusir Papyri.28
Other such
temples of the Old Kingdom which are called 1ýwt-n-tr include those of
Nebka,29
SnoferU930 Menkaure,31
Shepseakaf32 and various queens.33
In the Middle Kingdom bwt-nt occurred frequently, but is, An,
fortunatelyp only rarely found in contexts which are of use in deciding
on the physical nature of the building in question. One Twelfth Dyn-
asty 4wt-nt which can be identifiedt although little of it now
remainsy is the Thoth temple at Hermopolis in which Amenamhat I
erected a limestone gateway (sb5) after he had found the bwt-ntr in
ruins.34
The xuined temple was presumably one built during the Old
Kingdomy and it ih of interest to note that a graffito of the First
Intemediate Period records that six hundred men were sent to bring
stone from Hatnub to the 4wt-ntr of Thoth, Lord of Eshmuneiný5 almost
certainly a reference to the temple at Hermopolis. Other Middle King-dom bwt-nt which can be identified with extant remains include the
Osiris temple at Abydost at which work was undertaken by an officiall
Mentuhotep, in the reign of Sessostris 1#36 the temple of Mentuhotep
Nebhepetre at Deir El-Bahar137 and the Axzm temple at Karnak.38
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119
Other temples are known only from titles39 or epithet&
Most of the texts of the Middle Kingdomin which twt-nt occursp
give more information about the rituals and services of the temple
than they do about the actual lay out of the structure in question.
This is well exemplified in the contracts arranged by Hapdjefa with
the priesthood of the bwt-nt of Wepwawet At Siut..41
The rituals of
the temple are not of concern to this study but it can be noted that
texts which bear on the subject of the functions of the temple tend
to suggest that bwt. *nlr itself was used primarily of the stone-built
temple and did not refer to the entire temple temenos. For examplep
there are not infrequent references in the Middle Kingdom to the fact
that statues of private individuals could be set up within the tLwt-ntr
to benefit fron the =eversion of offerings.42
These statues would have
been within the main templep not within the temenos. Similarlyp the
contracts of Hapdjefa mention the ceremony of lighting the torch in the
bwt-ntr43clearlyg
here the main temple buildingg while otherý, texts
give indications of the equipment used in the temple rituals.44
These indications that tLwt-nt was used primarily for the actual
templebuilding
areýsupportedby
the evidence oflater
periods whendetailed building texts were composedg often listing as elements of
the tLwt-nt components which were found only within the main temple*
This is well illustrated by a text of the Second Intermediate Period
which records work carried outp by Sebekhotep IV9 in the temple of
Amun at Karnak. The construction wotk took place within the pr of
Amun but the text shows that the liwt-ntr, said to contain a sbi,
'-5 vy- Ia8 3tW in the wsbt w-sd-yt and "a ý, econd 113 1, was the stone
temple itself. 45
This view is also supported by many other building texts of the
New Kingdom, of which a representative selection only need be quoted
here;
"I built his (Thoth's) great bwt-nt in Tura Limestonep its sb3W
were of alabaster of Hatnub and its cly od Asian copper,,46 (Speos
Artemidos inscription of Hatshepsat).
"Menkheper=e, he made for his father Dedwent Lord of Nubiap and
for the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Khakaureý the making for them
of a bwt-ntr in sandstonef because my Majesty had found it (made) of
brick and greatly destriyed.,.48 (Semna).
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190
"Now my Majesty (TuthmOsiS III) found this #wt-ntr built of brick,
its lEhsw and sb3W in woodq having fallen into ruin,. My Majesty ordered
the cord to be stretched over this bwt-ntr anewq it being erected in
sandstone,,49 (Temple of Ptah at Karnak).
"Menkheperre, he made as his monument for his father Khnum.... the
making for him of a bwt-ntr in sandstone*50 (Ku=a).
"Now it was his Majesty (Amenhotep II) who'beautified this bwt-ntr
which his father, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Menkheperrephad
built for Khnum...... it being constructed in stone as a work of eternityp
the Inbwaround it in brick, the c3w in cedar worked with copperp the
sb3w in graniteo51 (Elephantine).
"He made as his monument for his father Amun...... the making for
him of a noble Uwt-ntr..... in sandstoney worked with gold... "52 (Mort_
uary Temple of Amenhotep III at Thebes).
"I (Bakenkhons) made for him (A;nun) a Xiwt-ntr...... at the upper
sb3 of the 2r of Amune I erected obelisks within it in granite..,,53
(Reign of Ramesses II, the Temple of Amun-Hearer-of-Prayers at Karnak).
"I (Ramesses III) built for you (Amun) your bwt-nt within its
groundq in limestonep its sb-. w and htrw were of goldq mounted with
copper...,,54 (a Temple within a vineyard in the Delta).
All of these texts suggest that 4wt-njr is buing used of the main
stone temple building. Pu=ther evidence of this comes from the Punt
reliefs of Hatshepsut at Deir El-Bahari where the queen describes how
she has carried out the commands of Aman "that Punt ahould be estab-
lished for himp. within his prv that trees of Ta-Sety be planted upon
-). "55both sides of his h2,wt_ntr, in his garden (bnty_8 The picture con-
jured by such a description is of trees planted on either side of the
stone templep within the temple enclosure wall.
Similarly the inscription of Tuthmosis III on the Lateran obelisk
describes its situation (at the eastern temple at Karnak) as "in the
nbs (temenos) of the bwt-nl9 in the neighbou! chodd of Ipet-Sat"p56
while Tathmosis I had previously erected two obelisks at the rwty 4Lwt-
ntr,57
the FourthýPylon of the Amun temple. Since obelisks normally
stood just i3f front of the entrance to the stone building, it is tothis that bwt-ntr must refer.
There are many other references to the 4wt-ntr of Aimin at Karnakj,
the principal temple in Egypt in the New Kingdom. The bwt-ntr itself
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191
contained treasure-stores as these could be more easily and efficient-
ly guarded if they were situated within the main body of the temple.
This is shown in a text of the reign of Hatshepsutp "I[sealed]
the
prwy-tLd of all the precious stones in the tLwt-ntr of Amun at Karnakf
they being filled with his tribute up to their ceiling59
Into these stores went taxes60
and tribute from foreign campaigns.61
The administrative buildings of the Aman templep as well as the homes
of priests, storehouses for less-valuable articlesq pens for the
sacred animalsq workshopsp etco would have been situamted outside of
the hrtmnjr, but within the temple enclosure wall. These wouldt how-
ever, have been regarded as "belonging to" the temple they served
and it is interesting to note that the workshops of the Amun temple
162are described asIs
n k3t nw lxwt-ntr 'Ifmý and the master crafts-
men as 4ryw 4mwt nw 4wt-ntr.63
Karnak forms a complex containing many templesý each of which
could, in its own right, be called a tLwt-ntr, This is the case with
the temple of Amun-hearer-of-prayerst as described abovep the festival
complex of Tuthmosis 111,64 the te3pple of Khonsu,65
the temple of
Ramesses III in the forecourt,66
the templeof Ptaht
67
the temple ofMut
68and the temple of Monthuo
69In addition tLwt-ntr was also used
of parts of the Amun temple. The granite sanctuary of Hatshepsut is
call'ed a. bwt-n: tr7O as was the Bypostyle Hall.71
The Hatshepsut sanct'
uary was also described as a 4wtp bm and rqi-ntr72
so that it is clearr
that each of these terms was not being employed with any degree of
accuracyo In the case of the Hypostyle Hall it was probably felt
that such an imposing hall was worthy of a more bombastic name than
one which could have been more accurately appliedp such asIwnyt,
W3dyt or wsbt. The use of #wt-ntr for this hall can be compared to
the use of wb-3 as a name f or the same hallo
In generall however, 4wt-nt was not employed as a teim for a
part of a temple rather than an entire buildingg although it does
also seem to have been used to describe the sanctuary of the temple
of Hatshepsut at Deir El-Bahari. In this case the term occurs., on an
inscription which wasp perhapsq originally a graffito from the siteoThe text reads; "Fourth month of Akhetv day 16p beginning of opening
the sba of the hwt-ntr in the mountain of Djeseru.,,73
Hayes has
suggested that the text "without much doubt records the initiation
of the cutting of the central sanctuary of the temple:74
In view of
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192
the fact that the Karnak sanctuary was also called a tLwt-ntr in the
same reign, this is a reasonable assumption, Also at Deir El-Bahariq
3#t-nt was applied to the Hathor chape,75
which was in fact a sep-
arate cult-centre withits &wn
sanctu
6
and couldpthereforep be
described as a bwt-ntr in the same way that the various temples
within the Karnak complex were so described.
Another interesting use of this term, from the same reigag occurs
with regard to a building called ntr mnw. Cn the statue of Hapusoneb
this is referred to as tLwt-ntr m Inr hd nfr n '-nw M3c-t-k3,-rl ntr maw
"The tLwt-njr in limestone (named) MaAtkare, ntr mnw".77
However on the
Karnak sanctuary of Hatshepsut a hwt of the same name is assigned
to Tmthmosis 111.78 The change of royal name is nmt remarkable and
these two buildings can almost certainly one and the sameo A problem
arisest howeverp with a third reference to ntr mnwt this time in a
building text of Tuthmosis III from Karnakv where it is described as
the iwnn ntr mnw mInr hd nfr n rwdt "the lwnnl-ntr
mnwv in sand-
stone". " The difference in building material has led Lacau and
Chevrier80
to assume that two buildimgs are involvedg one made of
limestone and another of sandstone. However, this apparent differenceof material may not be significant since the Egyptians were not
consistent in the use of the terminology for types of stone. As
Harris has pointed out 37.f tLd nfr n 1-nw "is quite often applied by
mistake to buildings of sandstone".81
This can be illustrated with
regard to the festival complex of Tuthmosis III at Rarnakp a sand-
stone. building which is described variously as being made ofInr tL!
820 rw4t.
84nfr n Inwq Inr bý nfr n rwdt83 and inr n Bearing this in
mindp it is possible that the apparently limestone njr mnw and the
apparently sandstone nt-r mnw were in fact the same buildingg probably
actually made of sandstoneo Unfortunately it is not possible to
identify this building with any known remains85
although the termin-
ology used would suggest that it was an edifice of some sizep serv-
ing as a cult centre in its own right. The text of Tathmosis III
indicates that ntr mnw was within the Karnak complex and it could
have been one of the buildings cleared away to make way for later
Eighteenth Dynasty constructions, The blocks from this structure
couldp thereforev yet be dioobveredl re-used elsewhere on the site.
In the reign of Akhenaten ýLwt-ntr occurs only rarely as ntr was
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193
a term which was avotded since there was only supposed to be the86
one godg the Aten. Accordingly the great temples of the Aten both
at Thebes and at Amarna were usually described as tLwt, rather than
4wt-ntr. With therestoration
of the cult of Aman the term was
re-established87
although it is noticeable by its absence from the
"Restoration Stela" of Tutankhamun.88
However the "Coronation Text"
of Horemheb states smawyn. f kiwt-ntr (pl. ) Li-st ldh r ts-sty msy. nf
"bmw. sn nbw "He renovated the hwt-ntr from the marshes of the Delta
to Nubia. He fashioned all their images-#$89
One problem which relates to the use of 1ýwt-ntr from the Eight-
eenth Dynasty onward concerns writings such as112
andIUC-:
3 990
The former is a standard writing of the expression sb-n-tr (q. v. )
and it is often almost impossible to decide as to whether hwt-ntr
or s#-ntr is intended. The second formp with the feminine ending
is almost certainly to be taken as a writing of bwt-nt andv for the
purpose of this study, those examples of both writings which have
been treated syntactically as feminine are regarded as forms of bwt-
ntr rather than s4-ntr. In many casest however, the lack of qualify-
ing adjectives or verbal forms with feminine endings precludes anysuch decision* It ought to be possible to make a decision as to the
reading of the group on the context in which it is being employedp
since stL-ntr seems to have been usedv primarilyt for a shrine so
that examples of19 to describe an entire temple could be quite
reasonably regarded as writings of 1ýwt-nj . However, it isp unfort-
unately true that the Egyptians were not consistently accurate in
the uaage of such terminology with the result that sbý-nt seems to
have aqquired a wider meaning in the New Kingdomt probably through
confusion with bLwt-rktr.91
Those writings which are treated as fem-
inine and can, thereforet be taken as hwt-nt include a form 11192
which occurs in the inscription of Bakenkhons describing work
carried out for Ramesses II in the temple of Amun-hearer-of-prayers
at Karnak. Although apparently for sb-ntrt the term is used as if
it is a feminine noun and, since it is employed to describe an entire
templet it is most likely to be a variant of tLwt-ntr. Other texts
which would seem to be writings of sli-ntr have parallels which use
the regular writings of hwt-ntr93
and on a stela of Ramesses IL------__a 94 1841 95rom Buhent in which both 1[6c,
3 and C-3 occurt both
aret presumablyp to be read as 1ýwt_ntr. As an indication of the
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I Y+
difficulty of distinguishing the two terms, it can be noted that
the W6rterbuch in one case gives a reference to the same text under
both sh-nir and hwt-ntr96
whilep in another caseg a writing
which would seem to be an example of tLwt-ntr is quoted by the W6rt-
erbuch as a writing of slý-ntr97
More usuallyp howeverp 4wt-ntr continued to be spelled with the
hwt-wnclosurep leaving no doubts as to the reading of the term.
In the Nineteenth Dynasty bwt-ntr is used to describe many temples,
for example those of Seti I at Abydos,98
Kanais,99
Memphisg100
Red-
esieh,101
Gurna102
and Speos Artemidbs103
and of Razesses II at
Karnak104
and Luxor.105
In Papyrus Harris I, the term is used of the temple of Re at
Heliopolis,W
the temple of Osiris at Abydos,107
and the temple of
Ramesses III within the temple of Amun at Karna108
in addition to
being used as a term for temples in general (in the plural)109
and to describe an unidentified temple of Amun in the Delta.110
The Pianchi stela records how the king was received into the
great temple of Ptah at Memphis after his subjugation of that city.
"His Majesty proceeded to the pr od Ptah and his purification
was carried out in the pr-dW3e All the rituals which are performed
for a king were perfonaed for him. He entered into the hwt-ntr and
a great offering was made for his father Ptahp South-of-his-Wallp
of bulls, short-horned cattlep fowl and every good thing. "111
This
text indicates, quite clearly, that the bwt-nt was the stone-built
temple itself and not the entire temenos. Similar ceremonies took
place whenthe king
reached Heliopolis; "(He) came and proceededto the pr of Reg entering into the hwt-nir in great praise"
112
and on the submission of Tefnakhte.113
Later, in the same dynasty, Monthuemhat records that he embell-
ished the hwt-ntr (pl. ) of ThLebes114
while the last king of the
dynasty, Tanutamung mentions several important bwt-nt on the
"Dream Stela"t including that of Khnum at Elephantine,115
of Ptah116 117 118at Memphis and of Amiln both at Karnak and at Napata. This
last temple was still described as a, tLwt-nt long after the Twenty-
Fifth Dynasty had ended in Egypt.11,9
In the following dynasty there is an interesting reference to
the Serapeum at Saqqara as 'this (the Apia') bwt-ntr on the desert
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I er-
of Ankhtawy. 11120
Strictly speaking hwt-ntr ought nct to have been
used to describe a burial placep however, the Serapeum was also a
cult centre and the use of hwt-ntr indicates the importance od the
cult ofthe
Apisin the Late Period.
121
Like tLwtv : wt-ntr describes a place in which a cult was celebrated
so that, in theory at leastp the building involved could have been
of any forms In practice, however, Egyptian temples conformed to a
basic plan which did not change greatly, so that most hwt-ntr did
in fact resemble one another. The LLwt-ntr itself was the actual
temple building, situated within the temple-temenos (jb3) and under
the administrative control of the gods estate (pr). Rarely the
term could also be used of a part of a temple rather than the wholep
although examples of this are exceptional.
I Kaplonyp Die Inschriften der igyptischen FiýLhzeit 1119 pl. -- 80t
301; Urk-9 19 79 3; 26,12; 26,13; 241t 15; LD9 IIY 399 b; Posener-
Krieger and Do Cenivalp The. 1bu Sir Papyriq pl. XII4.9 b; Newberryp
Beni Hasang 19 Pls-XXVP 14; XXIX; Urk. I IVP 469 2; Davies and Mae-
adam, A Corpus of Inscribed Egyptian Funerary Coneso 506; Abd El-Razik, JEA 60 (1974)9 1450 2; XRIv 1,206,6; Petrie, Memphisp IIp
pl-XXIV; 'qrk-9 IIIP 35P 9; 52y 9;. Wb.9 Belegstellen, 1119 2 (ref.
4P 14); Urk-9 119 45Y 12. This writing is also found in a plural
form Goedickev Re--Ised blocks from Lisht, 19t X095;
Davies and Macadam, OP- Cit-P 461; leclantý Monthouemhatp 89. Al-
though this writing of tLwt-ntr is found from the First Dynasty
to the Ptolemaic Periodp it is notcommonafter
the Old Kingdom
and examples from any particular dynasty are few in number* The
"gateway" could, of coursev be positioned in either of the bottom
corners of the signq as id the case with most variants of the term.
2 This is really only a variant of the first writing but the more
accurate depiction of the form of the flagpole makes it worthy of
notey Sch&ferq Bin Bruchstuck Alta"gyptischer Annaleno PLIP 3-
3 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalq op. cit. 9 pl. XLIAt 2; Fischer,
JARCE 3 (1964)t 26; Urk. j 1,1319 6; 269t 14; 2729 8; 2759 39 279t
10; 300t 3; 304,8; 307,16;
4 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalq op. cit., pls. VAq e; VIAj d; XIIIA9
1; xtvjtAj_B; IXIIAq 26-27; Urk. t 1,879 14; 1199 8; 1709 17-18;
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19t.
1819 13; 11,679 3-
5 q!! S-P Is, 379 15; Lange and Schýfert Grab- und Denksteine des Mitt-
leren Reiches JI, 199; Urk, t IV, 194,6; KRI, It 2069 9.
6 Anthes, Die Felseninschriften von HaLnub -149 NO-13; CouyatU pl
and Montet, Les Inscriptions hieroglyphiques et hieratiques du
Caddi HAMMýmatq pl. XXI (in the plural. The copy given of the text
(Ibid.9
81) has instead of the latter being the correct
fo=)
7 Lange and Schiifer, ]bP- cit-P It 39P gy 7; IIP 100; 407; Sethep Aeg-
yptische Lesestucke, 749 19 and 22; 760 20; 93P passim 94p 23;
Urk-P IVt 709 5; 939 3; 328,6; 353,3; 408P 12; 409,8; 412,10;
8349 9; 834Y 12; 1156P 3; 1294P 13; Davies and Macadamp op. cit. p
436; KRI9 It 124t 5; Vercoutter, Textes biographigues du Serapýum
de 11'emphi , 32; Roeder, ASAE 52 (1954)9 414. An interestingg but
dazagedt plural form of the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty is c-', ,,9
lecla. nt, Up. cit. * 88; pl. XXIV.
a Jequier, 1e Mastabat Fa=aounq pl., XII; Newberry, opo citop 110 ple
XXXVI; Borchardtf StatueU und Statuetten, IIIP 138; Plo155 (dated
by Borchardt to the Thirteenth Dynasty but by PMp I (II)p 784 tothe time of Menthuhotep Nebhepetre, presumably because the prenomen
of the king appears in the text. Since, however, the statue was
intended for the king's mortuary temple at Deir El-Bahari it need
not be contemporaneous with his reign as this particular temple
continued to function,long after the death of the king); Setheq opo
cito, 98t passim; Urkej IV9 439 4; 56t 3; 1869 2; 2129 1; 213P 14;
386t 4; 429,6; 476,7; 768t 13; 816,15; 8589 8; 882t 2; 932P 4;
978P 15; British MuseumqHieroglyphic Texts, VIP Plo47P 4; Varillet
Inscriptions concernant l1architecte Amenhotep fils de Hapou, 8;
Davies, El-Amarna, VIP ploxViv lower register, 11; KRI9 It OP 2;
659 5; 129,14; 129-1359 passim; 2059 16; 206p 2t3; UP IIIt 1409
dt 1.
9 Sethe, opo cit-P 729 19; 97P 3; 96,14-21; Ur1cp VII9 It 15; 179
4; 429 16; 589 9; Natrillep The XIth Dynasty Temple at Deir El-
Bahari, It ploXXIV; De BuckP Reading Bookt 96,5; Roeder, 2=
3 (1932)v 28v fig-13; Marietta, Abydog, IIP 309 39; Hayes* ýLEL46 (1960), Pl-IXq 3; Urkov IVP 738P 10; 765Y 12-15; 11879 11;
1294Y 14; Davies and Macadam, Op- Citop 461; Badawyq Miscellanea
Wilbourianag 19 Plo5t fig-5; &rnyand Gardinery Hieratic Ostracat
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181
pl-Xv 3, rectoy 1; Champolliont Notices Descriptives, IIq 85;
Erichsenq Papyrus Haxris,
69 3; 109 10; 309 3; 34,15; 679 16;
70p 10; IEý-t IIIP 389 lip 63p 3; 65t 2; 65p 10; 659 12; 660 2;
679 12; 9?9
8.
10 Lange ancl Sch9fer, Op- cit-p UP 154; 155; Sethe, op. cit., 96P 4;
Helckq MDAIK 24 (1969), 199t 11; plXV119 11; Lacau and Chevrier,
Une Chapelle d'HatshepwiltiL Karnakj 19 267P 418; 2709 424; jr1k. 9
IV9 439 11; 1659 3; 388t 9; 765,7; 823p 5; 1056,8; 16489 7;
2066,141 KRI, 1,2# 4-
11 Navilley loc. cite; KRI, 19 206,8 (with ci within 124p 5
(grouped thusLj[j
).
12 Navilleq loc. cit..
13 ir-k-, IV, 1009 15-
14 Plid.9 IV, 298,16.
15 Ibid-9 IV, 301v 7-
16 KRI, Iq 216,11 (after bwt-ntr is the name of the templep that of
Seti I at Gurna).
17 Kuentzy La Face sud c1n.Massif est da Pyl'one de Ramses II ýLLouxory
pl. XXI(enclosed
within the sign is the name of the temple of Ram-sses II at Luxor. For a similar example from the temple of Seti I
at Gurna see; ID, 111,150).
18 KRIt 1,3,2; Wbe Belegstelle p My 2 (ref-4p 11); Chicago Univer-
sity, Oriental Institutep Ramses III's Temple within the Great
Inclosure of Amun Pl-19 Pl-779 A-
19 B=nner, Die SZLdlichen Raum.des Tempels von Luxor, Pl-153, Scene
XVIII/155 (all the scene's'on the masterplan of the west wall (pl.
19) are wrongly numbered); Plantikow-Miinster, ZAS 95 (1969)p 119,
abb. 1, by 5s IP-Tv 1,15; Wb. Belegstelle j 1119 129 (ref-, 465,6)0
These writings have been included here because they are either
treated as feminine nouns or have parallels which are read 4wt-ntr,
see ficrther above P-183 and belowp under sb-n_tr P-254-
20 6ernyt Coptic Etymological Dictionaryv 289; Crilmt A Coptic Dict-
ionary, 692a; Q"sing, Nominalbildungp 441-
21 Roquet, BIPAO 71 (1972)i 96-117-
22 See above, jLyEt p. 165-167.
23 See, for example, the temple of Neith (Pettiet Royal Tomboy 119
pls. IIIq a; X) and the shrines depicted on archaic seals (Kaplonyo
op. cit*, 1119 p1s. 19,37 and 38; 40-45)- For a review of these
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IRS
early temples see; jequier, BIPA 6 (1908)9 25-41-
24 Kaplonyq op. cit-, IIIY Pl-SOP 301-
25 Very few temple remains which can be positively dated to the Arch-
aic Period have been excavated. There was an early building on
the site of the Osiris temple at Abydos (Petrie, Abydos, 11,7-9;
pls. 1; LI) and scanty remains of archaic stractures were found at
Hierakonpolis (Quibell and Green, Hierakonpoli P IIP 7-8; Pl-IXXII)-
The "temple primitif" at Medamoud consJAs of an enclosure bounded
by a polygonal wally within which were two artificial mounds (Rob-
ichon and Varillet Description sommaire du Temple primitif de Med,
amoudq 1-2; Plan. )
26 Urk. 9 It 26,12 and 13; 379 25; 879 14; 131,6; 241Y 15 and 18;
269ý 14; 300t 3; 3049 18; 3059 1 and 11; Pischerp loc. cit..
27 llr-k-y It 119t 8; 170Y 171 279t 10- Por plans of the Old Kingdom
temple at Abydos see; Petrie, opi cit. 9 pls. LII-LIII.
28 Posener-KrAger and De Cenivalp op. cit. t pls. VA, e; XIIA, D; XIIIAq
1; XLIAq 2; XLVIIAp B; IXIIAv 26-27; LUXAv At 5-
29 LD2 IIP 39p b.
30 lEr-k-9
It 79 3-
31 Ibid. p It 275t 3-
32 Jequier, Le Mastabat Faraoung pl, XII.
33 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivaly op, cit. 9 pl. VIA, d; Urkop I, 272t
8; 307t 16.
34 Roeder, loc. cit..
35 Anthesq loc. cit*.
36 Lange and Sch5.er, Op-, cit-o IIP 154; 155- For the same temple see
also; Ibid. t 119 199.
37 Borchardt, loc. ci .; Haville, loc. cit.;
38 Navilloq loc. cit..
39 E-g- U*-q VIIP 17Y 4; 42o 16; 58,9; Couyat and Montetq loc. cit.;
Newberry, op. ci t I, pl. XXIII; Lange and Schiifer, op. cit. 9 It
39, go 7; IIP 407.
40 Uck.j VIIj 19 15; Newberry, op. cit. j 119 pl. XXXVI.
41 Setheq op. cit., 99-96, passim.42 Newberry, op. cit. v It p1s. XXV9 14; XXIX; Sethe, Op- dt-P 749 22;
969 4-
43 Ibid. y 939 4-
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189
44 ibid., 96,14-21; 979 3; Lange and Schiifer, op. citv 119 100.
45 Helckv loc. cit..
46 urk. t IV, 3889 9 (Gardiner, LEA 32 (1946)t pi. VI, 27).
47 "Inr_hd nfr n t-i sty* As Caminos has pointed out (The New Kingdom
Temples of Buhen, It 20, note 6) all the temples (Buhenq Semnaan&
Kumma)which are described as being made of this material are built
of sandstone. Harriet howevert (Lexicographical Studies in Ancient
Egyptian Mineralev 69) prefers to regard the term as a name for
"limestone from the neighboulboodof Aswan"* The only rocks in the
vicinity of Aswan are sandstone and granite.
48 Urk- P IV9 197t 16.
49 Ibidej IVP 7659 12-15-50 Ibid., IV, 2129 7- See note 47 above. This temple is also described
as being made ofInr b4 nfr n e3r-tq another name for sandstone
(Harrist Op- cit-P 72).
51 Urk. 9 IVf 1294P 14-12959,6. Compare the almost identical text of
the Amada stela, Ibid. p IVp 12949 13-12959 5-,
52 Ibid., IV, 1648,6-9.
53 Plantikow-Miinster, loc.cit
54 Erichsenq op. cit. 9 10,10.
55 Urk-s IVP 353,3- Compare also Ibid-P IV9 328,6; 3469 16.
56 11bid*9 M 584t 10-
57 Ibid., IV, 939 3-
58 Diid-t IVP 439 11; 165P 3; 298,16; 768,13; 769,17; 9789
15; 10569 8; 1156P 3; 2066,14; Varillev loc. ci .; Vb. Belegstelleng
1119 2 (ref-4.14); et alo.
59 Urk-P IV9 429,6.
60 Ibid. 9 186,2.
61 Ibidot 70t 5-
62 Ibid*p 9329 4-
63 Lb-idpt 9339 15-
64 Ibid. v 858p 8 and 11; 8609 2.
65 Champollion, op. cit., 11,234; 235P
66 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, op. cit-, I, Pl-77p A andD.
67 See above p. 180.
68 Urk-t IV, 4129 10.
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%90
69 Varille, Karn t It Pls-XXIII9 179*XXXIVY Inventaire 808.
70 Lacau and Chavrier, op. cit. 9 1,267,418; 270,424- For a disc-
ussion of this see; Ibid., It 48P 59-
71 KRI9 1,201,4 and 15; 202,8 and 13; 2039 79 13 and 16; 205,16;
2o6t 3 and 6-9.
72 Lacau and Chevrier, loc. cit.. See also at wrt, below, p. 204-
73 Hayesq loc. cit, e74 Ibid. t 32 (in his note 29 Hayes gives, as another example of hwt-
ntr meaning "sanctuary" a reference to Urk. t IV, 427- This is the
"Northampton Stela" of Djehuty which refers to the'*granite"sanct-
uary of Hatshepsute The term in question isp however, stL-n_tr not
tLwt-ntr) *
75 ý-rk-v IVY 3019 7; 308P 7-
76 PM, IIP 350-353; Pl-XXXVIY 1-
77 Urket IV, 4769 7-
78 Lacau and Chevrierp Op- Cit-P It 84P 139-
79 jr-k-P IVP 166,8.
80 Lacau and Chevrier, loc cit..
81 Harris, op. cit.,69.
82 Urk. 9 IVY 855,17; 858,14; 859v 3; 9639 5-
83 Ibid-9 IVY 856,9.
84 Ibid*, IVY 8569 16; 857,7; 858P 11-
85 For discussions of the identity of ntr mnw see; Ottot Topographie
des Thebanischen Gauss 23; Lacau and Chevrier, loc. cit..
86 Smith, R-9TheAkhenaten Temple Project 1,61. gwt-ntr does occur
in one variant of the shorter hymn to the Ateng see; Davies, El-
Amarn , IVv pl., XXXIII; Up pl, XVI. Another variant has Sýwt-
(PLid.t It pl. XXXVII, see also under S-wt-r- below P*264)
87 In the reign of Tutankhanan, for examplet see; jrk. 9 IVY 2066t 14;
2079P 16.
88 lbid*t IVY 2025-2032. At the beginning of the stelat where the text
lists the temples and shrines which have fallen into rain, the
following terms occur; r-prt bm, lwnn,and 4wt.
89 LlLid, j IVY 2119t 13-90 See notes 17 and 18 above.
91 See further under qb-tnt below p.254-255-
92 Plantikow-Mfinster, loc. cit..
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191
93 Wb,, Belegstellen, 1119 129 (ref-4659 6); Compare LDT*j It 15 with
keti-iep Scarabs and Cylinders with-Namest pl. XXXIXv 2 apd see;
YoYottet K; mi 14 (1957)t 849 note 2*
94 KRIq It 2t 14-95 Ibid. f It 3y 2.
96 Wb.9 Belegstelleng 1119 2 (ref-49 11) and 1119 129 (ref-465v 5)-
97 Ibid. 9 1119 129 (ref-4659 6)9
98 KRIq It 1299 14; 129-1359 passim.
99 Ibid. 9 It 659 5-
100 Ibidov 1249 5-
101 LD-9 1119 1409 dq le
102 KRIq 19 216,11.
103 Ibid-v 439 2.
104 PlantikOw-Munster, loc. cit-o
105 Abd El-Razikv op. citor 145t 2; 1479 1-
106 Erichsenv OP- cit-v 309 3; 349 15.
107 Ibid., 679 16.
108 Ibidej 6P 3-
109 Ibidov 70t 10-110 Ibid,, 109 10*
Ill Urk-P IIIP 359 6-li.
112 Ibid*q 1119 389 11-
113 Ibid. 9 1119 529 9.
114 I-eclanto Monthuemhatt 88; pl-XXIVo
115 Urk-P 111,659 2o
116 Ibid.
9
III, 67P 12.
117 Ibidev III, 65-66o
118 Ibid. p 111,639 13o
119 Ibidop 1119 929 8 and 10; 93P 7 and 12; 1039 13; 1049 12 and 16;
1059 7; 111P 7912 and 15; 117P 5; 1209 12o
120 Vercoutterp loc. citoo
121 See also under bwt, P-1759 n. 67-
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192.
hrt-lb
Dyne XVIII' Dyne XVIII2
Dyne XV1113
Dyne XVnjt X]X, 4 Dyne XIXq XX115 Dyne XX6Ptol. o.
C3
C-3
ptol*7 Ptol.a
This term has been discussed in detail by Barguet who regards the
4rt-3. b of a temple as being the hall immed-iately before the sauctuaryp
being preceded by either a barque-shrine (in dynastic temples)p or by
a "hall of offerings" (in Ptolemaic temples).9
The evidence for the
location of the 4xt-lb comes from, the Ptolemaic temples at Edfu and
Denderah. In both of these the hall between the "hall of offerings"
and the shrine is called wslýt 4rt-i7b,1Q
Howeverg in both temples
two other rooms are also known as lirt-lb. These are side-rooms open-
ing off the hypostyle hall and serving as corridors through to the
ambulatory."
As Haeny haspointed outp
12
ahrt-lb
shouldv
therefore,
be regarded as a 11salle intermediairell rather than a "Mittelsaall'o
Barguet, however, assumes that the position of the wsbt 4rt-lb
in the Ptolemaic temples reflects its position in dynastic templesq
as a major hall between the barque-shrine and the sanctuary. Unfort-
unately the only dynastic 4rt-lb which can be identified is the
Festival complex of Tuthmosis III at Karnak. This is also the earliest
known use of the term, which occurs in the dedication texts of the
building. It is possible that brt-lb refers only to the hypostyle
hall of the complex (the term 73eing twice determined with the "column-
ed hall" sign as shown above)p but the evidence of the texts would
suggest that 4rt-lb is to be equated with 3h-mnw which is the name of
the entire building,
"....... making for him (Amun) a noble brt-lb anew in limestone(sic. ).,, 13
11** ... *erecting
for hima
tLrt-lbanew in sandstone. "
14
"oooooeerecting for him 3Li-mnw anew in sandstone.,,15
"******erecting for him a noble lbp3bý-mnwtanew. "
16
The same dedicatory-texts also call the building a tLwt-lat 17and a
4wt-ntr, is
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143
Since the Festival complex clearly does not occupy a similar pos-
ition at Karnak to that of a wsbLt hrt-lb in a Ptolemaic templet
Barguet suggests that Tuthmosis III was copyingg in the basic plan
of the complex, the lay-out of the now-destroyed buildings in the
"Middle-Kingdom court" at Karnak. 19 He regards the hypostyle hall of
the Festival complex as the equivalent of the Middle-Kingdom hrt-lbe
The evidence for this theory is largely circumstantialp resting on
Barguet's own suggested reconstruction of the plan of the area of
the "Middle-Kingdom court".20
In any case the use of 4rt-lb in the
dedicatory texts of Tuthmosis III would suggest that the entire comp-
lex, and not just the hypostyle hall, was intended*
It is unfortunate that other occurrences of the term from thedynastic period are few in numberg and that their nature is such that
they cannot be identified with any particular buildings or halls.
An Eighteenth-Dynat3ty statue of the goddess Satett from Elephantineq
gives her the epithet ntrt n 4rt-lb wr(t)921
and Sokar is described,
in the temple of Seti I at Abydos, as m hrt-lb.22
The Festival comp-
lex of Tuthmosis III is mentioned again in the epithet of a priest
of the Twenty-Second Dynastyj "one who enters to the brt-ib of A=in,
one who enters to 3YJ-MnW, 123This would seem to suggest that there
was another hrt-lb at Karnak besides the Festival complexg and this
is also indicated in one of the Twentieth-Dynasty Tomb-Robbery Pap-
yri* The tomb of king Sekhemrashedtavy Sobekemsaf of the Second
Intermediate Period was violated, the king being described as having
"his (the king's) monuments resting in his (Amun's) txt-lb to this24
day. "- Statues of this king must have been erected in a 4rt-: Lb of
the Middle-Kingdom temple.
It would seemptherefore, that there musj; have been a hally or
courtt in the temple of A== at Karnakt other than the Festival
complex, which was regarded as being a tLrt-1bg probably in the region
of the 'Middle-Kingdom court"* It is not, however, possiblejon the
evidence available, to be quite as definite concerning the location
of a hrt-lb within a temple as Barguet is, The fact that the term wasused of "corridor-rooms" in the temples
of Edfu and Denderaht wouldsuggest that it was merely a term for an intermediate hall or build-ing which gave access to another,
1 Urk,,v ITP 855t 16.
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jq+
2 Ibidej, IV9 856,8.
3 PI-id-P IV, 857P 12; 858t 2.
4 Weigallp ASAE 8 (1907)9 48; KRI9 1,1719 14; Piehl, Inscriptionsq
IIP 93; Mariette, Denderah, ItPl-599 o;
649 d; Chassinatq Edfov
It 388; De Wit,,Ch. d'E:g- 36 NO-72 (July 1961), 312; 313-
5 Legrainp Statues et Statuettes, 119 57-
6 Peet, The Great Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynast 9IIp pl*III (B, M&10221), 69 4-
7 Marietteg op* citep 119 pl, 8p d,
a Cliassinatv op. citet Up 63-
9 Barguetv Templet 1729 note (2); 323-327; Met BIPAO 52 (1953)v 152-
155-
10 Mariette, op. cit-t It Pl-5; De Wit, op. cit-P NO-71 (January 1961),
6s.
11 Ibidep NO-72 (July 1961). 312; 313; Mariette, loco cite*
12 Haeny, Beitr&ge Bf. 99, Basilikale Anlagenq 12.
13 U-rk-P IV9 855,16-17-
14 Ibidov IVP 856j 8-9.
15 Ibidep IVP8579 6-7-
16 Ibide 9 IV,, 858v 2*
17 Ibidop IV9 856,16.
18 Ibid., IV, 6589 8 and 11o
19 Barguetp op* citep 154-155; P1-II-
20 This comparison seems to be based solely on the fact that three
granite door-sills were found in situ in the "Middle; Kingdom court".
suggesting to Barguetv the three aligned rooms on the axis of the
Festival complex. (Barguetv Templet 323; PM-9 IIP 108)9
21 Weigall, loc. ci ..
22 Mt It 1719 14-
23 Legrain, loc. cit..
24 Peett loco cite, The Wbep 111,1389 21, took this to be a refer-
ence to a 4rt-lb in'the king's tomb, but this is certainly incorrecto
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ic;S
7
Dyn. XIX-) XX Dyno XIX9 XX2
Dyne XX3
Dyna XX5Dyn- XX4
VtA appears to have been confined in use to the Nineteenth and Twent-
ieth Dynasties and occurs most often in the plural fo=* Janssen
regards btri as a term for "both jamb B116
while Christophe considers
that the term denotes the "chambranle'19 the two jambs and the lintel.7
This assessment is made from the evidence of Papyrus Harris I in
which btr1w (always in the plural) is used for the door-frame, in
conjunction with a term for the door-leaves which is usually 2b3 but
is, occasionally, ýLrl. The htrlw and the sbbw could býe made of the same
material, wood8
or a precious mets.19 or of different materials. For
example the pr of Wepwawet at Siut was surrounded by a sbty with
"great 4tr1w of stone and sb-sw of cedar".10
On those occasions where
htr1w occurs with tri the two elements are of different materials*
The pr of Osiris at Abydos is provided with a sbty with 11h.r1w of
stone and tt1w of cedar"."
12In this papyrusP therefore, it would certainly seem that 4tr1w,
the plural formp describes all the elements which made up a door-
framep the jambs and the lintel, and this is probably also the case
with other examples of the word.
In the tomb-robberypapyrusp
B. 11.10053, thieves describe how they
went to the pr n of the Ramesseum and removed the g:0ding from the
htr! w13 while an inscription of the High Priest of Amunt Roma-Royt
at Karnak records that a structure was found in rains, thebt=1w of
wood being missingg and was restored with 4tr1w of sandstoneq the det-
erminatives used for the two writings of the term reflecting the
different materials involved.14
Similarly work carried outv also at
Karnakv by the High Priest Amenhotepp replaced 4tr1w[of
wood(? )]
with examples in sandstone. 15 Other occurrences of this term in build-16ing texts include htriw of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu. aad of
Ramesses IX at Ka_' i7
rnak.
In the context of a private house 114tr1w of limestonev inscribed
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Iqb
and carved with a chisel"18were,
erected in the "fine bbnII which the
official Raia built in the TwentieLh Dynasty.
The few occasions when 4t3Mis found in the singular form are all
on ostraca. A list of funerary equipment on Ost, Gardiner 136 includes
p-3 ht3ln is mý-4-t "the btZI. Of the tomb" 19presumably, in this casep
the 4tril was regarded as one entity rather than as the a= of its
components. Other writings of the term in the singular occur in Ost.
Deir El-MeMneh 31920
and on the unpublished ostracaq Berlin 1126021
and IPAO 764-22
Cne problematical writing of 4trl is found on another ostracong
Deir El-Iledineh 10129 which contains a copy of several lines of Pe
Anastasi, 1. When describing an obelisk the papyrus states "its pyr- 23amidion (ýnbn) of one cubit in height, its
ýeAALr=of two fingers*
The ostraconp howevert replacesIC44A=
withJ
C_. .24
Gardiner
translated the former as "Point(? )n 259a not unreasonable suggestion
in view of the context and the determinWve involved. The reading
aof 4trI on the ostracon is quite certain and can only be interpreted
as an error on the part of the writer of the ostracon.
Since-the
meaning of ýLtrlw in Papyrus Harris I is "door-frame"
rather than just "Jambs" this is probably the true meaning of the term
whether it is used in the singular or the plural*
1 Lefebvre, Inscriptions conceznant les grands Pretzesd'Amonj Rome-
Roy et Amenhotej pl*It 9; Erichsent Papyrus Harris It 10,11; 6,
7( with<-:, replaped by\\); Cenq and Gardiner, Hieratic Ostraca,
It pl-LXP 5; Cernyq Catalogue des Ostraca hieratiques non litt; r-
aires de Deir El-Medinehp IVt pl., 24P 3199 rectop 2.
2 'The writing with this dete=ainative is found only in the pluralp
at least so far as published examples are conce=edo It may occur
in the singular in thev as yet unpublished, Ost-- IPAO 764 (Janssen,
Commodity Prices frorf, -the. Rameodid Periodq 392); Lefebvrep loc.
cit.; Erichsent OP- ci -t 5P 10 (with-4=>replaced by\\); 7P 13
( as 5,10); 50,11; 679 1; 68t 4; 68,13-14; 70v 2; 94P 8; Gard-
inert Late EgyptianMiscellanierjq 110p 16; Peetp The Great Tomb
Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynastyp Ilf pls. XXv passim;
XXI9 39 vers y 18-21.
3 As given by Mariettep KarnP P1-40t 49 Brugschv Thesaurus 1323P
has
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lqll
4 Chicago. Universityp Orlental Institateg Medinet Habul, IV9 pl*233-
5 Saunerong BIFAO 64 (1966)v pl. Il.
6 Jansseng 9P- Cit-v 391-
7 Christophel Melanges Masperv Ig faso-4p 23-
8 Erichsen, op. cit-9 94Y 8-
9 Ibid. 9 5,10; 6v 7; 9,16; 10t 11, Probablyp in facto gildine; on
stone or wooden f=amese
10 Ibid. j,64 13-14, Compare al so 501,11 ; L70 "2-
11 Lblidep 689 4- Compare also 67,1; 67,13-
12 bsing (Nominalbildung 635) has taken btrl-sb3 tbo be a comp-ound
noun meaning "door-post"* The occasional reversal of the two terms
and their separation when different materials are involved showthat this compound is in fact a writing of "the door-frame (4trlw)
and the door-leaves (sb3w)"* See further under tW39 below p. 276.
13 Peetq op, cit*t Ht pl. XXq 2-XXIP 39 passim.
14 Lefebvret loc. cit..
15 Sauneron, loc. citoo
16 Chicago Universityp loco cit. o17 Mariettep loco cite*
18 Gardiner,, loco cito,
19 Cerny and Gardinerp loc. cit.,
20 Ce=yv loc. citoo
21 See, Janssenq OP, cit,, v 391-
22 Ibid. 9 392.
231Zat%Unerq Egyptian Hieratic Textsq 1,54,7-8-
24 Posenerg Catalogue des Ostraca hieratiques litteraires de Deir El-
Medinah, IP Pl-7P 10-
25 Gardinerv ON cit-P 17*-
26 Posener, op. cit-v Pl-7Aq 10.
27 Janssen gives the etymology of 4tri as being derived from the noun
fOr"twins" andy thereforep prefers to interpret the building element
as a term for the two jambs alone. He compares it to 4tr "a span
of oxen" (Janssen, op- cit-., 391)- However, both these terms are,
one would think,, derived from theverbal stem
kLtr "to tie together"
(Wbot 1119 202p 2-3) indicating that it is the notion of the comb-
ination of various elements (jambsand lintel or various animals)
that is inherent in terms formed from this stem.
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jqR
hm
2Lyne VI Dyne VT Dyne XVII,
3
o-1,4a56
Dyne, XVIII Dyne XVIII Dyne Xvilla0
111
-wot- rlXVII127 Dyne XVIII8 Dyne XV1119
2, =-kix 2 (D
-.=Yor- -.1.,1,0
L -iDyne XVIII1 0
1ýDyne XVII19 XIX
.W -f I'.?
a
Dyne XVII 112
1ý\aDyne Xvjnl
30 Dyne XVI1,1439
C-73 -&&
i
=-- C--3
Dyn* Mjjl 5 Dyn o xl: x16 Dyne XIX17
17730 C-3 11% Z-- C-M 0
PO
III
Dyne XIX9
XX18
-3Dyne XXV
19Ptol.
20
CD 2x c -.Csov--at, Ms. 0 t-3 I
Ptol.21
0 11ptol.
22Ptol.
23
Icaý
F-
la C'm C-3 C-3
From the Eighteenth Dynasty onwards hm is a very co=on term and it
is carious that prior to the New Kingdom it has survived in only one
place., the Pyramid texts. Undoubtedly it was also in use during the
intervening period and it is to be regretted that other examples
have not yet been disobvered.
There are very few bmw which can be identified with the result
that it is not possible to decide whether or not a bm differed in any
major respect from other shrines. It would seem to be likelyp howeverp
that a ýE-shrine was one of the Lower Egyptian type ]Isinceg in
the few writings where a determinative other thanc-3 is employedg
this is the shrine-type chosen* If this is correct it would seem to
be logical to connect the Im-shrine with the ancient Lower Egyptian
city of Letopolist the name of which was also 11m.24
Such a connection
can be supported by a text from one of the stelae from the South Tomb
of the Step Pyramid of Djoser at Saqqara* The stela in question showsthe kingg wearing the red crowng standing (or
striding forward) carry-
ing a mace and a short stave. The vertical text readsýc*av- 0, <), n0 25
This is clearly a reference to the shrine of the falcon-god of Let-
OPOlis, identified with a form of Horus.26
The scene shows a part of
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199
the lib-s ceremony although its exact interpretation is uncertain.
The king may be visiting a shrine or founclng one. Whatever the nature
of the scene it isy perhapap possible to see in this writing of "the
shrine ofHorus
ofletopolis"
an originfor the bm-shrine
which,how-
everg later became indistinguishable from other shrine-words.
The earliest recognised occurrence of the tem, in the Pyramid
Texts, isp unfortunatelyp not connected with either Letopolis o2 Horas
but with Imtett the goddess of Imet (Nebeshah) in the Eastern Delta.27
"Imtet grasps my (the king1s) hand for herself in her bLM, in her secret
place which the god made for her".28
It would seem likelyp therefore,
that, by the Sixth Dynastyt whatever the type of shiine originally
involvedv bm h-ad*bdcome a word for a shrine in general.
Prom the Eighteenth Dynasty Ibmv often in the plural, occurs in
non-specific contextst referring to cult-centres which cannot be iden-
tified.
J!qq"I sanctified their ým7 for the future. I embellished their r-pru.
"You have purified the bmw and the r-prull (speech of Thoth to
Seti 1)030
11.....the
jimw being enlargedt the favourites of all the godsp eachone in the 1)wnn which he has desired.,,
31
The restoration stela of Tutankhamun tells of the parlous state
of the temples and shrines of the gods following the reign of Akhen,;.
aten. "Now when his majesty arose as king, the r-prw af the gods and
goddesses o. oo... had fallen into rain, their bmw had faILlen into
decayq their 17wnnwwere as if they had never existed and their ýwt
(pl. ) were a trodden path.,,32
After the king had restored the cult-
placesp "the gods and the goddesses are joyfulv the possessors ofhmw rejoice.,,
33
34Other texts refer to specific bmwbut these can not be identified,
In one case the location of the bm is known but the building itselfhas not survived, This is the temple of Hathor at Cusaepwhich wasrestored by Hatshepaut. "The hwt-ntr S.,. "had fallen into rain, the
35earth had swallowed up its noble bm and children danced on its tp-hwt. "
This text would suggest that the bmwas a pv-rt of the temple (hwt-ntperhaps the sanctuary itself. This is supported by comparison withone of the few ýmwwhich can be identified,
The sanctuary which Hatshepsut erected in the temple of AmanatKarnak is described variously as a hwt, !Lwt-ntro t5t wrt, sh-ntr as wellL-
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200
as a hm in two separate texts. Cne of these is on a block from the
V
sanctuary itself, inscribed for Tathmosis III when he was still co-
ruler with Hatshepsut. "He made as his monument for his father the
erecting, for him of a noble hm (called)ýImn-st-lbv
in granite and
hard stone of the Red Mountain (quartzite). it36
The second example
comes from the main Amun temple. IrNow my majesty erected for him a
noble bm (called) "Imn-st-lb.,.,. in hard stone of the Red Mountaing
The namep 'Imn-st-lb, is def-its interior worked with electrum. "37
initely that of the Hatshepsut sanctuary so that there can be no doubt
about the identification of this particular bm.
.
Lnother bm is also mentioned on one of the blocks from this sanc-
e--5-2M 38uary, in a list of temples; 4Aýae- 0 It is possible
that this bm is to be equated with anotherl the Eighteenth Dynasty
temple at Medinet Habu. Hatshepsut built a temple here on the site
of an earlier one and Tathmosis III later replaced the front part
of the queen's building with a peripteral chapel containing a barque
39 0 St-/e!, CAshrine. This structure the king described as -, C,
3M .. VC-3 <>
,,%40 The temple on this site was dedicateda sacred bm in sandstonet-
41to A= !ýSr-st and the fall name of the Tathmoside temple seems
to have been (Mn-bpr_r, ) 1j=-f1sr_st.42
Since Tuthmosis III described
the temple as a bm g1sr it is not unreasonable to suggest that the
hwt called bm 4sr, named on the sanctuary block, might be the name
of the temple of Hatshepsut on the same site.43
In the temple of Seti I at Abydos, the chapels of Isis,44
Horus45
and Osiris46 are each described as bmv as is the hypostyle hall of
the temple of thesame
4ingat
Qurna.47
Lm contined to be used$ althpugh sporadicallyp into the Ptolemaic
period but it does not seem to have been used in demoticq nor to have
recurred in Coptic.
Like so many termsp bn would have had a specific meaning origin.,
allyp probably a Lower Egyptian shrine connected with Letopolis. How-
ever the meaning of the term broadened so that it could be used of
any kind of shrine or chapel andy later stillg of a hall within a
temple,
1 PY-r-9 1139b.
2 Loco cit,,
3 Urk- . IV, 96,409 102y 1.
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201
4 Lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle d'Hatshepdout a Karnakq 1,779
124-
5 Ibid., 2611 411-
6Urk-9 IVY 383,17; 1411,6
(withthe first two signs reversed).
7 Ibid., IVP 386,5; KRI, 1,165,16 (partially reatored); 1779 1-
8 Irk., IV, 881,10; 16510,6 (with the first two signs reversed).
9 Ibid*, 167,1-
10 Ibid., 576,10. Faulkner (Con. Dict. 9 191) takes this to be a sep-
arate termt 1jm, "sacred image", for which he cites only this ex-
ample. This is possible although it could also be a writing of bm
"shrine" with a false determinative.
11 Urk-t IVY 1071,7; Badawy, Mi scellant-a 17ilbo=a3lap 1,5P figt4;
Mariet6e, Abydosp It pl*XIXq e;
12 Urkop TV9 1152v 17; 1329j, 10; KRIY 1,161,1; 1589 11-
13 RLic. v IVY 16909 6; 2o27,6.
14 Ibid, q IV, 19469 11.
15 Ibid#q IVY 20309 14-
16 MY It 197P 5; similarly, with%ý, for r--- and (S restored, 216,
15-17 jbid. 9 It 2149 12.
18 Ibidej 1,190,11; V, 116,10.
19 Urk-Y 111,351,2.
20 Ibid9,11,46,14-
21 Chassinat, Edfou, 119 9.
22 Urk.,-Ilp
186t 8; Chassinat, opp cit. 9 . ,285-
23 Mariette, Denderah, I, pls-469 a, 4; 54, b (bottom).
24 T! -, MY 280,15; Gauthier, Dictionnaire Geographibqu9
IVY 175;
Montetv Geocraphie do 1'Egypte ancienne, 19 50-51-
05 Firth and (Quibellq The Step Pyrami v IIP P1-41-
26 Montet, op. cit-, It 51-52.
27 Ibid*, It 180-1829
28 EY-rev 1139b,
29 Urko j 379 102,1.
30 My It 1909 11.
31 Urket IVt 383P 17-
32 Ibid., IVY 20Z7,6.
33 rbideq IVY 2030P 14-
34 E-9-9 Ibid., IVt 11529 17; 13299 10.
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ZOZ
35 LILld-9, IV9 3869 5-
36 Lacau and Chevrier, loc. cit--
37 qrk. j, in, 167P I-
38 Lacauand
Chevrier,op. cit-,
779 124-
39 pm. 9 Jjv pl. XLV9 1.
40 Urk. 9 IV, 681,10-
41 See; H61scher, Exe. Med. Habut 11,46; Helck, Ilaterialen zir Wirt-
schaftsgeschichte des Neuen Reichest 74, D, le
42 Urkep IV9 882,3-
43 Lacau and Chevrier (loc. ci .ý suggest no identification for hm dsrp
neither do Dttol,, Topographie des Thebanischen Gaues, 25 (wrongly
quoted as 27 by Lacau and Chevrier, OP- cit-, 77, note 6) and Helck,
OP- cit-, 53,5-
44 KRI, 1,158,11.
45 Ibidov 1,161,1.
46 Ibid., 1,165,16.
4T Ibide, Iv 214P 12; 216,15-
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203
at wrt
Dyn- XVIII' Dyn, XV1112,
Dyn. XVIIII XIX3
Dyn. XVIII24 Ibm. XVIIII 5 Dyn. XVIIIq XIX6
XIxq Ptole XIx.C-3r=-
ý<=.C-3
Dyn. XVIII7.
Dyn. XVnI8=, .
Dyn. XVIIlv9
M r_3Pýp
r. 3 XIX
N, Kop Dyn. XX10
Dyne XIX" Dyn. XIX12
j C-2, I'll-F, 93,c, 4=
C-3 :=> C-3
JC-3
pgý
Dyn. XjXl3
Dyn. XIXI4
Dyn. XIXI5
Dyn. XIX16
A
Dyn. XIXI 7 Dyn. XX18
ýn
-41pýj e, J'mc=:C-3
Dyn. XXl9
Dyn. XX20 Ph* ArO
ý siý, Acmk E-3Co2i V-3 \-mý
C"3
Ptole22
ptolo,23
Ptole24
_d,, X
C:7-3
Aae)
ptol,25
M. => 0
The originalv and main, meaning of st wrt26
is a "throne" of either
a king or a god.27
In the early Eighteenth Dynasty st wrt seems to
have been transferred to the pedestal upon which the sacred barque of
a god could rest, when in procession. These pedestals were usaally
situated within a stone barque-shrineq open at both ends to allow
ease of access for the priests carrying the barque. Brovarski28
has
previously noted this specific use of the term in the Eighteenth Dyn-
astyp and has pointed out thatt on the blocks from the Karnak sanct-
uary of Hatshepsutp the barque of AmLm is depicted on a pedestal and
is described as Utp br at wrt*29
In two examples the location of the
pedestal is described in greater detail;
"Resting upon the st wrt in Karnak (Ipt_swt).,, 30
"Restingupon
thest wrt
in Amun-Djeser-Djesera, in the monument
of Maatkare" (the mortuary temple of Hatshepsut at Deir El-Baha: ri)031
In such scenes st wrt was being used of the pedestal itselfq an
obvious extension of its original meaning. Howeverl in the same period
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20t
st wrt was extended in meaning still further and came to be used to
describe the entire shrine, not just the pedestal within it. The
sanctuary of Hatshepsut ()Imn-st-i)b) is itself called a at wrt in
a building inscription of Tathmosis III from Karnak;
"Now my majesty erected for him (Amun) a noble_ýmq'Imn-st-lbf
his at wrt like the horizon of heaven in quartzite (Inr n rwdt nt
4w d'Sr)p its interior worked with electrtlm.,,32
Another text may also describe the same sanctuary as a st wrt.
This is the autobiographical stela of Djebuty who was in charge of
many building projects in Thebes daring the reigns of Hatshepsut and
Tuthmosis Mo Among the buildings to which he "led the craftsmen to
work" was allst. wrtg a sbL-ntr built in graniteet. 33 Unfortunately the
name of this sanctuary is not given so that it cannot be proved to
be that of the Amun temple. However, if it is not to be so identified
then the Amun sanctuary would be omitted from the list of the queen's
works for Amunl, which is unlikely. The fact that the shrine is desc-
ribed as being made of granite, rather than quartzite and granite as
id the case, is no real problem.34
Thesame stela of
Djehatymentions work on
two otherswt w: tg
one
of which cannot be identified. This is a llsbý-ntr, 34t-ntrl, his at wrt
in electnim of the best of the foreign landsti.35
The namep 3)jt ntr
cannot be related to any known shrineL.
The remaining sanctuary for which Djehuty was responsible has
36been identified, by Brovarskiq with the sanctuary of the temple of
Hatshepsut at Deir El-Bahari;
VI led the craftsmen to carry out works on lac-ibtq the st wrt of
Aman, his horizon which is in the westq all its doors (-1w) were of
true cedarg worked with bronze,,.37
Since the description of this
sanctuary follows immediately after Djehuty's description of the
temple at Deir El_Bahari9, )Imn-dsr-dsrwv 731--3bt could well be the name
of the sanctuary of Hatshepsat's temple.
In the reign of Tuthmosis III the temple of Ptah within the Aimin
enclosure at Karnak was rebuiltt and the king describes how he "dec-
orated(?
sw1b38) his st wrt with fine metals and precious stonest, 039Interestingly at wrt soon came to be applied to entire temples
or to halls within temples other than the sanctuarye The hypostyle-
hall of Tuthmosis 19 between the Fourth and Fifth Pylons at Karnakq
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zos
ts called, in an inscription of Amenhotep II; fla wsbt of w5d-coll-Imns,
" oe-eo-a st wrt for the Lord-of-Allo ressembling the horizon which
is in heavenllt40 and the temple of Azenhotep III at luxor is described
as "sacred 1peti, his st wrt of the first time ,,,41
In the Nineteenth Dynasty st wrt occurs frequently in the dedica-
tory texts of the temple of Seti I at Abydos. These texts in the Sati
temple are problematical as it is difficult to decide as to whether
they are listing various elements in the temple, or using different
terms in parallel to describe either the whole templev or parts of it.
For example the texts on the inner door of the aisle of Re-Horakhty
in the second hypostyle hall state that the king made a pr wr in gold,
a st wrt in gold9 a sacred ch in goldv a bwt-1-3t in goldq a bwt-ntin gold and a horizon of eternity in gold.
42This sequence would seem
to suggest that each of the terms is being used to describe the temple
itself but the dedicatory texts from the aisles of the other godsp
which include rather more specific terms such as sbbtg sb39 and t3,
can only be understood as lists of parts of the temple.43
Similar
parallel texts are found within the shrines of the gods44 and these
shrines are themselves actually called swt-wrt in the main dedications
of each shrine;
lloooemaking for him (Ptah)a pt wrt //// sb3w in electrimll.
45
"soeeMaking for him (Re-Horakhty)a st wrt decorated with golds,
its sbiw gilded with electrtim".46
lloootmaking for him (Osiris) a st wrt /// in front of the Lord-of-
Ta-Djeserv a pr-wr gilded with electnimp its sbiw47
11-ooomaking for her (Isis) a st wrtP radiant with every precious
stonep its sbsw gilded with electrim.,, 48
The chapel of Seti himself is described as a "noble pr-wr in my
hwt of millions of years, my st wrt beside their majesties. .49
The
dedicatory text from the chapel of Amun is damaged at the relevant
point*50
The temple of Razesses II at Abydos had aq more usualj, single
sanctuary, lined with alabaster walls and a pink granite ceiling.51
This is described, ona
block from theceiling as
"ast wrt in alab-
aster,,52
andg, in a longer building text from tine exterior of the
templev as "a st wrt in pure alabaster, roofed in graniteli.53
The sanctuary of the temple of Seti I at Gurna is stated to be alist wrt in electrilyn in which the god rests,.,,
54
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206
In Papyrus Harris I st wrt is used for the sanctuaries of the
,,55
temples of Re at Heliopolisy "the st wrt in gold, the tLV in ketem,
and of Ptah at Memphisp It its st wrt being enlarged like a pr-w , cov-
ered by a t3yt of gold like the -bwy of heaven.,,56
The term is also
used in the same papyrus to describe an entire temple, 57
In the temple of Ramesses III at Medine. t Habuq the barque-rooms
of Amunq Khonsu and Montha58
are'each called 11st wrt in the bwt of
Usermaatre-Meryaman. to59
The barque-shrind of the Amun temple at Karnak was replaced during
the regency of Philip A:rhidaeus who describes how "the st wrt of Amun
which had been built in the time of the majesty of the King of Upper
and Lower Egyptq Menkheperre-I had fallen into rain .... his majesty
built it anew in granite. '#60
In the Graeco-Roman Period st wrt was often used to mean an entire
temple61
but it was also still appliedt specificallyq to the sanctuary62 63
of a temple. This is so at Edfu and in the temple of Opet at Karnak*
The development of st wrtv from "throne" to "barque-pedestal'" and
then to "barque-shrinelyl "sanctuary" and 11templeR seems to have occurred
ina
shortperiod of
time in the Eigbteenth Dynasty,although
it is
always possible that the term had these meanings in earlier periods
for which there are fewer extant building textso Cnee these extended
meanings were established, they remained in use through to the Ptol-
emaic Period in hieroglyphic texts, although st wrt does not seem to
occur in the demotic script.
1 Lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle d'Hatshepsout a Karnak, It 1579
1197; 349vj 615; 35091 617-
2 ibidop It 34791612 (for a photograph of this hlock see; Chevxier,
ASAE 26 (1926), pl,. IVt 0); 34891 613 (photograph; Pillety ASAE 23
(1923)9 Pl-IV-
3 lacau and Chevrierq op. cit-9 It 17291 233; KRI9 It 134P 5; 1509 7;
1519 13-
4 'ýr-k-r IVt 3429 11; 15719 10; KRI9 It 1319 7; Chassinatv Edfoup It
480; IIP 36.5 Urk.
9 IV, 167v 2 (with final =restored); 421,10; 4229 17; 425t 9;
7669 7; 17099 13; 1726,17; KRI9 19 130P 5; 1329 12; 1649 14; Mar-
iette, Abydost 19 P1-30y a and b; Erichsenq PaPYrus Harris 1.519
9; Chassinat, OP- cit-, IVP 5; De Witt Inscriptions du Temple d'Opet
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ao, 7
a Kaxnakv 98; 99 (both with Id. v Ch. d1E9- 36 NO-71 (Jan,
uaryq 1961), 67; Mariettev Denderahq IIIt pl-71, bo 4-5-
'6 Urk-P IV9 4279 15; K-RIt It 1559 4; 1609 13-
7 Urk-9 IVP 13319 17-
8 -ýIbidev IV9 20839 15-
9 Ibid., 17j 1918,11; Mariette, Abydosp II, pl. 199 a.
10 Cerny and Gardinerp Hieratic Ostracat It pl. XLV,, 4P 5; Erichsenq
ON cit -9 309 5-6; 50j, 16-
11 Griffithp ýEA 13 (1927)9 pl*XXXIX* This is in an epithet of Ptahj
h:L7 st wrtv which is more often written without the determinativep
e*g*v Urkop IVO 10029 5; 1936,10;: KRI9 It 59v 13-
12 Ibid9t It 1519 Ot 9 and 10; 158v 7; 1639 10; 2199 16.3 Ibid., I, 160t 3 and 4-
14 Lbid. v It 157,11 and 12.
15 Ibidop It 1499 14 and 16; 149P 13 andi15 (with an open door); 154t
10 and 11.
16 Ibido, It 43t 2*
17 Mariette, Abydo 9 UP Pl-3P 4,-
18 Chicago Universityq Oriental Institute, Med. H VII9 Pl-5019 A;
(without the determinative, Ibidet VII9 pl-5019 B).
19 Ibid*9 VI9 Plo409-
20 Ibidp VIt pl-4419 c-
21 Urk*t 119 109 7o
22 Mariette, Denderahv I, Pl-46j at 2*
23 ILT9 119 244-
24 Chassinatq oPo cit-P It 574-
25 Ibid-9 It 22; 35; IIP 79-
26 For the view that this term should be read st wrrt see; Fechtq
Wortakzent und Silbenstruktur, 6-8,10.
27 Vb., IVP 79 4-7- See alsov in further detail, Kuhlmann, Der Thron
im. alten1gyptent 28-32*
2B Brovarskip !LEA 62 (1976)9 72-73-
29 lacau and Chevrierv op- Cit-P It 3479t 613; 349Pj 615; 350,1 617-
30 Ibid*
9
It 157P 1 197-
31 Ibideq It 17291 233-
32 Urk., Up 167,2*
33 Ibid*, IV9 4279 15-
01 34 See further under sbý-ntrt Po253-
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2og
35 lr--k- 9 Iv-P 4219 10.
36 Brovarski, loc. cit..
37 Urk- t IV9 422,17-
38 See; Faulkner, Con. Dict., 216.
39 U-rk-, IVP 7669 7-
40 Ibidep IV9 13319 17-
41 Ibid*, IV9 1709,13-
42 KRIt IV 131P 4-15-
43 Ibidot, 3;129-135-
44 Ibidep Ig 147-163-
45 Ibidop I, 149p 9-16.
46 Ibidep It 1519,3-10-47 Ibid. 9 It 154t 10-15o
48 ]Qjýidot It 1579 11-14-
49 rbid., It 148,1-29
50 Ibid. v IV 1539 3-5-
51 P-M-9VIS, 38-39-
52 Mariette, Abydosp II, pl. 199 a.
53 Pý-id-q 119Plo3t
4-
54 KRIq IV 219,16o
55 Erichsen, opo cito, 30t 5-6.
56 Ibidep 509 15o
57 'LILido9 51P 9.
58 Rooms 7v 15 and 33P see; PM*q IIj pl. XLVIII*
59 Chicago Universityq Oriental Institutep op. cit P IVP Pls-409; 4419
0; VII9 P1-501P A and B. 60 Urk. t 119 109 7-
61 Mariette, Dender P It PI-46, at 2; IIIP PI-7, bp 4-5; LDTI 11*,. 244;
Chassinatt Edfoup It 22; 35; 574; IIP 79-
62 De Wit, Cho WE . 36 NO-71 (Januaryp 1961), 67-
63 :Ldeq Inscriptions du Temple dtCpet a Karnakq 98; 99 (the dedicatory
text which mentions the st wrt is actually situated in the room (No.
VII) immediately before the sanctuary (No. X)t but there can be nodoubt that the description refers to the latter (for a plan of the
templesee; PM,t II0 pl, XXII)e
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209
s3t
Dyne V' Dyne Vp2
MOK03
4=, mp as u xviii pd. Yll
AM
Dyne x114 1,11 H MOK*53ý, Yff Cl
111
2ndo Int.6
Dyne XV1117Q N. K.
ap 19Dyn. XVIII
,,,,,Dyne XV1119 Dyn. XIX
P6
1213
Dyne XIXC6 c6, ý .
Dyn. XXITO
x Ptole%JLx
I
Dyne XXV14 Dyne XXV15 Dyn
r-73 IIIýg I
ptol.17
Ptol.18
CLPtole
19
ptol.20
The W8rterbuch quotes references for s3t only from the Middle Kingdom
onwards21
but the term occurs in three places in the Old-Kingdom
Abusir Papyriv although not in contexts which are of any great value
for elucidating the meaning of the term* In one exampleg the 83t '822
made of wood and is subdivided into I'southern'19 "middle" and'horthernU
Another occurrence mentions the s3t of a palace23
and a thirdv the
eastern sit of a granary (6nwt). 24
Chronologically the next known example of the term is in an early
Middle-Kingdom graffito from the quarries at Hatnub where it seems
to have been used for the wall of the quarry itself.25
In the Teach-
ing of Amenemhat 19 133t, determined with the wall-signv ocefirs in the
description of a prp "decorated with gold, its h-lywt in lapisp the26-
s3t in silver, " An inscription of Hapdjefa from Siut tells how the
nomarch "erected (t s2ýwt which were destroyed".27
and the AdmonitionsLS)describe how the children of princes were dashed against s3wt.
28
Such texts give no indication of any difference in meaning bet-
ween s3t and other terms for a wall. However, from the Eighteenth
Dynastyp a specific nuance of meaning for s3t becomes apparent.
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210
An inscription of Sen:mut at Deir El-Bahari records that he was
permitted to perpetuate his name on all the sjwt in the service of
the king (Hatshepout)t in her mortuary temple (Djeser-djesera) and in
ther-p of
thegods of
Upperand
Lower Egypt.29
Temple-walls upon
which the name of an official can be inscribed must be made of stonev
suggesting that s3t was not used of,, for examplev brick enclosure
walls. Other texts also specifically use s3t when referring to insc-
ribed walls. 30
"I built this tomb .... *, the inscription (s's) made its sawt great. "
"His maJesty ordered thý, t the victories which Aman had given to
him should be perpetuated on the stone s-st in the 4wt-ntr. 1,31
1109 those who will pass by this bwt000o. and will look at the s3wt
and will recite from my utterancesp may the King of Upper and Lower
Egypt favour and love (them)*,, 3233
"The inscription (s's) upon the sstv engraved with the Great Namell
"Your sacred images cut upon the 03w(t).,,34
"His S3wt engraved with his cartoucheis35
It would seemp thereforep that S3t was used mainly for a stonep
inscribed wall in texts which datefrom the New Kingdom
andlater. A
text of the reign of Ramesses II allows the meaning to be even more
specifically definedo It refers to a building attached to the Ramess-
eum; "the inbw in stone, engraved on the M3wt with inscriptions of
Thoth.,,36
SSt here mast refer to the surface of the wall upon which
texts could be carvddo Traunecker has suggested that a s-bt wast "plus
specialement a 11origine les parois d1un muroll37
This is supported
by a description of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak as a "fine ms4nt for
the Ennead, surrounded by open- and closed-capital coluinnsq its sawt
like the limits of the cultivation (tnwil).,, 38The walls in question
are the inscribed inner walls of the hall.
This term does, thereforep seem to have had a particular meaning,
but, like so maT terms, it was used less-accurately as time went In
andf by the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty at least, it was being used as a non-
specific term for a wallo S3W(t) occurs often in the stela of Pianchi,
in the descriptions Of the various seiges by which the king, )took
control of Egypt939 and seems to be a general term for "wall", It
certainly does not retain, in this stela, its original meaning,
S3t is found as a word for a wall in Ptolemaic textS4O and also
occurs in the demotic script4l but does not survive into Coptico
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21t
1 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalv The Abu Sir Papyriq pl,, LVIIIA, G,
2 Ibid. 1, Pl-XIXA, 4; LUVIAp M (partial); Urk. 0 IV9 1048,5 (in plu-
ral)o
3 Anthes, Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub, Pl-139,91,9. The exact
date of this graffito is disputed, but it is probably of the early
Middle Kingdom.
4 Do Buckq The Egyptian Coffin Textsq V9 32e
5 1ýrkep VIIP 56,7-
6 Gardiner, Admonitionso 4# 3; Malininev BIPAO 34 (1934), 65-
7 HaYesp. MDAIK 15 (1957)t 85P fig-3-
8 lErk. I IV, 6841 10-
9 Ibid* I Up 1845P 13-10 KRIP 1,186,9; L--D-P 1119 170-171-
11 KRI9 1,2029 9*
12 Ibidp It 194p 2@
13 7(b., Belegstellen, IV9 5; Chassinatt ýdfouj 1,. 18; Idot Denderaho
1119 62 (similar).
14 'g-rk--t IIIP 5v 15-
15 Ibideq 169 1; 30t 1T; 3Tv 14; 32t 3-
16 Ibid., 24Y 1; 34,1 and 3-
17 Chassinatv Edfoup It 327-
18 Mariettet Denderah, III Pl-179 d (twice); III pl, 82p c*
19 Ibid*, IIIv pl. 689 i.
20 Pierretj Insc. Louvre, 111 21 (C*232).
21 Wbp IVp 14,4-14-
22 Posener-Krie'ger and De Cenivalp op. cit. v pl. LVIIUp G.
23 Ibid. 9 pl. XIXA, 4-
24 ýLbid. j pl. LXXVIA, M.
25 Anthes, loc. cit..
26 Malinineg loc* cit.. Since floors (a2Lw) are often described as
being made of silverg it is possible that the text is corrupt at
this point.
27 jrk#q VIIP 569 7-
28 Gardinerp loc. cit..
29 Helck, loc. cit..
30 Urk- I IVP 1048,5-
31 Ibidol No 6841 10-
32 Ibid., IV, 1845P 13-
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III
33 KRIt It 194v 2.
34 Chassinat, op. cit., 1,18.
35 Marietteg op. cit-Y IIt Pl-179 d (twice),
36 L*D*q 1119 170-171-
37 Trauneckerv Karnakv V, 153P 4 and note 3-
38 KRIq It 2029,9,
39 Urk-9 IIIv 5t 15; 16,1; 24,, 1; 30v 17; 319 14; 329 3; 349 1 and 3-
40 Chassinatp OP- cit-9 It 18; 327; Mariettet OP- cit-P Ht P18-17Y
" d; 82, c.
41 Erichsen, Ddmotisches Glossart 405-
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21S
sat
Dyne Vp M.K.1
C-72 -%-
C=
C=1952-
Dyna XVIII 4 N, K&5%
I st. Int .21 st. Int.
C=
C=Dyne XVIII
The W6rterbuch suggested that this term, for which it cited only two
references,7
meant "Passb6den-plattenllo8
The earliest example occurs
in a damaged inscription of the Fifth Dynasty from Saqqaraq
(I) built the ewp (I) did not lay down (orp overlay) the s3wt. 119
10The use ol the verb dr with sswt would certainly support such a mean-
ing as that given by the W6rterbuch, since dr is elsewhere used with
s.3ty "floor"."
However the other texts in which s3wt occurs are not
so easy to interpret.
In the description of the tomb of Ankhtifi at Moalla the sit, which
was brought from Elephantine, appears to be an element in a door*12
The same is true of an occurrence in the Book of the DeadfitrI will
not let you pass over metv said the sst of this sb3, tunless you tellme my name$*"
13These two passages would suggest that s3t could be
used facýthe thresh6ld of a door. In anotherv damaged, text, the
sawt are mentioned in proximity to doors (caw) and are probably also
"thresholds". 14
In two templesp however, the s3,wt are described along with columns.
The first example is on the inscriptions of the red-granite papyri-
form-cluster columns of Amenemhat III from Crocodilopolisq ftalcing a
ws4t, its w3dw and its s3wt in granitep its sbzw in electrum. it 15
Texts from the temple of Hathor at Serabit El-Khadim in Sinai des-
cribe "erecting for her sawt and 3.wnw of sandstone"s16
In these cases
03Wt may refer to the bases upon which the columns stood.
Basically s3t seems to have been a term for a stone element at
floor-level, a threshold, column-base or flooring itself* It is prob-
ably related to an identically-spelled term which is determined with
-J', , and which seems to refer to "Planks" or "beams" of wood. 17
I Urk. t Iq 18it 10 (Quibellp Saqqaraq 1907-8t Pl-IXIP 3); Habachip
ASAE 37 (1937)v 88 (L. Dot Up 1189 g).
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21+
2 Vandier, Mdallav 2329 Vt--, t 5; Pl-XX-
3 ClZre and Vandierv Textes de la premiZvPeriode inte=ediaire et
de la XIeme Dynastie, 46,11.
4 Gardiner, and Peet, The Inscriptions of Sinai, I, pl*LXXIX9 3179 Ap
as
5 Budge, The Book of the Dead,, (1898)9 Text, 264,12&
6 Gardiner and Peet, opo cite, 19 pl*LUIV, 310, (a).
7 Habachi# loc. cite; Urk., Iq 181,10; (cited by earlier publications,
8 Wbop 111,412,14- see note 11 above).
9 Urk,, Iv 181,10,
10 Wb-9 V, 475,3-6.
11 !!-.k-, IVP 11509 13; 1164t 9-
12 Vandier, loc* cit**
13 Budge, loc* cite,
14 Clere and Vandier, loc. cit.,
15 Habachi, loc, cit**
16 Gardiner and Pe6t, op* cite, pl. LXXIX9 317, Ag a; of. also Ibid. 9
Pl-LXXIVP 310t (a).
17 Do Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, 19 254ta;
Urk.9
IV9 7079 14;
Compare also siw "der Balken" (1b.t 111,4199 14-17) and s3which
occurs in the Abusir Papyri, Posener-Kri`oger, BeitrAge Me, 120
Festschrift Ricke, 76-77-
See further belowt 23twv addendum, p. 216-218-
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216
s stw
Dyn. XVIII Dyne XVIII2
Dyn. XVIIIp XX
Vill
456*K* NsK, Late PeriodVitt%
ah e
7Sstw is originallyp and usuallyp a term for the earth or the ground,
and its use in architectural contexts as a word for the floor can be
easily understood. It is probably also connected with the term s3t
which was used for thresholds and flooring.8
Sitw does not seem to
have beenapplied
toa
floor ina
building before the New Kingd6m.9
The meaning of this term is not in any doubt and a few examples
will suffice to show its typical usage.
"I led the craftsmen to work on the works in the pr of Amun****.
oeeitS 83tW worked with gold and silver. "10
"Making for him (Amun) a bm of goldp its s3tw in silver*"
"Bringing Asian copper which his majesty brought from campaign
in Retenut to gild the %3w-doors of the sb-ntr of Aman in lpet-sat,
its 83ty overlaid with gold (nbwy), -11
12 -
A mythological example from a Late-Period papyrus illustrateop
clearlyg the meaning of the term; "As for the House of Lifeq it is
in Abydo9q,,,,,.-,. Geb is its 83tW and Nut its ceiling qjý). I#
13
Ally was not often used to mean"floor" and does not recur as
such in either demotic or Coptic texts*
U-rko, IV, 1589 15; 423,10; 1331,18; 1648,10; 16509 16; 1668,
49
2 Ibidep IV9 1329# 10.
3 Ibid. t IV9 1150,13; Champolliont Notices Descriptives, 1,733
(Lb-t 111,424,89 wrongly quotes this reference as Ibid., Up
732).
4 Wreszinski, Der Papyras Ebers, 203,17-
5 Budget The Book of the Dead (1898)p Textt 267 (Chapter 125P 44)-
6 Derchain, le Papy-rus Salt 825P 8*9 VIP 8o
7 not IVP 423-424-
a See above, s3t, p. 213-
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Ilb
9 An example from a stela of the Second Intermediate Period (Helck,
MDAIK 24 (1969)p 199; pl, XVII9 10) ofV "Q\ may be a different
word altogether since both the determinative used, and the context
of the part of the inscription in which the term occurs, would
suggest a translation of "door".
10 Urk-9 IV, 423P 10-
11 rbid.,, IV, 1329p 10*
12 Ibideq IV9 1150t 13-
13 Derchaing loce cit**
Addend=
After this study was completed there appeared a discussion of s3t
and s3tw by Frandsen in an article in which he publishes an additional
example of the former termq from a hieratic letter of the Middle King-
dom*' Essentially Frandsen's conclusions on the meaning of s3t do not
differ from my ownt although he makes no attempt to discuss the use
of the term in connection with columnso He regards a ast as having
beeng originallyt a "door-sill" with its meaning"later extended to
cover all kinds of paving".2
Howeverg Frandsen also equates s3t and s3twt regarding the latter
as aplural-form of the formerD3 This would seem to be in contradiction
to the evidence that astw (also written s3tw) is attested as a term
for "ground" "earth" from the Old Kingdom onwards.4
It would, there-
foreg seem to be not illogical to regard writings of in
building inscriptions as the word for "earth" transferred to an arch-
itectural context as a term for the "floor". This has been the gener-
ally accepted interpretation in the past, and one which I see no
reason to reject. Since Frandsen suggests that a s-st could also be
a paving block, he would presumably support a translation of "floor"
for the "plural" g1tw in most casesp although this would seem to be-
a rather tortuous route to arrive at the usual translation.
Re, doeep however, quote six examples of s3tw from Eighteenth
Dynasty building textepin which the element is described as being
made of, or decorated witht precious metals.5
Concerning these he
states; "the meaning Opavin&-block' 'sill' does not account satis-factorily for the Urkov IV examples where the sstw is said to be
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211
decorated (sbkr, sw1b9 dr) with precious metals. I would suggest that
s3tw is here used with reference to the block or blocks making up the
bed of the doort ie. the sill propery with the socket and the groove
leading into it".6
Frandsen does not make clear exactly what is the difference bet-
ween "the sill" and "the sill proper'19 and I see no reason to trans-
late these examples as anything other than"floor'le Although Frandsen
does not say sog he presumably would object to a'translation of "floor"
because these 83tW are decorated with metal. This can, however, be
compared with the expression t-sm 44 "floor of silver" which is found
with reference to the Amun temple at K=, * in the Twenty-First Dyn-
asty.7
In addition, metal-worked03tW are
often parts of shrines, 8
rather than of templesp and could easily have been covered with a
precious metal. Frandsen does not quote any of these examples, and
of the six he does mentiong only one is obviously a shrine. This is
the descriptiono from the tomb of Rekhmire, of the casting of metal
door.-leaves
(csw) for the sh-ntr of Amun at Karnak.9
The remaining
five examples are from general descriptions of temples of the Eight-
eenth Dynasty.10
In all of these sstw can be easily translated by
"floor"with the possible exception of the description of the door
of the Third Pylon at Karnak* In this text the sstw is a part of
the doorway, "***making for him (Amun)a very great sb3 before
Amun-Rep Lord of the Thrones of the Two Landsp worked in its ent-
irety in gold ..... its (masc. ) V decorated (swb) with silvertthe sbhwt in front of it being set in place".
"
In this example 93,brcould be being used for the door-sill. It
could also have been applied to the "floor" of the doorway since
a door in an Egyptian temple pylon was several feet thick andformed a passage through the thickness of the stone-work which
could haye been regarded as having had a "floor".
Frandsen, in cupport of his view that s-stw is a plural of a3t,makes the point thatp in the description of the temple of Monthu,
the adjective nb is used with e3twv rather than r-1-w. s, llimplSriag
"a Plurality of objects".12
It is also possible that sstw. s nb refersto "all its (the temple's) floors".
Although the similarity of stem of the two terma makes it likelythat they were connected in some way, I see no reason to regard s3twmerely as a plural-fo= of sjt9 nor to adopt a new translation for
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.219
the metal-decorated s1tw in the random examples quoted by Frandsent
1 Frandsenv JARCE 15 (1978)v 25-31-
2 Ibide 299
3 Ibid* 28.
4 T? -v 1119 423P 7-16; 424t 1-12, The term also survives into Coptic
as ECHT With the same meanings; Cernyj Coptic Etymological Diction-
aryp 38*
5 Fraudseng op* cit. p 27-289
6 Ibide 1 29*
7 no,, Vy 214P 15-
6 E*gop Urkop IV9 1329p 10; 1331P 18; Champolli ong Notices Descrjp-tives, 1. '133-
9 Urk. p IVP 1150P 11-14- Frandsen inaccurately translates alý-ntr as
"temple" (op. cit., 28y No. 8).
10 Urkep IVt 1648P 10; 16509 16; 16549 8; 16559 7; 16689 2-5-
11 Ibidop IVf 16541 4-9-
12 Frandseng op. citey 28.
13 ir-k-Y IV9 1668j, 4-
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219
sb 3
Dyne VI Dyne VI2
PA* Pj*1
TI R Dyne V13
Dyne Up 1st. Int. 4 Dyn. V15
M Dyne XII.
2nd. Int.Pj
-AW
lot. Int. t Dyne X1196
Dyne XII, XVII,t
XIX7* 1-3 2nd. Int. 9 Dyne
P]-R
I C-3
xviii8
".9 10
Dyne XIIpPtol. Dyne XII DYno XII*j C-3
Dyne XIIll Dyne XII12
Dyne XVIIIIPi ý< xixl3
Dyne XVIIII4
3)yn. XVII115
Dyne XVIII16
-K17
Dyne XVIII17* I' Dyne XVIII
18P,, Yyne XVIII19
_jcý
C-73
V-3Dyne XVIII20
p* TTDyne XVIII
21ciT
Dyne XVIII22
Dyne XVIII23
Dyne XVIII24 Dyn; XIX 'XXvý*j
.p 01,2ý
Dyne X3X26 Dyne XIX27
,,,,Dyn. X3X9 XX28
Dyne XIX29
Dyne XIX3031
Dyne XIX
Dyfie XIX32 rný& lp Dyne XIX33C-3 3
Dyne XX34 Dyne XX35
"IS,C--3 Ch
Dyne XX36 Dyne XX37 38Dyne XX
cC-3 C-3
41
-kj44 -7---'
Dyne XXV1139 ptol.40 Ptol*
There can be no doubt as to the basic meaning of sb3p both the det-
erminatives used and the contexts in which the word is found show
that sb3 is to be translated as "door"* There are, howeverp interest-
ing developments in the history of this word which make a re-examination
of the evidence valuable.
At first glance it would appear that there were many different
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110
ways of writing sb3 butt in actual factp many of the variants shown
above are isolated examples and the most frequent writing in the
building texts of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties was NO-13-
The Late Egyptian writings can be easily explained through confusion
with other words formed from the same stem, although sb-s "door" does
not appear to be related in meaning to these other words.42
The
earliest examples of sb3 date from the Fifth Dynasty and the word
was used consistently up top and including, the Ptolemaic period. " It
43 S9BILalso occuzredin demotic and survived into Coptic as CSe
cemFp
pie CBHY -k.44
The W6rterbuch noted that sb3 could refer to the entire doorwayg
the frame or the leaves45 and it is the question of exactly which parts
of the doo=wav were described as sb3.w which will be discussed here.
In the Abusir Papyri sb3 is used in a context in which there can
be little doubt that the entire doorway was intended since the sb3 n
hn is subdivided into c3wy-f "its leaves'19 sab. f (meaning uncertain)
and dsof "itself".46
Clearly sb3 here denotes the entire doorway9
although the designation of the frame as "itself" indicates that abs
could also be used of the frame alone. Thisis
also shownby those
examples which state that sb3w were made of stone. These include doors
for the pyramid-temple of Meren=e47 and a mortuary temple of the First
Intermediate Period.48
In the Middle Kingdom the first examples are found of actual door
frames which are labelled as "sb3ll. The gateway of the Middle Kingdom
temple of Thoth at HermopoliS is described as a sb3p49 as is the
gTanite door frame from the d-&ýp of Amenemhat I at QUantir5O and a
jamb found in the foundations of the temple of Medazuýd.51 This last
example is from a building named Wn htpw-ntr "storehouse of, divine
offerings". In the Middle Kingdom most buildings were constructed in
brick$ with only certain elements in the more costly stone. The door
frames were among these elements and consequently have survived,
often re-usedg when the rest of the building has been lost. It has52
been seenp so farp that sb3 was used of doorways in templest palaces
and administrative buildings. It was also used of the doors
of private house B53 and tombs54 as well as in mythological contexts.55
Two texts of the Second Intermediate Period show that at that
time sb3 was the name for the door frame alone and it did not referto the entire doorway which included the door leaves. A stela of
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22.1
Sebekhotep IV describes work at Karnak where the king erected a wooden
sb3 of 10 cubits with c3wy7r worked in gold and silver56 while a stela
from the temple of Min at Koptos tells of the sb)w and c3w having
fallen into ruin.57
As is the case with so many words sb3 has survived principally
in the detailed building texts of the New Kingdom. Undoubtedly sb-S was
a frequently oco=ring word prior to the Eighteenth Dynasty but few
useful texts have been preserved from the earlier periods. In the New
Kingdom many temple doorways were labelled 11sb3119 including the
doorways of pylons and other doorsp both in the temple proper and
in the enclosure wall. Such examples are too numerous to list in detail
and, in fact# little would be gained from this since the evidence is
quite conclusive, showing that sbj was used of the door frame which
was usually made of i3toAe .
58Some of these sb3w are described as being
made of meta,59
but it is the fact that the stone jambs could be
plated with metal to which reference is being made.60
It is princip-
ally in the Eighteenth Dynasty that sb3 was used of the monumental
stone door frame, although this usage continued into the Nineteenth
Dynasty and is foundpooccasionallyl later. A few examples will
suffice to demonstrate this use of sb3 in the New Kingdom.
nI inspected the erection of the great sb3(called))Imn-sbm-fSwp
its great r3 was of Asian copper. t,61
(Karnsk)
sb3w in granite of Elephantine, its c3W in bronze.*4, o
ý62
(A=mant)
"*ooe* `,3w in cedar worked with copperv the sb3w in granite. ,63
(Blephantine)
11..... sb3W in granitep their liwy in copper. " 64
"es-e9a sb31n black granitep c3wy-r banded with copper and giZLddd
with electrun. "65
(Both the temple of Ramesses II at Abydos)
Although in the New Kingdom sb3 was used principally for a monu-
mental temple doorwayp it could still be usedp but rarelyp of the
door of a private house66
andp more oftenp for palace doorways.67
From the Nineteenth Dynasty there is a change in meaning of sb3p
indicated by the use of the new determinatives and-, ^+ . The use
of these signs would suggest that sb3 has been transfer33iA from the
door frame to the door leafv a conclusion which is supported by the
contexts in which sb3 is found from this period. This change in
meaning of sb3 is Curious since the regular word for a door leaf
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222
c-3,9which had been in constant use from the early dynadtic periodp
still occurred, although it was not as frequently used as in earlier
periods.68
There cang howeverg be no doubt that sb3 was transferred from
the door frame t6 the door leaf. One indication of this is when the
sb3w of temples are described as being made of wood. Even in the
Middle Kingdom the doorways of brick temples were usually made of
stone and in the stone temples of the New Kingdom the only wooden
parts to a doorway were the door leaves. Since sb,. also retained its
original meaning this led to a situation where the same word was
used to describe both door frames and leaves in different texts rel-
ating to the temple of Seti I at Abydos. The actual doorways are
labelled 11sb3,69whilep
in the Nai; ri decreep the door leaves are
called sb3w and described as being "of cadar ..... gilded with electinun
and banded with copper......70
There are other texts where sb3w
made of wood are probably to be understood as door leaves.71
This
is particularly true of the work of Ramesses III at various temples
described in Papyrus Harris 1. As Christophe has n6ted72 sbsw in
this papyrus can always be translated as*1door leaves". Sbi in this
text is determined consistently with _--o I and although some of
the sbaw are described as being made of met&173 they are wooden
door leaves74 plated with gold or electrum.75
Whenever sb3, is
determined by -,=76
or _=-.77
it is probably safe to assume that
the intention is to refer to the door leaves.
One final example from the tale of the two brothers provides
clear proof that sb-3 could be used for a door leaf. When Bata
returned to the stablep "... he looked under the sb3 of his stall
(and) he saw the feet of his elder[brotherl
as he was standing
behind the sb3.,,78The
distinctive shape of the Egyptian door leaf
with the pivots and the resulting "cut-away" sections at the top
and bottoM79 is suggested here, and it is only if sb31S translated
as "door leaf" that the sighting of Anpuls feet "behind the Sb3lt
can be understood.
Sb3originally referred to the door frame whilec-w was used to
describe the leaves. The entire doorway could also be called sb3.
Latery from the Nineteenth Dynasty onwards, the word was transfeTtdd
to the door leaf, while also retaining its original meaning.80
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213
1 Posener-Kri; 6ger and Do Cenivalp The Abu-Sir Papyrit pl. IXIXAv 4-
2 PYr-v 799a; 1115b.
3 PYr-9 799a.
4 Pyr.
j
799a; Urk., It 1079 4; Cl6re and Vandier, Textes do la
premi6re Pgriode intermle'dairep 44; 459 1; Pierretv Insc. Louvrey
Up 29 (C-15v 5); Balcz and Bittelp MDAIK,3 (1932)9 28, abb. 13a
and b; Do Backy Egyptian Reading Bookt 72,1; Marietteg Abydosq 119
309 23-
5 Py=. t 1115b.
6 Cleýre and Vandierv OP- cit-9 46,1; Simpson, Papyrus Reisne= It
Pl-17A (K-14); Petriet Koptoi3j pl. 12v 3; Urk, j IV, 659 9; 426,8;
1105P 16; 11o6,13; -1369,11.
7 De Buckt op. cit. 9 919 13; 969 5; HaYesv JEA 46 (1960)v Pl-M, 3;
Mallerp Liebespoesiep pl. 10pgý9(with k-'A' added by error. )
8 Bisson de la Roque and Clorep Rapport sur les Fouilles, de Medamoud
(19279 989 fig-72; 1231 fig-84; Piehlp Inscriptionsep 119 93-
9 SimPsont Op- Cit-9 Pl-13A (G-7 and G*12); 14A (H-37); 16JL (J-7)-
10 De Backq op, cit-v 72Y 3-
11 Habachit ASAE 52 (1954)v 451and pl.
IV; Helckj MDAIK 24 (1969),
199,10,12-,l. XVII9 10 and 12.
12 Habachit ASAE 37 (1937)t 88; 91p fig. 6.
13 Also determined with 'ff- Urk-t IVP 439 12; 56,8; 295,6; 3829
12; 302t 6,8,10; 618,14; 8199 17; 8299 17; 8511 12; Himst
Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, fic-7; Mariettep op. citep
It pls. 11a; 18; 30b; KRLp It 132Y 3; 149t 13-16; 1629 12 and 14.
14 Urk-Y IVt 439 4; 382P 5; 1648P 11-
15 Ibid. t 3889 10; 357P 5; 1668p 2.
16 Ibid. t 5219 13-
17 Ibid. 9 4309 10; 21591 16; 2160,1.
18 Ibid., 1379,8.
19 Wb- Belegstellen., IV, 22 (ref-839 14); Urk-, rV, 831,6.
20 Ibid. 1073P 3-
21 Ibid.: 12499 14-
22 Ibidp 765t 13; 1550P 18-23 Ibid. 9 12951 5 and 6.
24 Ibid. f 16519.1-
25 Wb. Belegstellen., IVv 22 (ref-83t 9); Badswyt Miscellaa: ýa Wilbour-
ians, I. 5t fig-5; Saunerong BIFAO 64 (1966)p Pl-IIP x+5 and X+7;
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22t
Davies, N[dmanjde G9 Seven Private Tombs at ];urn 9 Pls-13; 30;
Wb., Belegstellen, IVp 22 (=ef. 839 17)-
26 KRI, 1,47,10-
27 Ibide, 1219,2.
28 Cerny and Gardinert Hieratic Oatraca, It Pl-LIVP 39 4; Erichsen,
Papyrus Harris It 50,11 (omitting e ).
29 Barguet, ASkE 50 (1950), 274; 276; 2779 fig-7; 278; Plantikow-
MiLnstert 7AS 95 (1969), 1199 abb. 1b, 5-
30 Mariette, opo cit*, Ilp jib.
31 Gardiner, late Egyptian Miscellaniesp 10,9.
32 Ibidov 39,2*
33 Ide, Late Egyptian Stories, 15,6.
34 Erichsenq op- cit-, 709 2; also (omittingc-3) 59 10; 6P 7; 91 16.
35 lb-id-y 94P 8-
36 Gardiner, Ramesside Administrative Documentst 54,10; Peetv The
Great Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynastyp 119 pl*IV,
(BoMo 102211 7,1)-
37 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, Medinet Habu, VIIv pl*501, A*
38 Peet,. ope citop pl*XXI (BoMe 10053P 'Lerso, 4,9)e
39 Metropolitan Museum of Art, Egyptian Expeditiont The Temple of'.
Hibis in El-Khargeh Oasis, III, P1-59-
40 Mariette, Denderah, 1119 Pl-43o P-
41 Chassinat, Edfou, V, 4,3-
42 Wbe, IV, 82-86. See also; Ward, The Four Egyptian Homographic Roots
43 Erichsenq Demotisches Glossar, 419- 1 b-bv 63#t 120-121*
44 Crum, A Coptic Dictionaryq 321b; derny, Coptic Etymological Dict-
ionaryv 147; bsing, Nominalbildungt 404-
45 T? -, IV, 83,9-17-
46 Posener-Krileger and De Cenivall, loc. cit. e For discussions of this
passage see; Posener-Krieger in Beitr'ýZe Bf. 12, Festschrift Ricket
83-85t and Id*, Les Archives du Temple funeraire de Neferirkare-
Kak,
440-
47 Urk-9 It 1071 4-
48 Cloreand
VandiervOP- cit- t
45,1-
49 Balcz and Bittel, loc* cit**
50 Habachip ASAE 52 (1954)9 451; pl. IV. For another door-jamb of the
same king see; Haville, Bubasti,
8; pl. XXKIII9 A.
51 Bisson do la Roque. and Clore, loc. cit..
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21S
52 See also for the Middle Kingdom; Habachit ASAE 37 (1937)9 889,919
fig. 6; De Bucky op. cit., 9695; Simpsonp op, cit-t P18-13A (G-7
and G912); 14A (H. 37); 16A (J-7); 17A (K-14)-
53 De Buckj op* citop 91,13-
54 Ibid. 9 72v 1; 729 3-
55 PYr-q 799a; 1115b; Urk-Y IV, 659 9; 430t 10; Mariette, Abydob
IIp pl. 301 23- See also Wb.9 IVP 8307-
56 Helckq loc. cit. *
57 Petrie, Koptosp pl*12P 3-
58 Urk-9 IVP 439 4*v 439 12; 56,8; 167,6,7,8; 168v 12 ; 295t 6;
302,6,8,10; 3829 5 and 12; 388t 10; 426,8; 521,r13;
618,14;
680,1; 819,17; 829; 17; 831,6; 844t 15; 8499 IU 850P 10 and 17;851t 12; 15509 let; 1651t 1; 17o6t 3 and18; 1708P 8; KRIt It 1219
2; 149P 13-16; 162p 12 and 14; Abd El-Razikv JM 60 (1974)t 1499
1-5; Mariettev op. cit. v It Pls-18t 30b; Bargautp loc. cit.;
Chassinat, loc. cit.; For a list of doors of the New Kinedom see
Helckv Materialen zar Wirtschaftogeschichte des Neuen Reichest
959-60; 963-4-
59 E.g. 9
Urk.p
IVv 16489 li; 1655t 8; 1668-p2; My It 132t 3-
60 E.g. p Urk., IV, 167v 6-9; 16549 3-
61 Urkv IVP 56, a.
62 Ibid. v 1249Y 14-
63 Ibid-9 1295t 6. Compare he Amadastele (Urk.v IV9 1295Y5) where
the sb3ware of sandstone.
64 Mariette# op. cit., Ilt pl-39 4-
65 Ibid. t Ilt pl. Ill a and b.
66 Gardiner, loc. cit.; Miller, loc. cit..
67 Urk-P IVP 10739 3;p1105t 16; 1106,13'; 1369,11; 2159P 16; 2160,1;
Ce=y and Gardinerg loc. cit.; Wb.9 Belegstellen., IVp 22 (ref*83v
14-
68 See"3P-33-34-
69 KRIP It 132t 3; 149Y 13-16; 1629 12 and 14-
70 Ibid. v It 47P 10-
71 Abd El-Razikj loc, cit*; 1Dq IIIt 152c; Saunerong loc cit.; Peettloc. cit.; Metropolitan Museumof Artq loc cit..
72 Christophep Melanges Masperoy It fase. 4; 239 1119 c-
73 Ericheeng Papyrus Harris It 5v 10; 69 7; 50v 11'-
74 Ibid-Y 70,2; 94t 8-
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22.6
75 Ibid-t 9,16.
76 E, g,,, Daviesp loc, cit.; Badawy, loc. cit.; Chicago Universityp
Oriental Institatev loc, cit.; Wb. Belegstelleng IVv 22 (ref*839
17-77 E. g. 9 Peetv op. cit. t Ut pl. IV (B. M.102219 79 1); XXII (B*Mo
10383t 2v 1-4); Mariettel Denderah IIIP Pl-43PP-
78 Gardinerp Late Egyptian Stotiesy 15,6 and 8.
79 Koenýpbergerv Die Konstruktion der 1gyptischen Thrt 13-24-
80 E. g. v Champolliong Notices Descrilbtivest Iv 597; KRIP 19 1219 2;
Barguett loc. cit.; Plantikow-MAnster, loc. cit..
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2211
sbbt
Dyne IV
ink
231st. Into, Dyne 1st. Into
PjAz--3VIIIOXIIIUZ=bTa
M.K04
z Dyne XVIIIOn
Dyno X115cý =%
MoKoPj
r7-5:: %
2nd. IntO7PJA
2ndo Into8
Pie r
it
Dyn. XV1119
I10
Dyne XVIII
its
Dyne XVIII
4012
zaNoK
NOK,,3
Pira
I(Fý
NoKo14
10
er-13Dyne,XIX15
.M
Dyne XIX 16
C-3
Dyne XIX17 Dyne XIX18
Dyn o XIX19
Dyn. XIX20 Dyne XIX21
Pe ccI.
Dyn e XX22
Dyn, Xj23 Dyne XXI24
C11 6
Dyn, XXII25
D ftiDyne XXX26 Alex* 11
27
Al-wGTU vI%I
=ia X&A
Alex. 1128
IT H.Ptol.
29
barg
ptol.30
In
n\ l
ptol.31
PeirT
Sbht occurs in texts from the Old Kingdom to the Ptolemaic period but,
unfortunatelyp it is most often found in texts which give little or no
indication as to the specific nature of the building element involved,
Cne of the principal uses of Wat is in religious texts such as the
.Book of the Dead"of the .Book of Gates'where the sbJjwt are usuall; Y int-
erpreted as being-doors or gates through which the deceased had to
passt successfullyp to reach the Underworld. This usage has led to
sbbLt being regarded as another temm for an entrance.
Consequently sbbt has been translated as I'To"rll and "Tar" by theW6rterbuchN "gateway" by Gardineil
33"portal" by Faulkne3:
34and "Mrll
by Erichsen.35
The word does not appear to have recurred in the Coptic
stage of the lanouage*36
Etymologically sbbt must be a noun formed from the verb sbb "to
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229
enclose,,37
and both words share the same determinatives.38
Sbbt ought
therefore, to be understood as something which encloses orp less likelyp
which is enclosed* It is difficult to reconcile the obvious etymolog-
ical origin of the noun with accepted translations such as "door" or"gate"* An alternative rendering has been suggested by Barguet who
preferred to describe the sb7jt as *an element do protection 'a l1entree
du templevo,39
and by Janssen who, while maintaining that at Deir el-
Idedina sb4t always described the door-frazev added "basically it seems
to indicate the porch of a building so that it could also be translated
with "portal" or even as pars pro toto with !palace,,.,,40
Sauneron
regarded the sb4t as 11unportique, une porte pourvue d1une avancie'e. 1141
The basis for the usual translations of sbht is the use made of
the term in the religious textsp supported by the occurrences of the
sign as a determinative of sbbt. This sign is noty howeverg used
regularly until the Ptolemaic periodg as can be seen from the writings
quoted above. Previous to this era the door determinative occurs occ-
asionally in the EighteeAth and Nineteenth Dynasties while it is only
found once before the New Kingdpm.
This is in the Westcar papyrusy which dAtes from the First Inter-42mediate Period. The word is damaged but is clearly to be read as obbt.
The determinative employed has a hieratic fona very similar to that of
the hieroglyph A (or 'TT )43and Erman transcribed the determinative
of abbt once as such44 and once as the door.45
The latter transcription
has since been generally accepted* However no such determinative in46
a hieratic form is quoted by MO"ller prior to the Twenty-SecondDynasty
andit is
possiblethat the
sign used in the Westcar papyrus has beenmisinterpreted. Mokler himself transcribes the sign as ý'"j althoughthe hieratic form in Westcar is quite different to examples of &N in
hieratic of similar date*47
The more usual determinatives of sbbt varied in form as can be seen0
from the writings shown aboveg although the signs us6d tend to reflect
the connection between sbbt and the verb sb)j "to enclose". The "battle-
mented enclosure,,48
occurs quite often and so does the sign which is
a portion of the same949 These determinatives were used originally for
the verb and do not really assist in the elucidation of the meaning
of the nount so it is fortunate that there do exist still sbbwt which
can be identified.
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IL9
In the Twenty-Second Dynasty Pedubast I built a sbbt,
of sandstone
in front of the doorway of the Tenth Pylon of the Amun temple at Kar-
nak050 This consisted of screen-walls built J-1 n
at right-anglesto the face
of the granitedoorway which was erected by Horemheb*51 An
inscription on the screen-doorway stated
L
that it was "a great sbbt of sandstone", built to replace a similar
structure which had fallen into ruin*52 once an actual sbbt has been
identified it is eas, to see how the term came to be understood, mis-
takenly, as a "door" or "gate" and also how the noun is derived from
the verb "to enclose"*
At all periods in dynastic Egypt sbbt would have been used for the
screen-walls which protected important entrances. These could have
been of the same form as that of Pedubast I or of a more complex fotm
with the screen-walls turning at right-angles
to "enclose'# the entrance to the building*53
It is this form which is shown in the Book
of Gates where each god is described as be-
ing within a sbht,
54
a description which can be readily understood asthe sbbt encloses a space in which the guardian of the door can sit.
This is also the case in the Book of the Dead where the demons are
depicted sitting within the sbbwtt in contrast to the guardians of
the 'Irry who were sometimes shown sitting outside of the door&55 In
these religious texts it is not the actual doorp nor its frame, which
is calldd pLLt but the screen-walled "porch" within which the guardian
sits.56
It is now necessary to investigate whether or not this interpret-
ation of, s"bbt, can be applied to occurrences of the term in other texts,
As was noted aboveg those texts which do contain the word are
singularly unhelpful. The earliest known example is from the Fourth
Dynasty when Debhen brought limestone from Tura to line the r6-pr of
hi s tomb at Gi za and al so f or the C3CPj 0aa 57
The W6rterbuch
ihierpret-d:-'thib, ýabf a compound noun rwt-sb7jtp for which there are,,
howeverp no parallels, 58 It is also possible that the text is to be
read "The rwt and the sbbt", The tomb of Dabhen contains a certain
amount of Tura limestone which can be distinguished from the local
limestone into which the tomb is cut. The second large chamber was
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230
lined with the Tura stone and has been identifiedp by Hassanp with
the r-..pr in the inscriptionO59 This conclusion seems to be inescapeable.
The onlyý_,other significant amount of Tura limestone which has survived
in the tomb formed the fourth wall of this chamberv dividing the tomb
(cut originally as one large cavity) into two main roomso60 Since the
sbtLt in question is deteemined with the wall-sign it is tempting to
identify this wall with the sbbt of the text, in which case the. rwt
would probably refer. to a false-door. The original meaning of sbbt
as a term for the screening walls in front of an entrance could have
led easily to the use of the term for another kind of wall and it is
perhaps surprising that sbbt did not develop such an alternative mean-
ing* However it is impossible to be certain that there were notg or-
iginallyp further elements in the tomb made of the Turn stonep part-
icularly as the tomb has been damaged extensively by later re-useo61
A text of the First Intermediate Period showsýthat there could
be sbbw in private housesp since an individual describes the found-
ing of his pr and the enlarging of every sbbt in it.62
Possibly the
sbbwt which are mentioned in the Admonitions as having been destroyed
by firealong with w4jw and Llryt
63were
also a part of a private est-ate. Apart from these few examples sbbt has survived mainly in myth-
ological texts in the First Intermediate Period and the Middle King-
domo64
Sbbt does not appear to havd occurred in many titles unlike
other building elementst around which a number of officials were
stationed, There is one titlev Irywsbbt, on a Twelfth Dynasty stela
from the Theban area; "I was one who entered to his Lord with the
great ones at his backp the Iryw sblit bending down until I reached
the place in which His Majesty was*"65
Probably these were officials
guarding the door but stationed before it within the sbbtg like the
guardians in the Underworld who also bore the same title.66
In the New Kingdom it is necessary to distinguish between the
sbbt under discussion here and another termp sbbtp which was used as
the name for a gilded wooden temple screen,67
although both words
had the same etymological origin and the same basic function. Thisis illustrated by the fact that in religious texts the sbbwt of the
Underworld were sometimes depicted as screens68
rather than the more
accurate form of stylized "porch".
However other Now Kingdom sbDwt were screen-walled porches and
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231
the term is used particularly of sbbw at Karnakv where, in the reign
of Hatshepaut, two officials each record that they inspected sbbLwe69
The stela of Amenhotep III from his mortuary temple on the West Bank
atThebes
which alsodescribes other building work of the king in
the area, includes details of what is probably the Third Pylon at
Karnak with "sbbwt i1a front of itio.70
Sbht is also found in offering lists of the Nineteenth Dynasty*
In the temple of Seti I at Abydos a list of gods to whom offerings71
are to be made includes Ur m sbbt rsy(t) "Horus in the Southern sbbt"
and 11npwm sbbt mqit(t) "Anubis in the Northern sbht".72
These sbhWt
must have been monumental screen-porches rather than wooden screens
within the temple. At the Ramesseum a list of beneficiaries from
offerings made to the god Re and the Ennead includes, among various
gods, barques, shrines and pieces of land, sbbt_st3(t)1my(t) bwt-
'it n; Iwnw "The secret sbht which is in the #wt-15t of Heliopolis.73
The phrase is determined with the seated-goddess sign*
There remain further temple sb4wt which were almost certainly
monumental screen-walled gateways but which cannot always be ident-
ified with aýiy known monuments.In the Twentieth Dynasty the High Priest of Amun, Amenhotept
instigated various building projects at Karnak, among which was the
erection of a sbbto The text which describes this work is badly
damaged but it tells how Amenhotep found the structure, built of
brick and woodl in ruins and rebuilt it in stond. The name of the
building is lost at the beginning of the text but it is described
as a "sbljt of. stone" towards the end of the passage-74 Various ele-
ments which wnnt to make up the sbbt are listed, includkng wbsw,
1#rw and sbsw. These would tend to suggest that this sbbt was a mon-
umental gateway. Sauneron regarded the 4trw as being the "chambranle"
of the door while he took wtiw to refer to the supports of a roof in
front of the door,75
Sb3W, in this text, is determined by the -=
sign so almost certainly refers to door-leaves rather than to a door
frame. This sbbt would seem then to have been a stone structure
erected before emain door at Karnak with a light wooden roof rupp-
orted bgycolutmso(-Although Sauneron did not attempt to identify this
sbljt with any extant remains at Karnakv Azenhotep did prect the
screen gateway on the South side of the Eightt Pylon of the temple
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232
of Amun76 and this could be the sb4t to which the text refers. The
main objection to this identification is that the High Priest describes
the original wood and brick strusture as having been built in the
reign of Sesostris 177 while the Eighth Pylon dates from the EighteenthDynasty.
78However, in abother text Azenhoiep also claims to have re-
constructed buildings of Sesostris I at Karnak79 and it may be the
case that this 4ing was particularly venerated and the High Priest
wished to associate himself with Sesostris by ascribing to his reign
ruined buildings which were in fact of later date.
Also at Rarnakq in the reign of Djedhorp an inscription on the
exterior wall of the temple of Khonsa records that the king renovated
the hwt-ntr of Khonsu in sandstone and made a sacred sbbt.80 Barguet
has suggested that this refers to the Ptolemaic gate of the temple,
possibly built by Djedhor and later decorated by Ptolemy 111.81 The
Ptolemaic inscriptions on the gateway would seem to call it a sbip82
howeverp an inscription on the similar gateway of the Montu enclosure
at Karnak describes the building of 11-sbbw(t) of sandstonep with '-3wy
of cedarg banded with copper. "63
The use of the plural here could be
intended for all the gateways in the Karnak enclusure walls. The wall
of the Amun temple was probably built by Nectanebo 184
so that it is
quite possible that Djedhor could'have completed (or claim to have
completed) one of the stone gateways. The gate in the Eastern wall of
the Azun temple bears the name of Nectanebo 185 as does the similar
gate of the temple of 11aat?6
It would therefore seen likely that all
these gates were erected in the Thirtieth Dynasty, although some were
decorated by the Ptolemies. This use ofsbbt
to describesuch a gate-
way is an extension of its original meaning. However, these propylons
did stand before the main entrance to a temple and werg therefore, in
a similar position to the older sbbwt. Like many words sbbt had a much
wider range of meanings in the Ptolemaic periad; for example, at Edfu,
the rooms immediately around the sanctuary of the temple of Horus
were described as sbbw(t)f87either because they themselves were part-
icularly sacred and needed protection or because they enclosed and
protected the sanctuary* In this era sbbt also occurred in the expres-
sion sb4t t3 pn 11sbht of this land", a name which was used for theAL_
royal palace.88
Sbbt can now be seen to have been neither a "door" nor a "gate"
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253
but rather a screen-walled "porch"t an architectural element which
consisted of projections in front of gateways which could also turn
at right-angles to enclose and protect the entrance. This function
of the sb4t isý. reflected in the Book of the Dead where the guardian
sits within thvr enclosed spacep guarding the door behind him, Al-
though the sbbwt of these mythological texts were depicted in a
stylized foxm in the papyri, a more accurate representation of the
screen-walls can be seen in thetook of Gates a in the tomb of Ranesses
VIO89
Originally a sbbt would have been made of reeds and later of
wood so that is is not surprising that early examples have not sur-
vived. It is only when the structure has been translated into stone
that the'sbbtq as a building elementq can be identified.
The basic function of a sb4t was to protect an entrance and make
access difficult for unwanted visitors. The same was true of the sbht
screens whicn were used to protect sacred objects from the gaze of
those judged unfit to view them. When sbht was extended in meaning
in the Ptolemaic period and used to describe the propylons built
into the enclosure wall at Karnak, the original function of the sbbt
was still preserved since these gates provided the only means of
access to the main gate of each templev and thus protected it from
unwanted intruders.
I Urko 9 ly 20,6.
2 Cle're and Vandierv Textes de la premiere P6riode intermediaire et
de la XIeme Dynastiey 16, Bg 9; lange
andSch, ferg Grab- und Denk-
steine des Mittleren Reichesv UP 166 (Cairo 205439 15); Havillev
Das Aegyptische Todtenbuch I, pl. CLI 137A, 20; Legraing ASAE 14
(1914)v 14-
3 Ermanp Die Marchen des Papyrus Westear Up pl. VIIv 26.
4 Wb-q Belegstellen, IV, 24 (ref-929 1)- See also addenclump below p, 237-
5 Griffitht PSBA 18 (1896), unnumbered plate (after p*196). 4-
6 De Buckp The Egyptian Coffin Texts, Ip 193a.
7 Gardinerg Admonitionst pl, 2,10,
8 Mariette, Abydosy UP Pl-309 23-
9 Urkj IVP 4759 6; Navilley OP- cit-P Ig Pl-CXLVIP 133,25-
10 Urk-9 I'Vq 438,4-
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23+
11 ibid., IV, 1654P 9-
12 Cerny and Gardinerp Hieratic Ostraca 19 Pl-=Ixt recto, 7-
13 Ibid-9 19 Pl-XCII9 19 versop 9.,
14 Ibidep Ij pleXCIII Ip rectot 4; Wb., Belegstellenp IV, 22(ref.
839 9)-
15 Beneditep Tombeau de Neferhotepou (al-AF 5P fasicule 3) Pl-III, 3rd
register down,, 2nd column from the left*
16 KRI, 19 184P 36, B.
17 IbLi-d--p 19 1849 % B.
18 Goyon and El-Achiriep loe Ramesseumq VI9 frontispiece; 23; Pl-VIII-
19 Davies, N[ormaný de G9 Seven Private TOmbs at Xurnah pl. XXV; Bor-
chardt, Statuenýund Statuetten, Ily 177, No. 630; PI-116 (omitting
0); LEdrain, Les Monuments egyptiens de la Biblioteque Nationale,
pl. IXX (with ("reversed).
20 Murrayq The Osireion at Abydosq pl. XIp
21 Loc. cit.; Wbe, Belegstellen, IIv 579 (ref-391P 12) quotes an ex-
ample of P which is taken to be a writing of sbi. However in
view of the particular form of, the sign, sb4t is more likely to
be the correct readin@;.
22 Ramboval The Tomb of RamessesVIf Pls-39; 45; 47-
23 Ibid. f pls. 29P 61.
24 Winlockf Excavations at Deir el-Bahrig 1911-1931, P1-88-
25 Montet, la Necropole royale de Tanis, It P1-35-
26 Bouriant, Rec. de Trav. 11 (1889)p 154 (a personal examination of
this text at Karnak showed hat the determinative is a shorter
sign than the mm given by Bouriaht).
27 jjrk, p Up 189 4-
28 Faulkner, Papyrus Bremnei-Rhind, 34,2; 489 10-
29 Mariette, Denderaht MY Pl-30p at 12; Wb. 9 Belegstellen, IVt 24
(ref. 92p 2 Mariette, op. cit. 9 1119 pl. 68, j and k (with
t? ).
30 Ibid. 9 It Pl-13; IIY Pl-57t a; Chassinat, Edfoug It 405-
31 Wb-9 Belegstelleng IV, 24 (refg. 92,2); De Witt Ch. d'Eg- 369 No-71
(January 1961), 669 5; Varille, Karnak, It 3; pl. VI. There are
many other ways of writing sbbt in the Ptolemaic periodt but the
variants quoted here seem to occur most frequently.
32 Wbeq IV9 92v 1-9*
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235
33 Gardinert GrammaI Sign List, 0-32; 589-
34 Faulkner, Con. Dictop 220e
35 Erichsen, Demotisches Glossar, 422.
36 6erny, (Coptic Etymological Diction 148)9 notes that the Coptic
CGýIf-(Cxum, A Coptic Dictionary, 324a) may have been related to
EbLt.
37 T?. q IV, 91,10-20; Paulknerg loc. cite,
38 Compare Wb.1, Ut 91 and 92.
39 Barguet, Temple, 311.
40 Janssen, Commodity Prices from the Ramessid Period, 389 (There is,
in factj no evidence to support the view that a sb4t at Deir el-
Medinawas a
door-frameand Janssen cites no references for this.
Since sbbt does not have this meaning elsewhere it id unlikely to
have been used in this w4. )
41 Sauneron, BIFA0 64 (1966), 15, note m; see also Ibid. 9 16, note o.
42 Erman, op. cit. 9 III pl9VIIq 26.
43 M611er, Hieratische Palaeographieg 111 584-
44 Erman, op* cit*9 111 23-
45 Ibid, q III pl. VIIt 26e
46 lf6ller, Op- cit-9 111,340; 341-
47 Ibid-9 19 341. Compare; Posener-Krieger and De Cenival, The Abu
Sir Papyri, Palaeography, pl. VIII, 0.17; IX, 0-32e
48 Gardiner, op. cite, Sign List, 0,13.
49 Ibid. 9 Sign List, 0-14.
50 PM.9 II# J89;. Baiýgu--et,,,--0p* cit-9 246; pl. X)CEIII9 Be
51 211.9 111 Pl-XVt 585,9-j-
52 Legrain, loc. cit..53 As before the following pylons at Karnak; Second (LM., III pl. VII),
Third (Lb.Ldov III pl, X)p Eighth (Ibidet III pl. XIV).
54 Rambovaqop* cite, pls. 29; 39; 45; 47; 59; 61.
55 Budge, The Book of the Dead (Papyrus of Ani)q p1s. 11 and 12; Compare
Naville, op* ci Igpl. CLXV (ý-rryt) with ibidot I, pl. CIX (sbht)0
5A For representations of the sb4wt Of the Book of the Deadq Chapter
146, see; Naville, op. cit., I, pls. CLX-CLXIV; Allen, The Egyptian
Book of the Dead, pls. LXXXVIII. -lXXXIX.57 Urkoq 1,20,6.
58 Wbot IV9 92,3-
59 Hassan, !aýiza, IV, 173, figo120; 174-175e
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.236
60 Ibid., IV, 170-172; 173P fig. 120; 175.
61 Ibid., IV, 160.
62 Lange and Schiafer, loc. cite-
63 Gardiner, Admonitionsv pl. IIt 10-11e
64 De Buck, loc. cit.;; Clere and Vandier, loc. ci Erman, op. cit
III, plOVII, 26; For a possible further writing of sbbt in the
Coffin Texts see; De Buck, op. cit. y Iq 253d, but note Faulkner,
The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, 1.55, note 9,
65 Griffith, loc cite.
66 Montet, loc, cit.; In Faulknerv Papyrus Bremner-Rhindo 48,10
the guardians of the sbbwt of the Underworld are called S3w nw
sbljwt67 Spencer, JEA 66 (1980), (forthcoming)o
68 Naville, apr. cit., I, plsoCIV; CLXIV.
69 Urk-, IV, 4389 4; 475,6o
70 Urk., IV, 1654P 9o The Third Pylon at Karnak doesp in fact, have
a sbtLt before the door (ý!Ae, II, ýJX))which was decorated mainly
by Seti I and Ramesses II but, as there are remains of a scene of
Amenhotep IV, there seems to be no reason to doubt that the sbilt
is of the same date as the pylon.
71 KRI, It 184,34, Be
72 KRIq Iq 184,369 Be
73 Champollion, Notices Descriptives, I, 906e
74 Sauneronp op* cite, pl. II,
75 ibidop 16, note o.
76 P11.v 11,176; p1oXIV.
77 Saunero;L, Op- cit-, Pl-IIP X+4o78 This pylon was erected by Hatshepsut and Tathmosis III (PM.
9 II
174; ploXIV; Barguet, Temple, 258-264)o Barguet (:Pjideq 258)
suggests that the present stone pylon was built on the site of
an earlier structure, probably made of brick,, but there is no
evidence that such a pylon, if it existed, was the work of Ses-
ostris I. This king doeaq however, seem to have built extensively
at Karnak (ýMo, 11,108; Barguet, op- cit,
15-3055; 356, index).
79 Mariette, Karnak, pl-40- See also Lefebvre, Histoire des gTands
pretres d'AmondeKarnakq 187o
80 Bouriant, loc. cit..
81 Barguet, op, cit , 29-309 especially note (2).
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23'1
1.82 Clerep La Porte dlEverjýete a Karnakt P113-19,75- On pl. 19, B the
gate is called a which could be restored as either sb[3]
or Lb[bt)
9 The other three inscriptions use the ideogram V (pl.
19, A; 75 (twice)). This could be read as Lbýt but the absence of
a feminine ending on the qualifying adjective ra "great" would
suggest that it was the masculine noun sb3 which was intended. The
form of the sign, without a cobra or hkr frieze would also support
a reading of sb3 rather than sbbt.
63 Varille, loc. cit..84 Barguet, op. cit., 29.
65 P11-t 119 208.
86 Ibid., Ht 11-12. This gate, leading to the temple of Maat, is infact in the enclosure wall of the Montu temple (Rid.
v 119 pls. II;
IV, 2.
87 De Witt op. cit., 66,5; 68,11.
88 Wbeq 11,92,7-
69 Rambovaqop. cit. t pls, 29; 39; 45; 47; 59; 61.
Addendum*
A writing of sb73tqPJNOqs found on one of the blocks from the
sandstone building of Tathmosis IV at Karnak (Letellierg Hommages a'*
Serge Sauneroný Ip 58). The text relates to a depiction of the door
of the Fourth Pylony sbm 6fvtfand Letellier suggests that the sb:ht
is the wooden porch which is known to have existed there (Yoyotteq
Cho d'Eg 55 (1953)t 28-38). Until the entire block is properly
published so that the text can be related to the scene it describes
the identification must renain open to doubt.
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2313
sbty
Dyne XVIII, Ph. Arr. Dyne XVIII,, XIX, XX, XXI92
U Ptol., Roman,2 CID XXII" XXV, Ptole] '\\
,h
Dyne XV1113 Dyne XVIII4 N, K.5
doM
Dyne XIX6
Dyne XIX7 Dyne XIX,8
0H tý DIc:,12' XXDyne XIX9 Dyne XX10
C-3
Dyne XX, XXVIII Dyne XX12
Dyne XX13A
14Dyne XX 15 16
Dyne XX or Dyne XXII,
PY,t-3 XXI pj U Ptolo
MDyne XXV17 Dyne XXVI or
18Dyn.
19c=1
Xxvii XXX
Alex. 1120
TTpk;
oH
Ph. Arr.21
Pi ct?Ptol.
22
11 U-13C 3 L .1Ptol.
23Roman
24Roman
25Roman
6
,
"-11 Al p4z11sbty n wmtt 28
JOAO
27Dyne XVITI 'n UL-9 ==r, =Dyne
XVIII
nMi9 30Dyne XVIII DynePI , 11'ý'
-I=ý-ý ))
r-jXviii
MI'C:ý \
Oa the evidence of published texts, sbty does not seem to have beenused prior to the Eighteenth Dynasty. This may be due to the relative
paucity of building inscriptions before this date, or sbty could be a
new word, coinedg presumablyq during the Second Intermediate Periodf
although it does not appear to be a loan word from any other Near East-
ern language. Sbty doesq howeverp survive into demotic3l and Coptic32
as well as the modern languages; Arabic, Dongolese and Nubian.33
The meaning of the term is not in question sinceg from the contexts
in which it is foundq it clearly referred to an enclosure wall. The
earliest extant reference to a sbty is in the text of Kamose, found on
his first stela and also on Carnavon Tablet I. In describing his attack
on the town of Neferusy the king claims to have hacked down his. (the
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,2aq
rulerýJ, s) sbtyw and killed his people.34
In this case the sbtyw must
have been the walls of the town. The use of the plural is interesting,
but probably refers only to the various walls making up the outer per-
imeter of the-,, towng rather than to more than one enclosure walle
It is possible that, in origing a sbty was a town enclosure wall
rather than that of a templep as it is used in the former sense also
of the wall of the town of Kadesh35 which was breached by the army of
Tuthmosis. III, and of the wall at Megiddo. In the latter caseq however,
the wall around the beseiged town was built by the Egyptians to pre-
vent the escape of the inhabitants.
This seige is described in several texts where the wall is called
both a sbty and a sbty n wmttp showing that there was no difference
between the two terms. The essence of the various texts is that the
king surrounded Megiddo with a sbty (n wmtt) to deprive , the towns-
36-people of the breath of life. Tuthmosis described this as a "prison
(bnrt) of their own making"t37
by which heq presumably, meant that the
inhabitants had chosen to undergo the seige rather than sarrenderg and
not that the wall itself was built by them. The king refused to allow
any-ofthe townspeople to come out on to the sbty
38until they were
ready to surrender* The use of sbty to desckibe the seige-wall of
Megiddo is unusual since sbty is more often found to describe the
defensive wall of a town or the protective wall of a temple.
Only two further examples of sbty n wmtt are knowng both from the
Eighteenth Dynasty. A stela from Heliopolis records that Tathmosis III
ordered the r-pr to be enclosed by a sbty n vmtt39
and Amenhotep, III
,tw m rnpwt at Memphis.
40Theuilt a sbty n wmtt around his bwt nt h
addition of 'In wmtt" to. the more common noun sbty probably only
serves to emphasis the thickness and strength of the wall. There is
no structural difference between the twov as can be seen from the
fact that both were used of the same wallp at Megiddo*
Farther examples are known of the use of sbty to indicate the
wall of a town or city. In the reign of Amenhotep II captives were
hung from the sbty of both Thebes and Napataq41
while the same king,
in his campaigns in the Eastq was greeted at Ny by the townspeople
upon their sbty,42
Other town walls are called sbtyw on the steka
which records Pianchils conquest of Egypt. At Lisht a distinction
was made between the main fortified enclosurep the sbt! xg which was
closed and the actual walls of the.; buildingsp the Inbw,which were
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2+0
full of aoldiersp43
while at Memphis the sbty had been raised in h6ight
to withstand the Nubian attack*44 At Neferusy the sbty had been over-
thrown by Nimlot.45
The frequent use of sbty to describe a town wall led to ith appear-
ance in the names of tQwas; -,md cities*46 This can be seen particularly
in a name for Alexandria "The sbty of Alexander".47
The oj; her main use of sbty xasas a temple enclosure wall. Such
walls were huge affairs, built high and thick to protect the sacred
area both physically and symbolically. Often thair construction MUat
have taken almost as long as the building of the stone temple and the
walls have survived in some places as well preserved as the temples
they were designed to protect.
48
The examples of the tern used to des-
cribe temple enclosure walls are legion and need not all be examined
in detail.
There are inscriptions of various dates which note the building49
or renewing of the enclosure walls around the temple of Amun at Karnakq
including work of Ramesses 11950 Siptah,51
Ramesses IIIf52
Menkheper-
53 54re, Taharqal Montuemhat
55and Nectanebo 1.56 Other sbtyw at Kar-
nak include a Ptolemaic wall around the temple of Khonsu-Neforhotep57
and a Roman wall around the temple of Mut,58
This last wall was built
in the reign of Tiberius when the sbty of Geb at Koptos was also re-
newed.59
Much building work on enclosure walls was carried out by Ramesses
III and Papyrus Harris I records the erection of a sbty at Medinet60 61 62
Habu, and at the temples of Osiris at Abydos, of Anhur at Thinisp
of Thoth at Hermopolis63
and of Wepwawet at Siut*64
The wall of the
temple of Medinet Habu is also recorded on a stela from the north
side of the second pylon of the temple.65
Further work on the same
enclosure was undertaken in the reign of Taharqa-66
Other walls at other sites includea sbty of Amenhotep III at67 6a -
Soleb, one of Merenptah at Memphis and the Ptolemaic wall of the
temple at Koptos.69
Petrie decided that this last sbl2t must refer to
the inner stone wall rather than to the brick wall because of the
measurements which are given in the text.
70
This would also seem tobe so in the case of a Twenty-Second Dynasty sbty. A hieratic papyrus
states that formulae are to be recited before the imaZes of Amun and
Thoth on (I=j a sbty of Kheperkare (Sesostris I) at Karnak. 71Since
figures were not depicted on brick walls sbty must, in this casep
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2*1
refer to a stone wallp either dating from or in commemoration of the
reign of Sesostris 1.72
Other GreLaco-Roman sbtyw include one around the temple at Athribis
and that of the temple of Esna upon which the townspeople stood to
watch the ceremonies in the enclosure. 73
One problematical reference to a p1ty occurs in a Twentieth Dyn-
asty papyrus recording the names of the citizens of the West Bank at
Thebes. The list is headed; "List of the men., * .... every man of every
house which is (in) the sbty of the bwt" of Ramesses III "from the
hwt" of Seti I "as far as the 4wt" of Ramesses IIIe74
This would seem
to imply that an enclosure wall encompassed the whole of the West
Bank from Gurna to Medinet Habu which is clearly no,* possible. One
can only conclude that sbty in here being used as a general term for
the land and property which was under the administrative control of
the temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu.
Since the sbty was such an important part of the defensive system
of any temple or townt it its hardly surprising to find that it was
used frequently in epithets of both the king and the gods to emphasise
th6ir strength and symbolise the protection which they gave to Egypt,
Typical examples of this are; "a sbty which protects Egypt" (of Amen-
hotep 11),75
"my sbtY of a million cubits" (Akhenaten describing the
Aten),76
)77a sbty of quartzite" (UD:h describing Seti I and "a sbty
for his soldiers on the day of battle" (of Ramesses 11)*78
There are a few-, texts in which sbty is used to enclose something
other than a temple or a town but the sense of the term as a Strong
defensive wall remains the same. It could be employed to describe79 so
81a wall around cattlet a well and a vineyard.
The 1!6rterbuch gives three main meanings for this word "an encl-
osure wall'1982
"a fortress, #83 and "the wall of a room".84
For the
second of these the Belegstellen gives references to those texts in
which sbty is used for town enclosure wallsp so "fortress" is not a
particularly apposite translation. For the thidd meaning three texts
are quoted. One Is the Golenischeff Onomasticon where sbty occurs-
afterwsl and
before tsmt, Inb
and mrrt.
85Gardiner, in his
comment-ary to the Cnomasticonj, translates sbty in this text as "surrounding
wall"86
and there does not Seem to be any valid reason for suggest-ing another, less commoh9 translation. Another of the texts referredto is a damaged building inscription from the Festival Hall of king
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Osorkon II at Bubastis; ei// /]all its rbtyw in electrum and wb3w-columns
[////.11.87The context would suggest that these walls are part of the
Festival Hall itself and the mention of electrum. implies that they
werestone walls with
gilding rather than brick walls.
In this case, thereforep sbty probably does refer to a wall ofia
building and not to an enclosure wall. This is also true of the third
example given by the W8rterbuch where sbty is used for interior walls
in a Nineteenth Dynasty tomb. Four stelae were set into each wall
with a text detailing the recitations which were to be made at the
North, Southt East and West sbty of the tomb.88
These are, however, iaolated examples of sbty being used in such
a way. The original and true meaning of sbty was a large defensive
enclosure wally usually built of brick. Such walls were erected prin-
cipally around temples and townsp although sbty coulld be used of any
kind of protecting enclosure. The main attributes af a sbty were its
size and strength and this is emphasised by the occasional addition
of n wmtt in the Eighteenth Dynasty. For this reason sbty was not
used as a regular term for any other kind of wall,
1 Lacaut ASAE39 (1939)v Pl-XXXVII9 15; Daressy, ASAE 18 (1919), 144,
s, IX, 10; REký., 11,66,13; Enaanq AS 38 (1900)9 124-
2 Urk-9 IVP 184P 16; 8949 17; ERIt It 190P 15; 1949 1; Louvre stela
C-94 ( see Pierret, Insc. Louvre, 119 50 which, however, wrongly
dzgives, cl, in place of'%%);Legrain, Egypt Exploration Pand, Archaeol-
ogical Report, 1906-1907,219 1; Hieratische Papyrus aus den K6nig-
lichen Museen zu Berlin, Us, Pl-339 4-5; H81scher, Exc. Med. Habu
119 349 fig*31; Eman, op. cit... 126.
3 Urkop IV, 661,12; 758t 12; 13129 3;
4 Blancenberg Van Deldeng The large Co=emorative Scarabs of Amenhote
jjjq pl. Xj B-4-
5 Borchardt, Statuen und Statuetten 11,1449 N09589*
6 KRit it 1119 6; Naville, Les Quatres Seeles Orienfees du Muslee de
Marseillep pl. XII-XIK*
7 K-RIPUP 919 15-8 Gardinerv Late Egyptian Miscellaniesq 149 15; Peet, The Great Tomb
Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty, II, pl. VIIv 2 versop
2.
9 Gaballat BIFAO 71 (1972), 1319 fig-1; pl-XY-III-
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a+a
10 Gardiner, Onom., pl. 1Iq (Gloss* Gol- 5t 16).
11 Erichsenq Papyrus Harris 1,67,11; Legrain, ZAS 35 (1898), 19,2
and 3-
12 Habachiv KLemi 20 (1970)9 T33P fiG-2; 2349 fig-3-
13 Chicago Universityp Oriental Institatep Medinet Habuq I, pl*28,67-
14 Erichsenq op* cit-i 4v 10; 94,6-7; et al. -15 derny
and Gardiner, Hieratic Ostraca It pl, LXXX, versoy 4-
16 Navillef The Festival Hall of Osorkon II in the Great Temple of
Bubastis 0887-1889), Pl-VI9 frag*llo Wreszinzkit Aegyptische Ins-
chriften aus dem K. K, Hofmuseum in Wien, 97, It Z79 6,
17 Urk. t 111,6,12; 26,14; 31,3-
18 Ibido, IIIv 134,2.
19 Habachi, op* cit. v 2319 fi&1; pl*XXIa.
20 Urket IIt 14t 14-
21 Daressyl op* cit-v 145,12-13*
22 Urke, III, 217v I-
23 Marietteg Denderýh It pl. 621 h,
24 Reinach and Weill, ASAE 12 (1912)9 2*
25 Sauneron, EsAdi IIIP Ili 197t 18-
26 Reinach and Weilly op. cit., 12*
27 Urk-t IVP 8329 13 (the copy of the same text in LD. p III, 29b, has
II instead of11 )
28 Urket IV, 661,4,5-
29 Ibidep IV9 767,11, This was taken by Gardiner QEA 38 (1952), 11)
asInb
n vmtt, to which he compared a text of Tuthmosis III in the
Festival Hall at Karnak where the Megiddo seige wall is described
as an Inb wmtt ( 4ej. U ) (EýLid-, PLIV, 14 and Uffk* p IV9o C)
-
1254t 9)o See further under Inbpo 25-26.
30 Urk- 9 IVP 17951 14-
31 Erichsen, Demotisches Glossart 423; Ray,_The
Archive of Vorp 151-
32 Cerny, Coptic Etymological Dictionaryt 148; 8sing, Nominalbildung
394; Westendorfq Koptisches Handwo"rterbuchq 177-
33 Roquet, BIPAO 71 (1972)v 100-101; See also Yoyotte, Rev. d'Eg, o 15
(1963)t 106ff.
34 Lacau, loc. cit.. p 35Urkep IV9 894t 17-
35 ir-k-s IVP 184,169 767,11 (see also under
inbP,25 ); 661
v49 5;
758,12; See Grapowq Studien za den Annalen Thatmosis desyDrittenp
56-57.
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ý2-+t
37 Urk-, IV, 1849 15-
38 Ibid., IV, 661,12-
39 Ibid. 9 IVP 8329 13-
40 Ibid., IV, 17959 14o41 Ibid. 9 IV, 1297,9,15 and 16.
42 Ibid.,, IV, 13129 3-
43 Ibid. v 111,26,14-
44 Ibid. 9 1119 31P 3-
45 lb ýid. , 111,6,12*
46 Gauthier, Dict. Geogev V, 23-26.
47 Ibid., V, 24;Brugsah, Dictionnaire Geographique de 11-ancienne
Eýypte, 11,6.96; n., IV, 969 2,
46 E. g. Barguet, Temple pl. II.
49 Ibid. p 29ff; Habachit op. cit , 229-235-
50 Helck, Die Ritualszenen auf der Umfassungsmauer Rameses' 11 in Kar.-
nak, 124-
51 Lauffrav, Karnak V, 28. Here and Ibid*v 146 (NO-3) a stela of Siptah
is described as havivg been found in excavations in thegouth-East
corner of the Amun enclosure. It is detailed as "Elle commemore
des travaux executes dans les rempartso. ee. "e"Rempart" is also used
to translate sbty which occurs on a different damaged stela found in
1hesamareaýWlt B), Although a plate number is not quoted for the
Siptah stela it must be the one on pl. IX, opposite p*289 since only
ine stela of Siptah was found* At the bottom of the stela are two
lines of hieroglyphs with a building inscription which ends with;1r,
nof m mnw*f n :Lt9fýImn-R[-/////, & The final word is not legibleon the photograph but presumably the excavators were able to rest-
ore the traces sufficiently to read sbtyo No hieroglyphic copyp
transliteration or translation of this text is given.
52 Habachit op. cit., 2349 fig-3-
53 Legraing Egypt Exploration FLmd, Archaeological Reportv 1906-1907,
22,1.
54 Mariette, Karnak, pl-429 23-
55 Wreszinskig O:ientalistische Literaturzeitang 13 (1910)v PLIIIP 9-
56 Habachig op, cites 231P figol; ploXXIp ao
57 Ermang op. citop 126.
5a Loc. cit..,.
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Z11-5
59 Reinach and Weill, ope cit. 9 2v 12e The Greek term for the same
wall is -ffsp, 6a)ýou from which one could suppose that the entire
enclosuret rather than just the wall, was intended. However, one
text (Cairo 31101)specitically states
that thesbty was of
brick.
60 Erichsenp Papyrus Harris 1,4,10-
61 Ibid*, 68,3-
62 ibid., 66,17-
63 Ibid., 67,119
64 ibid., 68,12e
65 Habachi, opo citep 2239 fige2e
66 Ho"Ischerg loco cit. *
67 Urk-, IV9 1750,6.
68 KRI, IT, 32,13-
69 Petrie, Koptosý pl*XX, 17o
70 Ibidet 21*
71 Hieratische Papyrus aus den__Ko"niglichen Museen zu Be=li 119 Pl-330-1r.
72 DaresSY9 opo citop 145,12-13-
73 Sauneronp loc. cit..
74 Peet, loco cite.75 Urk-, IV, 1290p 11 and 12.
76 Ibido, IV, 1971,9e
77 KRI, I, 190P 15-
78 KRI, 11,91,15o
79 Blancenberg Van Deldeng loc, cit, o
80 Erichsen, opo cit-, 94,6-7-
81 Ibid*, 109 7o
82 Wbo, IVv 95,10-13-
83 ibid., IV9 969 1-2.
84 Ibid., IV, 969 3o
65 Gardinert Onom , pleXI9
86 Ibido, 11,213* F4-4-41o
87 Naville, op, cite, pl, VI, Noolle
88 Naville, Les Quatres Steles Orientiees du Musee do Marseillev p1s.
XIII XIII; XIV; XV.
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spt
Dyne XX2
Dyne =3
CIL cm
Dyne XXV4
Although there are only a few examples of this term there is no doubt
that the meaning of spt was the "base" of a column. It is alsop in
Papyrus Harris 19, used of the "bases" of stelae.5
An qstracon from Deir El-Medineh describes a man as being "like
a column (wbs) of reeds, under which is a spt of copper*"
6
Fortunately
this figurative use of spt is supported by more concrete examples,
In a hymn to Amun-Re Ramesses III states that he will erect stone
columns in the wb-3 of the godf with spwt in silver97 whilep in the
Twenty-Second Dynastyp granite columns in a temple of Ptah were to
have 11sp[w]t in every stone. "8
The dual form of the term is used in a Twenty-Fifth Dynasty insc-
ription from the temple of Aman at Karnak where Shabaka erected a
wooden porch before the gate of the Fourth Pylon. It was supported
by two columns worked with electrum "the spty under them in pure
electnim. 119 n this case, as in those described earlier, the bases
would, in fact,, have been made of wood or stone and decorated with
the metal.
Spt does not appear to have been used as a term for a column-
base in either the demotic or Coptic stages of the language.
1 Posenerp Catalogue de Ostracaihieratiques litteraires de Deir El-
Mýedinehý IIP P1-49P (NO. 12179 3)-
2 Chicago University, Oriental Institutef Rameses III's Temple within
the Great Inclomre of Amon,-.pl: 4231 A. 18.
3 Badawi [Ahmed]v ASAE 44 (1944)p 204-
4 Yoyo-tte'
Ch. d'Eg. 18 NO-55 (1953)9 34-
5Erichsenq Papyrus Ha=is_Iv 8,3
(theterm is spelled
Sloam
-=and
the bases are described as being decorated in silver and gold).
6 Posener, loc. cit*,
7 Chicago University, loc. cite.
8 Badawiq loc. cit.. 9 Yoyotte, loc* cit**
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2-+-l
snb(;t)
Dyn. V,, VI9 M.K.,,'
Dyno V2XVIII M. K.
Dyne V13
Dyn. V][4 6Dyn, V15 Dyn. XII
0M,, .
7 Dyn. XII8 MOK*9
MOKO0
M. Ke11
AAAAMe
12
U
NOK*13 ptol*14 ptol.15
nptol.
16
The writings quoted above are treated here as variants of one wordo
anb(t), for reasons which will become clear when the textual evidence
is assessed* The W6rterbAchp howeverv preferred to distinguish two
termst a masculine snb translated as I'Mauerzinnen17 and a feminine
snbt "Manor".18
The same division is followed by Faulkner who trans-
lates snbw as "battlements" and snbt as "rampart".19
This term has not20
been discussed oftenp one exception to this being the comments of
Posener-Krileger on the two occurrences of the term in the Abusir
papyri.
In these papryi anb is found as a part of a door (03)9 which is
divided i2jo ds. f "itselfllp presumably the framep 13wyo "its leaves"
and snb. f which Posener-Kri6ger takes to be the "couronnement" in
brickwork above the lintel of the door.22
The other occurrence in
these papyri is spelled subt and is translated as "muraille".23
This
passagep howevert also seems to refer to parts of a door (sbj) so it24
is possible that this snbtf which is described as having fallen (h3. t
is also the coping above the lintel.
Unfortunately snb(t) occurs most frequently in the Pyramid and
Coffin Texts in contexts which are of limited value to this study.
The term is most often found with reference to "the falcon upon the
anbw of the bwt of The-One-whose-Name-is-hidden ()3: mn_ ). 11 25Other
gods are also described as being upon snbw(t)p including Sobekj as ahawkv26 and Khnum,,
27
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2.+B
This idea of gods in bird-form sitting on snbw(t) recurs in Ptol-
emaic28
and it is from these examples that the suggestion of "battle-
ments" as a translation for snbw(t) has arisen. Such a translation
is also supported by the unusual determinative 16 which is found inthe Pyramid Texts.
29This determinative is used for both snbw and snbtv
indicating that only one term is involved. In additiong in spell 355
of the Coffin Textsp the phrase "Khnum sits on his snbwt" has variants
which show writings of snbw.30
Khnum is also associated with snbwt in the Book of the Dead in an
interesting passage which would also seem to support a translation of
"battlements"; "Khnum has sat31
upon his snbte If the sky comes with
a north wind, he sits to the south of it. If the sky comes with a south
windp he sits to the north of it ....... n32
This implies that the
god could shelter from the weather behind the snbto
Another god who is associated, in the Pyramid Texts# with snbw(t)
is Shup where the snbwt of Shu seem to be obstacles which must be
destroyed before the king can reach heaven.33
In the Coffin Texts
there are also references to the snbw(t) of the sky.34
The evidence of these religious texts would seem to indicate that
the anbw( ) were battlemented ramparts on the top of buildings. This
translation would also bb suitable for two occurrences of the te=
on Middle Kingdom stelae,
The first is a stela of the reign of Amenemhat IIIf which Reisner
found at Kerma. It belongs to an official who records the number of
4bt (brickst or perhaps blocks of stone) required to bgild "the snbt
which is in 1qValls-of-Amenemhat"j,35
Reisner originally identified
the place 'Jnbw (Imn-m-4st)with the funerary chapel (? )p K*IIP at
36 -Kerma but it has since been shown that the Egyptian monuments
found at Keims, had been taken there from Egyptian sites with the
result that "Walla-of-Amenemhat" does not have to be a building at
Kerma itself.37
Hintze has suggested that it was perhaps situated
in the region of the second cataract38 and comparison with the name
of an east-Delta fortresst 7Inbw V3ý3p "Walls-of-the-Raler" in the
39story of Sinuhe, would suggest that "Walls-of-Amenemhatn was also
the name of a fort.
There is an interesting parallel to this stela on anothert also
of the reign of Amenemhat 1119 which was found (or perhaps merely
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2+9
purchased) at El-Kab. 191is majesty ordered that snbwt which are in
"Wall s-of- Seshemu-tavy" be built a40
Unfortunately the rest
of the text is lost. Seshemu-tawy is the "Horus" name of Sesostris
IIso
thiscan
beassumed
to have been
a
fortress named after this
king. Since the exact provenance of this stela is uncertaing it may
also refer to oneof the Nubian fortresses. In these stelae snbwi
could well be fortified ramparts*
Sabw(t) recurs in hieroglyphic texts of the Ptolemaic period4l
but only one more occurrence from dynastic Egypt has been published.
This is on an Eighteenth Dynasty stelaq of king Ahmosep from Karnak,
which deswibes a stozm during which damage was caused to the Theban
templese The king took measures so that "the monuments of the gods
should be established,, their snbwt raised up and sacred objects be
replaced in the ct sp sst. "42 In such a general description it is
not possible to be certain as to the exact nature of the snbwtv but
the use of the verb tsi "to raise"43
would suggest that the snbwt
were on the top of the buildings.
This was never a very common term andq outside of religious
texts,examples are
fewand
far between.Ifp as
theevidence suggestsp
enbt was used particularly to describe the battlemented ramparts of
a fortified buildingg then the lack of examples is hardly surprising
since most detailed building texts refer to temples. The original
meaning of the term may have been less specific since it appears to
have been used in the Fifth Dynasty Abusir papyri to describe the
coping above a door.
Snbt does not appear in Erichsen's Demotisches Glossarg nor
does it seem to have occurred in Coptic,
I Posener-KI-ileger and De Cenivalp The Abu Sir Papyrit pl*XXIA9 Bt
4; I_Zr. t 1121b; 1955b; De Backq The Egyptian Coffin Textst Vt 2c;
Vandersley6np Rev* dlE * 19 (1967), PI-8t x+14; 9P x+19-
2 Posener-Kri'bger and Do Cenivalp Op. citol pl, IXIXL9 b; De Backi
op* citep Vp 2c; VIIf 110t.
3 PYr-y 1778a*4 Ibidop 299b,
5 loc. cit; Ibidtt 1953b.
6 Reisnerp Kerm 9 IV-vt 5091 fig-343ý NO-30-
7 De Buck, op. cit. 9 119 221d; 223a.
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260
8 Stobartv Egyptian Antiquitiesp collected on a voyage made in Upper
Egypt in the years 1854 and 18559 P1-1 (StobarVs copy is also rep-
roduced by legrain in PSBA 27 (1905)r plate opposite p. 106).
9 Gardinerv Rev. d'Eg. 11 (1957)9 Pl-49 141; De Buck, opcit*p 11,
220a; 223a; VIII 220h.
10 Ibid., 11,221d; IVP 46g.
11 Ibidtv V9 2c.
12 Blackmant ZiS 49 (1911), 63; Budget The Book of the Deadq (1898)9
Textp 129t 3-
13 Navillet Das Aegyptische Todtenbucht It pl,, CLXp 2*
14 Mariotteg Denderah, IIIr pl. 66p at 3; 104michen#. Kalendor Inschrif-ten, pib, =p fq 2; Id., Tempel Inschriften Ut pl. XV, 2.
15 Chassinatp Edf P It 16, lowerv 9,
16 Dumichent OP-cit-9 It Pl-XIX9 3-
17 In-t IIIP 458,6.
18 Ibid., 111,4589 7-
19 Faulknerv Con. Dictop 231-
20 Cne can only notep with interestv the comment of Adams (Nubiag
210); "No-one knows what a embt was, since the wo±-doccurs in
no other text"*
21 Posener-Kribeer and De Cenivalq loc. cit,,
22 Posener-Krieger,, Archives Neferirkareq Us 4409 note b; Id, q Bei-
trAse Bf. 12t Festschrift Rickeg 83-
23 Idop Archives Neferirkareýq UP 430-
24 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivall op. cit. t pl, XXIA9 Bt 4-
25 Pyr., 1778a; De Buck, op. citot Ilt. 220a; 221d; 223a; VIIP 1990-
26 Gardinerp loc* cit,,
27 De Back, op. cit. t V9 2c.
28 Chassinatq loc. cit..
29 Pyrot 1778a; 1953a.
30 De Buckp loc. cit*.
31 The version in the New Kingdom Papyrus of NU has ch'sn nJ bnm,
usesthe
pluralform
of snbt and changesthe
suffix pronoun withbms to the first person (Blackmang op. cit. 9
63-64)-
32 loc* cit*. The text continues in the same vein with regard to the
east and west winds. Blackman notes thai this Middle Kingdom text
is a better versionýthan that of Nu.
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251
33 Pyr. 9 299b; 1121b; 1953b-1.955b.
34 Do Buckv op. cit-P IVP 46g; V. I, 110ts: 220ho
35 Reisner, loc. cit. e
36 Ibid., It 126-127-37 Adams, op. cit. t
209#
38 Hintzep ZAS 91 (1904)t 84-
39 Sinuheq B. 17*
40 Stobart, loc. cit.. There is a third stela which may once have con-
tained a similar text to those from Xerma and 131-Kabo This is a
stela of Kamose which was re-used at Buhene The text-is badly pre-
served but can be restored to readq after the datel "building the
ýP3)which the ["///////Igreat
3tw of the city did['//,, 311
(Smitht H*S. j The Fortress of Buhenj, The Inscriptionst 6-9; pl. II;
LVIIIr 1). Smith has suggested that the damaged word could be either
Inbor snb and prefers
Inb because of the masculine article, P30
Snb(t) does seem to have been a feminine word but it could be
written without the t and could, possibly, have been mistaken for
a masculine term. The similarity to the other stelae and its prov-
enance make it at least possible that this stela also refers tobuilding activity on the ramparts of a Nubian fortress.
41 Damicheng op. cit-P It P1-XIXP 3; Ut pl. XV9 2; Id. p Kalen&. er Ins-
chriftent pl*LIXp fq 2; Ma=iettep loc. cite*
42 Vandersleyeng loc. cit..
43 n-P VP 405-407*
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252
sh-ntr
Dyn. III-Alex. D7no V2 Dyn. Vs XIX9 XX13
12 ri) XX7I9 Ptols
6Dyn. VI4 Dyn. x15 Dyn. XII
T il 1n 11 TCM
Dyn. X X1117 Dyn. XVIII8
Ptol.9
v"m Xv ii ei
niOne of the most frequent uses of this term is in the epithet of Anabis
lanty s4-ntr.10
The nature of the dki-ntr in this context has been
investigated in detail by Altenmaller 11 so this study of the term
will be restricted to those examples of sh-ntr, from which the type
of building can be identified.
Probably a s4-nj was originally a temporary boothp made of light
materialsp12
erected-to perfo= some function in the festivals of
the gods. Evidence is lacking fortthe existence of the term in the
earliest dynastiest outside of its use in epithets. Howevert there
aretwo tomb-scenes
ofthe Fifth
Dynasty in which shrines are labelledspecifically as Fqi-nj .
The first is from the tomb of Iymeri at Giza (No916) and shows
carpenters at work on the funerary equipment of
IYmeri. A,-finished shrine stands alone and is des-
cribed as; sh-ntr n wcng -"A sh-ntr of Juniper".13
The second scene occurs in the tomb of Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep at
Saqqara. In this scene a shrine of the form ? is being pol-
ished by a kneeling workmang the entire group being
labelled as sn- sh-ntrt 'Tolishing the s4-ntr. "14
In both of these examples the sh-nt is a parý of the burial equip-
ment of private individualsy a small wooden shrine*
Other examples of the term in texts of the Old and Middle King-
doms can not be identified15
with any particular types of building.
Fortunately the same is not true of the New Kingdom.
A good example is an ebony shrine of which Naville recoveredone side and one door-leaf in the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir El-
Bahari. 16Most of the dedication texts are damaged at the point
where the name of the shrine should be givenp onep however, is pre-
servedo describing the shrine as a sb-ntr ýpss m hbny n tPW :b3swtp
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263
"a noble slý-njr in ebony of the best of the foreign lands"*17
The
shrine stood over six feet tall, was decorated both inside and out
and opened with a double-door. It is clearly a shrine made to con-
tain the image of a godt presumably Amunige, sinceit is he to
whomthe shrine is dedicated. Porter and Moss suggest that it originally
stood in a chapel of Amun within the temple,19
In the. reign of Hatshepsut, slý-nt is also applied to the stone
sanctuary of the Aman temple at Kamak. The blocks from this were
found in the fill of the Third Pylon.20
Cne block has a scene of the
Queen dedicating electrum before Amunp the electrum being intended
"to decorate the noble s4-ntr which she has made. "21
Lacau and 22
Chevrier have suggested that this text refers to the sanctuary itself,
and there seems to be no reason to doubt this. Another text may also
refer to the same sanctuary as a s4-ntr.
This is the stela of Djebuty which describes work of Hatshepsutp
including a st wrt sji-ntr ý.d(W) m nit "a st wrtg a sh-ntr built of
23granite. " The main obstacle to the identification of this slý-nt
with the Hatshepout sanctuary is the fact that the sanctuary is not
made entirely of granitep but consists of red quartzite on a base of
black granite. This discrepancy is noty howeverv insurmountable as
the Egyptians were often inaccurate when it came to using the correct
terminology for building materials and the sanctuary wasp in any casep
partly made of granite. In additiong the to= st wrt was elsewhere
applied to the Hatshepsut sanctuary in a text which mentions the
building by name.24
It can, thereforet be regarded as a possibiLity
that the sb-ntr of the Djehuty stela is this sanctuary, particularly
as there. is no other edifice named on the stela which could be so
identified* It is unlikely that this chronicle of Hatshepsatts works
for Amun should omit the sanctuary of the main temple*
r.: b'lbcks from this sanctuary mention- a further sh-nýr at
Ka=ak. This is the alabaster barque-shrine of Amenhotep I which was
also used in the Third Pylon.25
A dedication inscription on the shrine
itself describes it as "the slý-ntr (named) 7Imn-mn-mnw in alabaster
of Hatnubp with c-2ýW pon it in Asian copperg while on the blocks
of Hatshepsat (Nos. 102 and 128) it is called "the shn_tr of alabaster
(named) "Imn-mn-mnw*1127 The scene on block 102 has been publishedg
previouslyp by Lacau2B and shows the barque of Aman resting on a
pedestal-within the alabaster shrine.
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as+
Three writings of sh-ntr occur in an incomplete building text of
Tathmosis III from Karnak. The first refers to the shrine on the
sacred barque of Amun "Aman-user-hetI,29
and the second to the mono-
lithic alabaster naosp within which were carved two seated figures,
of Amun and Amenijrp and which the king placed in the Eastern temple
at Karnak.30
The text describes this naos as "a sh-ntr.... *frOm, one
block of stone.,,31
The third example refers to the alabaster barque-
shrine in the way-station of Tuthmosis 1119 to the south of the
32Seventh Pylonq describing it as "a s#-ntr;... *in lustrous alabaster
of Hatnab.,,33
Each of these examplest all of which can be identifiedy accord
well with the evidence that a slý-ntr could be either a shrine in
which the image of a god could reside, or a barque shrine in which
the god could rest whun he was carried in procession.
Other texts of the Few Kingdom mention sjiw-n_tr which were almost
certainly cult or barque- shrines. Another of the buildings listed
on the stela of Djehuty is a qlý-nt called Iqlorizon of the god"(3tt
ntr).34
This sli-ntr is also called a st wrtv indicating that it was
a shrine in which the image of the gid could rest.A scene in the tomb of Rekhmire at Thebes shows copper being
brought from Retenu to cast the doors (c2tw) of the sý-njr of Amun
at Karnak.35
Undoubtedly the term continued to be used for such shrines through-
out the dynastic period, although continuous evidence for this has
not survived. Howevery in the Thi3tieth Dynasty a monolithic red
granite shrinel parts of which were found at Shubra Hor in the Deltat
was described as a "very great sb-ntrpt,36
Unfortunately -sh-ntr seems also to have broadened in meaning
until it became a synonym for hwt-ntro helpedq no doubt, by the fact
that the two terms employed similar groupings. Where a writing of112 has been treated syntactically as a feminine noun, I have taken
it to be an example of liwt-ntrp because writings such asIQ
Cý-3 show
that the signý
could be substituted for Q in 4:wt-ntr.37
There are occasionsp howeverv when sh-ntr was used to mean 11templell-Lý
For example the Annal Inscriptions Of Tuthmosis III are described as
having been recordeýd; lir sb-n-tr pn "upon this slý-ntfll,38
the use of
the masculine, En, suggesting that the goup is to be read as all-nj
and not as the feminine tLwt-ntr. Another text of the same reign uses
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aS5
slý-ntr to mean "temple"* It occurs on an architrave from the king's
temple at El-Kabq in a largely destroyed. dedication text.39
In the Nineteenth Dynasty a dedicatory inscription of Ramesses II
from the forecourt of the temple of Luxor d scribes this court as48
"a ws)jt ýLbyt for the s4-ntr in sandstone'19 certainly referring to the
entire temple. It is also of note that a Memphite temple could be
called either; s4-ntr 3b(Sti-mry-Pth) m,pr Pth41
or 4wt-njr 34(Stl-
mry_pttL) m pr ptb.42
Another case in which sli-ntr is used to mean "temple" is with
regard to the temple of Kflonsu at Karnak. A dedication text of Herihor43
describes "making festal his slý-ntr as a fine monument for eternity*11
In the temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu a scene depicting
the preparation of food in the temple slaughterhouse includes a row
of men carrying offerings which are destined to go Itto the slý-ntr'1944
and a text of SetiII at Karnak relates that it was this king"who
increases his (Amunts) pr, who embellishes his sb-ntr as an excellent
work of eternity.,,4.5
In the Graeco-Roman eriod stL-ntr could also be used of a single
room within a temple
46
and there is evidence to show that this mayhave been true in earlier periods* An incomplete text on the east
wall of room 29 in the mortuary temple of Ramesses II mentions a
slý-ntr hry-i7b hwt-Wsr-m31-t-r1 mry.! mn [m] Pr ',,=.47
In this- expression
4wt refers to the temple itself so that it can only be concludedthat ski-ntr is being applied to room 29.48 Cne further use of the term
was to describe the Serapeum.at Saqqarav49 a complex which was also
regarded as a bwt-ntr. 50
Erichsen cites only one reference for s#-ntr in demotict translat-
ing the expression as 11G6tteshallen.51The term did not recur in
Coptic.
A,sb-ntr, thereforeq in the pre- and protodynastic periodsp wasprobably a light boothp or shrine, erected for specific festivals.In th§ Old Kingdom it is attested as a term for a shrine, forming
a Part of the funerary equipment of Private individyals. Although
the textual evidence has not been preserved, it would seem ikalythat sdý_nt could always have been used to describe the shrine in acultus temple in which the image of the god was kept. By the NewKingdom it was also applied to a barque shrine in which the godCould rest whenhis image was carried in procession and to the
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a56
shrine on the barque itself. At the name time, howeverp either by
extension of meaning or through confusion with hwt-ntrv sb-ntr came
to mean "temple". It could alsov at least in the Graaco-Roman period,
and probably earlier, be used for one specific room within a temple*
The actual form of the shrine can vary and can be depicted in great
detail. Murray, Saqqara Mastabasp p1s. Ij II; XX; Dunham and Simpsong
The Mastaba of Queen Mersyankh III, figs-3a; 6; 10; Iv 1209
10; 108P 3; Cl6re and Vandier, Textes de la premiýre Periodd inter-
mediaire et de la Xleme Dynartiev 309 T), 1 and 3; Urkot VIIq 29
2; 43,6; IV9-296,6; 4279,15; 734P 15; 829v 10; 13419 16; ITitas,
Studies in Honor of John A. Wilsong fig-79 x+6; x+ 14; x+ 20;Lacaup ASAE26 (1926)9 pl. IV (between PA30 and 131); Pillety ASAE
24 (1924)9 57; Abd El-Razikv JEA 60 (1974)9 155; Helcky ZA'S83
(1958)9 plellIt 27; Chicago Universityp Oriental Instituteg Medinet
Ra-lu.q 111,1739 16-21; LDT9 Iq 15; J6quierq L'a=chitecturel 1119
plois2 Moussa and Altenmi-iller., Das Grab des Nianchchnum und Chnumhotepy
pl. 62*
3 LDP IIP 499 b (the group as reproduced by lepsius is
n,The
coýy of the same text, by Champollion (Monuments de L'Egypte et
de la Nubiev IV,, pl. CCCC=3:9 1) has in - 'Whatever the actual fo=
of the sign it is clearly intended to be forn ); ERIv Iq 3109
2 and 3; Chicago Universityq op. cit. 9 VII, pl. 486, C9 2; Vercoutter,
Textes biographiques du Sgrape-um de Memphis# 17'; pl. II; Mariette,
Denderah, II, ple22; Urlte, II, 63P 11; 69,16.
4 Pyro, 2100c.
5 Cle"re and Vandiert op, cit., 25P 49 1-6 De Buck, The Eaptian Coffin Texts, Ip 196a (BIOCb
7 Arnoldo Der Tempel des K6nigs Mentahotep von Deir El-Bahari, 119
pls922; 23; De Buck, op. cit., Ip 196a; Urk*, IV, 4219 10; 11509
12.
8 Urk-P IVv 1423P 17 (with the masculine article p-s).9
Chassinatv Edf 9 Is 358-10 Wb-9 IIIP 465t 1-3-
11 Altermaller, Jaarbericht-ex Oriente Lux 22 (1971-1972)9 307-317-12 The simple tezm, ph, was not generally used of temples or parts
thereof; one exception to this being in the Graeco-Roman period
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26-1
when it couldp like sb- 9be used of a room in a temple (T2.
p-1119
464v 3-21)* The sh itself seems to have been a light construction
supported by a wooden column, see; Wb.9
Beler2dtelle9
1119 1299
(ref-464,3)-
13 IP-, 119 49v b (see note 3 above). The term w1n is translated by
Faulkner (Con. Diet*, 57) as 10juniper(? )". The W6rterbuch restricts
itself to the less specific "Conifer" QLbov 19 285t 16-20; 2869 1-
4)- In view of the fact that the juniper is a red wood(Iucas and
Harrisp Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industriest 437) and a
shrine made of wn is coloured red in a tomb scene from Deir El-
Gebrawi (Davies, No de G.9
The Rock Tombs of Deir El-Gebrdwi_ 119
pleX)p the identification of w'n with juniper seems likely. Theterm used for the shrine at Deir El-Gabrawi ist unfortunatelyp not
preserved* All that remains of the label is[////In
wcn. It is
possiblet however, that the missing term is to be restored as
64-ntr.
14 Moussa and Altenim-11lerv loc., cito,
15 E-G-P Pyrop 2100c; Axnold, op, ci op pls. 22; 23; 529 No- 4931;
Urk., VII9 2t 2.
16 Navilleg Deir El-Bahariq 119 1-4; pls. XXV-XX=. This shrinev which
is now in the Cairo Museumq is also described as a iwnnt see p, 22,
17 Lnjid.v pl, XXVII (Urk,
1,IVt 296,6).
18 MY IL 355-
19 Ibidop 363-364; Pl-XXXVI, 4P IX.
20 Lacr-u and Chevrier, Une Chapelle d'Hatshepsout a Karnakq I, 23-44t
21 Ibid. y 231,366.
22 Ibide, 231P 367-
23 R-rk-9 IV, 4279 15-
24 Ibid*, 1679 3. This text also calls the sanctuary a 1ýmand describes
it as being made of inr n rwdt n dw dýsr "quartzite" (Harris, Lex-
icographical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Mineralso 76). Another odr
the blocks from the shrine also uses the term bm and describes it
(for once accurately) as being made of both quartzite (rwýlt nt dw
d5r) and granite(m3t) (Lacau
and Chevrier, op. cit*, 261,411)-25 PM-v 11,63-64-
26 Pillet, loc. cit..
27 lacau and Chevrierv op. cit-P 195,286.
28 Lacau, ASAE 26 (1926), pl, IV2 B (between p. 130 and 130-
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269
29 Rims, Studies in Honor of John A. Wilsong fig-79 x+6.
30 PM9 119 216-217. For views of this naos see; Varillep ASAE 50 (1950)9
pls. VII-XT-T.
31 Nimso op- cit-v, fig-7, x+ 14-
32 PM, 111,173-174-
33 Rims, op- cit-t fig-7, x: + 20, For the identification of these slýw-
ntr at Karnak, see; Ibid., 72-73. The alabaster barque-shrine had
a dedication inscription which isp unfortunatelyp badly damaged.
The term used for the shrine is destroyed but has been restored,
in Urkop IVP 852v 29 as hm, paralleling a text from Medinet Haba
(jrk,v IV, 881,10). Sethe (LbLidd*, 852, note a) states that b M is
a necessary restoration because of a following masculine pronounp
although sb-ntr is another possible restoration.
34 ir-k-, IV, 421,10*
35 Lb-id-, IV, 1150,12. This scene is labelled "Bringing Asian copper
which his Majesty brought from Retenu of Amun
at Karnak" (Daviesp N* de G., The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re at Thebesp
'_7' toIv pl. LIII). Faulkner (Cone Dicter 76) takes the groupjj'C=
be theonly example of a
termwdb meaning
"doorof cast metal".
This group isp in fact, to be read w-dh `1wy "to cast the '3-doors"
and the entry shouldt thereforep be deleted from Faulkner's dict-
ionary.
36 Habachiq ASAE 53 (1956), fig-14 (after P-464
37 See aboveg 4wt-ntI P-183-184-
38 Urk-, IVP 734,15; 7439 7-
39 Ibidop 829,10,
40 Abd El-Razik, JEA 60 (1974)9 155-
41 LDT*p 19 15-
42 Petrie, Scarabs and Cylinders with names, pl. XXXIXv 2* See also
YoYottev KAmi 14 (1.957), 84, note 2.
43 Wb., Belegstellen, 111,129 (ref-465,6).
44 Chicago University, Oriental Institutep Medinet Habu, III, pl-173,
16-21.
45 Barguetv Temple, 118,46 Wb-, 111,465,9-
47 Chicago University, op. cit-, VII, pl-4869 C, 2*
48 For the disposition of this room within the temple, see; Ibid.,
fig-16.
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2S9
49 See above, #wt, 175, n. 67-
50 Vercoutter, Textes biographiques du S6rapeum de Memphis, 17; pl-II.
51 Brichsen, Demotisches Glossar, 445-
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.2bo
ýtsw - r, - (Iýr3bty)
23Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII9 XIX9
0 T,0:
ýxxi
JCý
T1, L -j
((
o, 456Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII Dyno XVIIIM C) 10
Dyne XVIII7 Dyne XVIIIP
O. ktnIC-3
Dyne XVIII9
Dyne XVIII10
Dyne XVIII11
AX
12T
13
jjýyn*XX14Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII
TIc--j
(i 5ý ol enTI Tt
C-30
16Dyno XX15 Dyne XX
'n 0 r0)
C-3 I
Dyne XX17
TcC,C-3 I
130a,\\ C-3m
Roman18
This Anusual term is known only in texts from the Eighteenth Dynasty
onwards. The most usual writing of the word is 5wt-r, occasionally
abbreviated to !Swtv however, in Papyras Wilbourg the tem is frequent-
1-0y given as swt-r'-4r34ty, showing that it is this aspect of the solar
god which is involved. This is also indicated by the frequent use of
the te= in inscriptions from Akhetatenj since it was Re-Horakhtyp
and not any other aspeat of the god Re, which was associated with the
Aten.19
In addition the epithet bry-lb s"wt-rloccurs above a represent-
ation of Re-Horakhty in the temple of Ramesses III at Medinat Habut20
so that there can be no doubt thatq even when the term is abbreviated
-.to_'swt-r'
or swt, it is to be understood as a chapel dedicated to
the god Re-Horakhty.
This expression was discussed by Fairmant particularly in relation
to 'swt-rl. in the Amarna period21
and Stadelmann hast more recentlyp
identified 5wt-r' with a Re-chapel within a temple dedicated to an-
other god*22
Stadelmann has shown that the main element of a 9wt-r"
was an open court containing an altar
23
andq as examples of this, hecites the Re-chapels in the mortuary temples of Hatshepsut at Deir
el-Bahari,24
of Seti I at Gurnag25
of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu26
and the temple of Abu Simbel.27
There would seem to be no doubt that this interpretation of the
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I fo
of the design and function of a twt-r' is correct althoug1-4 in only
one case, the Re-chapel at Medinet Habu in which the epithet tLry-lb
S_Wt-r' referred to above occursv is the chapel in question named as
a9ýwt-
r-.Stadelmann has also suggested that the RM,-chapelp which is known
to have existed on the roof of the Amun temple at Karnak, was a 'SWt-
r'-28
and he wnuld equate this with thea
mentioned in the
29
1 1ý
C-32
Chronicle of Prince Osorkon. Cne can only assume that this chapel
corresponded in plan to the Re-chapels in other New Kingdom templesp
as no remains of the roof-chapel have benn found.
By analogy with the 'swt-r' which Stadelmann has identified it
would seem logical to assume that the 6wt-r' of the Amarna period were
also chapels dedicated to Ite-Horakhty within temples to the Aten, al-
thoughp as the Aten was originally an aspect of Re-Horakh*y, the rel-
ationship between the two divinities is somewhat unique*
In his discussion of the term Fairman identified one of the 'swt-
rc-at Akhetateng belonging to the princess Meretaten, with the central
kiosk on the island of Maruaten to the south of the city030 The texts
which mention this`6wt-rt
show that it wasq originallyl inscribedfor
.aqueen931 but was later re-assigned to Meretaten* In-view of the
fact that blocks inscribed for the Aten m t3 'swt-rl n sit-nsw Mrt-Itn
M P3 msrw nItn
n ps Itn m 3bt-itn (the name and title of the princess
not being original) were found within one of the smaller kiosks on32
either side of the approach to the central kioakf it is more likely
that the entire complexg known as Maruaten IIp was the 9wt-r1j with
the ceitral kiosk., containing an altarp as the focal point. The exc-
avation report implies that this kiosk was roofedg33
although there
appears to be no actual evidence for this and, as cult-places at
Akhetaten were, axiomaticallyo open to the sun's rayso it is more
likaly that this kiosk was open to the sky so that the sunlight could
reach down to the offerings heaped upon the altar, This Amarna `swt-r",
thereforev contained the principal element of the other Re-chapels,
an open area with an altare Unfortunately the identification of the
remaining gwt-r4 at Akhetaten is not so certain.
The ?5wt-r( of queen Tiy is depicted in the tomb of Huya, at Amarnal
and was clearly an edifice of some size and complexity.34
It is note-
worthy that no qualifying statement as to the location of the Gw't-rc'
of Tiy is given* It is not, presumably, to be found at Maxuaten like
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16 Z
the example discussed above, nor is it to be found within the pr 4'-Y
n p-5itn
as is the case with two further swt-rc from Amarna. It can
only be assumed that this g t-rl of queen Tiy was a building largeEwl
enough to stand alone,, the location of which was obvious without
qualification. The templev as depicted an the tomb-wall, consists of
a pylon-gateway leading into a large court, surrounded on all four
sides by colonnades with statues of a king and queen. In the centre
of the court is an altar, reached by a flight of stepsp while another
pylon-gateway leads to the smaller halls and courts at the rear of
the building.
This 'S`wt-r4 cannot be identified with any known building at Amarnag
although the fact that the lowest register shows river-scenes has led
to the suggestion that the s"wt-r- of Tiy was situated somewhere along
the river-bank like that at Maniaten.35
The connection between the &t-rt and the royal women at Akhetaten
is not in question but the reason for this is unclear* Stadelmann has
connected it with the role of the queen as God's Wife of Amun in rel-
ation to Re as the creator-god.36
Whatever the reasong it is certain
that s-wt-rl existed at Akhetaten for the kingts mother Tiyt presumably
for the great queen Nefertiti37 and possibly also for another queeng
Kia*38 There were also two 9wt-rc assigned to the two eldest princesses
Meretaten and Ankhesenpaatenp both of which were m pr kicy n pi 3.n m
prItn
m 3ht Itn,
This is the name of the large monumental building to the west of
the Royal Road which was described by the excavators as the "Great
Palace".39
Howeverg suchan adifice was clearly not
intendedas
the
domestic quarters of the royal family and Uphill has suggested that
it was, in fact, not a '!palace" but a "templest.40
This interpretation
does seem to be more plausible althoughp as Assman has pointed aut,41
the distinction between civil and religious buildings at Amarna is
not very clear.
The name of the building would also support an interpretation
as a religious structurep particularly one connected with the Sed-
festiva, 42 and it would, therefore,, not be surprising that two 'BWt-
re were situated within the pr-jilty.
Uphi, 143 equated the swt-r'L of queen Tiy with a part of the pr-
4cYp at the rear of the buildingg opening off the hypostyle hall.44
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zbs
This was balanced,, on the other sidev by a similar stracture which
could not be planned as it was under the then line of cultivation.
It is noteworthy that this temple has no sanctuary on the axis, the
hypostyle hall being the central room at the rear mf the building*
It seems likely, thereforeg that the two identical structures on either
side of the hall are the focal points of the temple and it is tempt-
ing to identify these two structures with the two 'SWt-r' which are
known to have existed within the pr-tLcy. It isp however, unlikely
that either is the 'Swt-rc of queen Tiy9 since this is not described
as being within the pr-]ýcy and would seem to have been an altogether
more complex building than these two areas of the pr-tL'y.
Each of the structures consisted of a peristyle court in the
centre of which was a concrete platformv on whichp as Uphill has sugg-45
estedv probably stood an altar. Four side rooms opened off this
court beyond which was a large open courtp containing two kiosks, one
of which was never completed* The plan of this part of the pr-41y
has all the major elements of the standard Re-chapel and cang thereforef
be identified as a 'swt-r. In addition, blocks from the doorways lead-
ing from the hypostyle hall into the 6wt-rc show Akhenaten as a lion-
sphinxg46
a representation of Re-Horakhty which occurs on unproven,
.147
anced blockst possibly from this building, which do mention a swt-r'.
The ownership of these two ýSWt-rc is open to question. Cne almost
certainly belonged to the eldest princess Meretaten. It is mentioned
on a statue base, now in the British Museum, t3 'awt-rc n sst-nsw....
Mrt-1tn. -,. 9m pr-]ýcy n p3Itn
m pr iltn m 3tt-Itn.48
The name of the
princessis
original andthe
statue givesthe
earlyforms
ofthe
namesof the Aten so it would seem fair to assume that this swt-rl was
always intended for Meretateng rather than having been re-assigned to
her on the death, or downfall, of any queen.
The second gwt-rl was, at one time, assigned to Ankhesenpaaten
although Hanke has suggested that it belongeds ofiginallyg to queen
Kia.49
Howeverg of those inscriptions which mention the `6Wt-r4 of
Ankhesenpaaten/Kia quoted by Hanket only two do not require the rest-
oration of the term swt_r,, 050 These texts are both on blocks from
Hermopolis and both have bean wrongly restored, in the pastf to give
the name of the princess Ankhesenpaaten-ta-sherit,,51
From Roeder's
photographs neither of these blocks seem to have been re-workedg al-
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2 bI-
though Hanke implies that they were. There is also a third block which
gives the name of the 5wt-rt and the name and titles of the princess
in full, leaving no doubt as to the correct restoration of the other
two, incompletbf, toxts. Thisthird
blockhas
a scene ofAkhenaten be"
neath the rays of the Aten, who is described as being m t3 -swt-r' n
s-3t-nsw n ht, f mrt. f '-nla. s-n-pz-ltn m pr-h4y n p3 itn m prItn m 3bt-
? 52itn. This blockt although not well preservedg seems not to have been
re-worked but, unlike the statue base of Meretaten, bears the later
forms of the names of the Aten.
It is possiblep thereforep that these two 'swt-rl were intended
from the start to belong to the two princesses, although one may have
been originally assigned to a queen.
The importance of a sýwt-r- as a cult-place is indicated by texts
from Amarna and particularly by the Ramesside Papyrus Wilbour.
In one version of a h3ýlnn to the. Ateh --Swt-rlis used instead of the
more usual 1ývt_ntr,53
indicating thatp to some extent, the two words
were regarded as synonyms* It is also evident that a 'Swt-r' had its
own priesthood as both a wb-priest54
and ýEw-nt55
are attested
for various 'SWt-r.
Papyrus Wilbour, while not helping to identify any SWt-r' with
particular buildings, shows that a *6wt-rl could own and cultivate
56land, for which an administrative and labouring staff would have
been essential. The 9wt-r', of this papyrus are situated either within
a pr of another god57 or are described as being in a particular town?
One is located within a fortress (? 20)59 which can be compared with
another'swt-r'
situated within a sfbye
60
A 'swt-3: -, thereforep was a cult-centre of the god Re-Horakhty,
which could be situated within a temple dedicated to another god or
be a separate temple. The main element of a 'swt-r' was the large open
court with an altar, upon which offerings could be placed61
and to
which the sun's rays had direct access. A s'wt-r' had its own priest-
hood and staff9 although it wasp no dmubtp under the administrative
control of the cult-centre of the chief god of the area.
Although the earliest known reference to a -SWt-r' is of the Eight-
eenth Dynastyt it is possible that they existed prior to this date.
All the surviving examples are of the period from the Eighteenth to
the Twentieth Dynastyp with the exception of one writing frcm the
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265
temple of Esna, in the Roman periodq62
indicating that the term had
been in constant use from the New Kingdom onward.
ýwt-r4occurs in neither the demotic or Coptic scripts.
1 U-rk-, IV, 498,1-
2 Ibidv 1673,11-
3 Petri. eq Tell El-Amarna, Pl-XXIV, 76; Janssen, Two Ancient Egyptian
Ships Logs, 15,26 and 27 (omitting (); Spiegelberg, Correspond-
ances du temps des rois-pie"tre , 57,10 (transcribed asI here, but
read asT by Fairman in Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten 1119
203, e),
4 Davies, El-. Ajaarn , V, pl, XXX, 15-5 Roederp AmarnaReliefs aus Harmopolisp pl. 19 (RG7-Vll: % A); Tawfik,
MDA 32 (1976), 222, fig. 1; Aldred, Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 99,
No,,13-
6 Roeder, OP- cit-v Pl-55 (450-VII, A)-
7 British Museum, Hieroglyphic Texts, VIII, pl. XXIV*
8 Pendlebury, op. cit., 111,201, e( C-$f'20) is probably an abbrev-I-0
iated form of the name of the Aten (Fairman? op. cit., 111,169;
Peet and Woolley, The City of Akhenaten, It 167) showing the ident-
ification of Re-Horakhty and the Aten. )
9 Peet and Woolley, op, cit. 9 I, pl. LVI (22/273, reverse).
10 Ibid., IV pl*LVI (22/273, obverse).
11 Davies, op* cit*, III, pl*YIII (there is also an example, copied
as presumably in error; lb6i. rpito).
12 Pendlebury, op, citep III, pl., IXXXVIII, 109 (for (-nh r' see note
8 above).
13 Ibid., pl. L'-UVIII, 1109
14 Erichsen, Papyrus Harris It 701 12-13 (Erichsen transcribes the
initial sign as*F but Fairman, op, cit., 202,2, d reads it as? );
Gardiner, The Wilbour Papyrus, I, pis. 63,22; 70,20; 70,22; 72,
23,24; 60,4 (the last has an additional i after the a ).
15 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, Medinet Habu, VI9 Pl-427t
A.16 Gardiner, op- cit-t I, pl-7 (A, 169 38); This is the standard fall
spelling of the term in this papyrus, although the signs are often
more cursive, See alsop Ibid. t Pls-3 (A, 9t 1); 8 (A, 18,37); 18
(A, 40,21); 29 (A, 62,33); 30, (A, 64,29); 48 (At 98t 17); 49
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26b
(At 100,9).
17 Ibid. 9 19 Pls-37 (A, 78,34); 42 (A, 86,46); 44 UP 91,30)-
18 Sauneron, Esna, III, 10P 197,14-
19 Redford,, JARCE13 (1976),
47-61; Tawfik, op. cit., 217-226.20 Chicago University, oriental Institute, loc. cit..
21 Fairmanp op. cito, 200-208o
22 Stadelmanno MDAIK 25 (1969), 159-178-
23 Ibid., 165ff-
24 Naville, Deir El-Bahariv 1,1-11; PloI-VI; EMP 11,362-363; Plo
XXXVI,4 (for the dedication inscriptions on the altar see; qrko,
IV9 295,13-16).
25 EMY,11,420; pl. XLv 1 (court XLII).
26 H61scher, Exe. Med. Habuv 111,15, fig-8; PM, 11,509-510; Pl-
XLVIII, (rooms 17-19)-
27 P11, VII, 99; plan on p. 96. (the North chapel).
28 Stadelmann, op* cit*, 175-176.
29 Chicago University, Oriental Institute, The Biibastite Portglj pl.
22,11o
30 Pairman, op. cit*, 1119 206o31 Hanke has suggested that this was a 9wt-rc of Kia as the names
and titles of Nefertiti would not. fit into the space now occupied
by the name and title of Meretaten (Hankep Amarna Reliefs aus Her-
mopolis, 166-168)o
32 Peet and Woolley, op. cit*, 1,121-122; pls. XXXIV, 1 and 2; LVIy
22/273o
33 ! hLd-, 122.
34 Daviesp El-Amarnaq III, pls,. VIII-XIo Fairman (op cit., 205) sugg-
ested that S'Wt-rl may have referred only to the small kiosk with
an altar at the rear of the temple (Daviesp op. cito, pl. VIII; XI)
as the names and titles of the Ateny described as nb t-3 -SWt-rn
mwt-nsw hmt-nsw wrt Till, occur over this rear part of the templeo
However, the title of the entire scene is quite explicit; "Con-
ducting the Great Queen, the king's mother, My, to let (her) see
her 6wt-r1111, it would seem to be more logical to assume that -SWt-
r'- was the name of the entire complex. See also; Stadelmann, 2po
SLto, 163-164-
35 Pairman, op* cit., 204; Stadelmann, opo cito, 164o
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261
36 Ibid. 9 165-
37 There seem to be no texts extant which mention a tWt-rl of Nefer-
titi by name, but the boundary stelae state that a '6wt-r*of a
queen (name lost) was to be built (Davies, op. cit., V, pls. XXX9
15; XXXIIt 17) while a hieratic docket mentions t3 'SWt(c-nb rl)*..
n t3 bmt-nsw .... 4r rsy "The ýswt-rcof Ankh-Re (see note 8 above),.
.* of the queen.... in the south" (Fairman, op. cit.,, 201, e. See
also; Ibidej, pl*IXXXVIII, 108; 109.
3B See note 31 above and note 49 below.
39 Pendleburyp OP- cit-9 III, 33ff; pls*XIIU-XVI* For the identific-
ation ofthis building
withthe
pr-h(y seeFairmang
op. cit. 9III,
193-194. The excavators included in the pr-hly the buildings bet-
ween the main structure and the Royal Road. Howeverg in view of
the true nature of this building, it is more likely that the name
refers only to the temple itself. As Pairman pointed out there is
no direct evidence that the "harem" was regarded as a part of the
pr-hl-y (Ibidep 193-194)-
40 Uphillp JNES 29 (19709 151-166.
41 Assman, JNES 31 (1972)9 155-
42 Ibid. 9150ff-
43 Uphillp op* cit-Y 156-160.
44 Pendleburyl, op. citop HIP 58-59; pls. XIIIB; XIV; XLI; XLII*
45 Uphillq op. cit-, 158--
46 Pendleburyq op* cit*9 1119 pl*X. LIp 2 and 3-
47 Tawfikq op, cit*, 221-2229 fig. 1; Aldred., loc. cit..
48 British Museum, op. cit*, VIIII 27-28; Pl-XXIV-
49 Hanke, op. cit., 168; Abb-44-45; 48-50- It should be noted that
although some of Hanke's examples in which he has restored the
name swt-r" are entirely plausibleg it is also possible that an-
other term, such as prp would be the correct restoration. See
particularly blocks 443-VIII A (PLid.9
Abb-48; Roeder, op. cit
Pl-47); 32B-VIII A (Hanke, op. citog Abb-49; Roeder, op. cit. p
Pl-19); 324-VIII C (Hanke, loc, cit*; Roederg Op- cit-9 pl-53)-
50 These are Hermopolis blocks 207-VIII A (Hwnke, op* cit. 9Abb-48;
Roeder; op, cit., pl. 19) and 338-VI A (Ibid.9 Pl-148; Hankev 22*
cit*, Abb-49)-
51 Both have been wrongly restored in the past to read szt-nsw n h-t. f
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Zbg
mrt. f F-nb.-n-p-s tn-t3--Srt ms n s3t-nsw cnI3. s-n-p-s-Itn(Roeder,
OP- Cit-9 Pls-19; 148; Brunner,, ZXS 74 (1938), 106 (block 338-VI
A only). Both texts are correctly restored by Hanke (9p. cit.,
Abb-48; 49)
but incompletely, omitting m pr itn m 31at-itn.52 Roeder, Op- cit-P Pl-55 (450-VII A).
53 Davies, op, cit, p 1, pl, XXVII-
54 Janssen, op. cit-P 15-
55 Loc, cit.; Gardiner, op. cit-9 Ip pls-70p 20; 72t 23-
56 ý!&- Ibid-P Pls-7 (A 16,38); 8 (A, 18,37); 70 (Bg 23,22); 72
(Bg 20,23-24); et ale.
57 In a pr of Amun; Ibid. 9 19 plo 29 (A, 62,33); of Seth; Ibid, , I,
P1-7 UP 169 38); 30 (A, 64,29).
58 Ninvu; Ibid., I, Pls-3 (Ap 9v 1); 70 (B, 23,20-22); Harspera; pl.
60 (By 13Y 4); Menankh; Pls-42 (A, 66,
96,17); Shatina; pl. 8 (A, 18,37); Sc
(A, 100,9).
59 Ibid. 9 pl. 18 (Ap 40,21).
60 Janssen, loc. cit..
46); 44 UP 91P 30); 48 (At
o; P1.37 (Aý 78v 34); 49
61 The emphasis on offerings with regard to the 'swt-r( is shown in the
following texts which otherwise give no indications as to the fun-
ction or plan of a 'swt-rl; Urk,. g IV, 4989 1; Fairman, op., cit-P III,
202; Saunerong loce cite.
62 Loc. cit..
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2b9
k3 rl'
Dyne VII
-=:..Zý-
M. Ke2
3ýq-ý
'1?" <: ý-M. Ke
3
14
Dyne XII 5Dyne XII 6Dyne XIIr)
Dyne XII7 D. n. XVII18M
9Dyne XVIII, Ptole
19m
1-3 <=>
a 10 11Dyne XVIII Dyne XVIII9
xix
12Dyne XVIII
Dyne XVIIItI3 Dyne XVIIII4
Dyn. XVII115
C-3 xx
<=:
Af3 MI
-44
V4 C-3Dyne XIX9 XX
16v
Dyn. XXt
xxi
l71-Y -\
Dyne XIX9 XX18
<=>C-3
Dyn* XXI9
1ý0Dyne XX
20
C-341
Dyne XXII21
-=711A
D
Dyne XXII
xnii--3
or22
Dyne XX7I23
,.Dyne XXXt
24
Roman
Dyne XXX25
4J C3Ptol.
26Ptol.
27
4QPtolo
28
The earliest known writing of k3rig the only example which antedates
the Middle Kingdomp occurs in the Pyramid Textst and refers to a k3r(
in heaven,29
This writing'is determined with the unusual sign
which represents a palanquin and more usually determines the nouny
rpytt "a female statue" or "a goddess,,.30
This palanquin also figures
in scenes of the Bed-festival where it boaxs the msw-nsw to watch
the rituals*31 The evidence from texts of later periods would make
it unlikely that a k3ri was originally a palanquing and the use of
this determinative can best be understood as an attempt to represent
a shrine on carrying poles* In the Nineteenth-Dynasty temple of
Ramesses II at Abydosp a shrinep described as a k3rip is shown being
carried on polesp by four meno,32
This kind of portable shrine was one of the meanings of the term,
and it could also be used for the "cabin" of a barque-shrine which
was also carried in processionO33 Howevert the principal meaning of
karl 'was "naos'19 the evidence for this being quite conclusive.
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2410
There are several Late-Period examples of naoi which are actually
labelled Ilk3ri'll. Cne is the granite naos provided for the temple of
Horus at Edfaq by Nectanebo Ill which is described as "a noble karl
in graniten.
34
Another granite naosp of the Twenty-Sixth Dynastyp isalso called a ksr(l),
35as is a naosp made from the rare ýý_stonev
found at Koptos and dated to the Thirtieth Dynasty,36
In addition a
Ptolemaic relief from the temple at Tod shows a naos, elevated upon
a stepped podiump which is labelled as a kzr(l).37
Although all these examples of naoi which can be proved to have
been regarded as k3rw date to the latest periods of Egyptian historyp
earlier texts also support the view that a k3rl was a naos. Unlike
sb-ntr and bm, kzA does not seem to have been used for an open-endedo
stone barque-shrine.
Examples of k3ri are rare before the New Kingdom, although this
may not be significant since most building texts which are extant
date to the period after the Second Intermediate Periods The earliest
writing from the Pyramid Texts has already been noted. From the Middle
Kingdom there are several occurrences, only one of whichp from the
stýla of Ikhernofretv gives any indication as to the nature of a k3rlo11-fashioned the gods-who are in his (Osiris') followingg and made their
klr(l)w (determined with'Z )anew. "
38This refers to the shrines of
other gods within the Abydene temple of Osiris.
K-srl is also used of the chap-ell containing a statue of the dec-39
easedp in the tomb of Khnumhotep II at Beni Hasan v and occurs in the
descriptions of temple-building in Papyrus Reisner 1.40
From the New Kingdom onwards there are many references to the
k1r1w of the gods in general which support a translation of "naoi,,. 41
A typical example is0lis father Re created him to fashion those who
are in their k-6ri(w)p to provision their altars..42
Other texts give
more specific information about particular shrines;
"*****, kar1w in stonep with, 3w-doors in true cedar to follow the43
statues of my majesty "o (Inscription of Tathmosis III at Karnak).
"I made for you (Alm,n) a secret k3ri from one fine block of
graniteq. L3w-doors upon it in copper, worked and engraved with yourdivine name, your image resting within it like Re in his horizon, "
44
(Work of Ramesses 1171 at Thebes).
Usuallyt as in these two examplesp a k3ri was made of stone, but
wooden examples are also known to have existed;
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2-11
"Then the scribe of the armyp Cnerq sent to him again, sayingg
ISend me a k3rl of cedar' and the scribe, Sedi, gave him a ksri which
measured two cubits in height.,,45 (Tomb-Robbery Papyri).
"I found this pr of Amun fallen into ruinp rerected it as it had 46been...
***1 caused his ks to rest as it wishedv I made for him ak
in cedarell47 (Twenty-Second Dynasty graffito on the exterior wall of
the temple of Luxor).
K3rIq thereforeq unlike other "shrine" termsq seems to have had
a specific meaningg a naosp and to have retained that meaning from the
Old Kingdom to the Ptolemaic Period. Sarprisinglyp perhapsq the term
does not appear in Brichsents Demotisches Glossar, nor is it found in.
Coptic texts.
1 PYr-v 1773c-
2 De Buckt The Egyptian Coffin Texts, 19 248a.
3 Loco cit, *
4 Sethe, Aegyptische Lesestucke, 71,6.
5 Simpsonj Papyras Reisner Ip Pl-14Aq 32 and 38. For anotherp damagedv
Occurrence of k!,7! in this papyrusq see; lbid*j Pl-13Aq 6.6 Urk-P VII9 34P 19.
7 Lange and Schlýfer, Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Reichesq II,
1559 4-
Urk-P IVt 13509 12o
Budgep The Book of the Deadg
It 18 ( twice).
(1898). Texto 44; Chassinatv Edfou
10 Urk-t IV9 130P 16.
11 The exact form of the determinative varies* Ibid*t IV9 168t 15;
5539 13; Naville, Das Aegyptische Todtenbuchp It pl. CXLIII; CXCI;
KRI-P It 58P 13; 1269 3; Mariette, Abydos, Up pl. lgt c and do
12 Urk. 9 IV9 1320,2.
13 Ibid., IV, 1674P 1; KE-ley
14 ! r_k#v, Vv*-445t 39
15 Ibid-, IVP 13419 16.
16 KRiqv iv 1861,16; 1879 1;
Vt 2269 13-
1889 4; Fxichseng Papyrus HaxTis 19 59
8; 6p 5; 6,8; 7p 4; 309 14; 529 12*
17 The exact form of the determinative varies. KRI*p It 429 5; Chic-
ago University, Orintal Institutep Med, Habup IIIt PI-138t 45
(wrongly quoted by 'Lb*9 V9 1089 3t as; Pl-1389 55); Navillev op,
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all
sit. 9 1, p 1, CIXXXVIII.
18 Gardiner, Late F4Wtian Miscellaniesp 479,9; Erichsenj op. ci op
50,17; 67P 4-
19 rbid. , 29t 17-29 Peet, The Great Tomb Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty,
119 pl*XXI, (B. M. 10053)9 versop 4.21 and 23-
21 Daressyt Rec. de Trav. 14 (1893)t 34# LV9 e. 4-5-
22 Spiegelberg, Rece de Trave 19 (1897)p 95-96, B9 I (the same term
also occurs in line 3y without the divine determinative).
23 Piankoffq Rev. d'Eg. 1 (1933)9 164-
24 Legraing 4UE 6 (1905)t 122 (Roaderf Naost 569 gives - instead
of r'73 . The photograph (D? d. 9 Pl-15) is too indistinct tu make
out the correct form of the sign); Saunerong Esnav IIIP 32ý 206,
10.1
25 Navillep Goshen and the Shrine of Saft el-Henneh,, pljp Sbv 3*
26 Champollion, Notices Descriptives, 1.2929
27 Chassinatp op. cito, 119 23P 112.
28 Ibideq 19 542v VI9 37 amd 38-
29 PYr-9 17730-
30 Wb-9 Ilt 4159 1-14; Faulkner, Con* Diet*,, 148,
31 E. g. 9 Kaiserv Beitrage Bf., 12, Festschrift Rickeq FaIttafel 4, top
register; 5P lower two registers# Quibellp Hierakonpolist Iq pl.
XXVIt B.
32 Mariettet op* cit, t III, pl, 19p c.
33 H-g-t Spiegelbergq loc. cite; Satmeront loc, cite,
34 Chassinatt op. cit.9
It 18 (twice), For the form of the naos see;
Lbid. 9 9t fig. 2.
35 Piankoff, loc. cit. * For the fo= of the naos see; Ibid.p pl. VIII.
36 Legraing loc, cite* For a photograph of this naos see; Roedert
OP- cit-t PI-15-
37 Champolliong loc. cit..
38 Sethe, loc. cit..
39 Urk-t VIIt 349 199 For a plan of the tomb see; Newberryp Beni
Has . 19 pl. XXII.
40 Simpsonp 22- 'ci -t P1-13A, 6; 14A9 32 and 38.
41 E-9-P Urk-, IV, 1309 16; 1320p 2; Met It 42P 5; 126P 3; 1879 1;
186,1 6; V, 116t 10; 226,13; Gardinerp loc. cite; Brichsen, op.
Si-t-9 79 4; 50P 17-
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21B
42 Urk. 1, IV, 5539 13-
43 P?_id-v
IV, 168,15, Barguetv Templ v 124, identifies these k3r1W
with the side-chapels of Tathmosis III in the Northern court, be-
hind the Sixth Pylon (PM.
9II, 92-93; Pl-XI-)-
44 Erichsen, op. oit. v69 8 (similarlyp for Re, Ibide, 30,14; and
for Ptahq Ibid. 9 IV9 529 12).
45 Peetq loc- cit..
46 See wrij; ing No*21 above*
47 Daressy, loc. cit. *
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Z114-
t3y(t)
Coll foDyn. X3X
1
,
-9=,)ý.44 zAn,H. Ko
2
ptol.4
vjý44V
Dyn. XX3
The Wdrterbuch distinguished two terms; ts, translated as "doorg
,j5-6atep in temple and t3yt "door in temple". It would seemp how-
ever to be unlikely that more than one term'is involved since the
writings and apparent meanings are so similar.
This term is used in temple descriptions only rarely and not
prior to the Nineteenth Dynasty, although its earlier meaning can
be surmised since other words with the stem t3 are connected with
weaving and woven garments.7A
temple-t3yt was probablyp originallyp
some kind of curtain or screen of woven reeds* The Nineteenth-Dynas-
ty LS!Q from8
the temple of Seti I at Abydos, are described as being
made of gold so the samustv clearly, have been more solid objects* -,
Likewise the-example of the term from Papyrus Harris I refers to the
t3yt of a st wrt as being "of gold like the two Iliwy of heaven. "9
This text would seem to suggest that a t3ytv determined here with
the----), signp was a gildedp wooden double-door,10
The hieroglyphic signe! ý
911
was used from the Old Kingdom
onwards in the title of the Vizierp12
and as a determinative of words
with the stem t3, but the exact interpretation of the sign is open
to question. Gardiner regards itas a
"gateway (? )
surmountedby
protecting sexpents9l,13
while Habachi-sees it as an attempt to
depict both the plan'and the facade of a hall.14
The taller version
of the sign which figures in three of the four known writings, is
also found as a determinative of sbbt, a screening-porch in front
of an entrance915 and it is interesting to note that these two
terms are used. in parallel in descriptive epithets of a Vizier; "A
sbht of Amun, 6, t3yt in the time of the Lord-of-All. 1116
It is
tempting to suggest that a t3yt served a similar function to a sb)3t
and was also some kind of screening-device,
Screen-wallsp surmounted by friezes of uraeiv are found in Egypt-ian architecturet particularly in connection with the Window-of-
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.Z.15
Appearances,17
and in Graeco-Roman templesq'8 although it cannot be
proved that t3yt was ever actually applied to such walls.
The t3Yt in Papyras Harris I could have been a gildedv woodeng
double-doored screen which stood before a shrine(st
wr)q
perhaps
even enclosing it like the gided'Ishrines" from the tomb of Tatankh-
amune
1 KRIP 19 1339 3; 1349,7-
2 6ernyand Gardinerv Hieratic Ostracav 19 pl. XCII9 1p versop 10
(Osto Gardinert 303)-
3 ErichGent PaPYrUs Ha=ris 19 509 16.
4 Chassinatj Edfoug Iv 18,
5 Roy V* 230P 15- One of the references quoted is; Marietteg Abydosv
Is plol9t a. The writing is given in Wbot Belegstelle t VP 439 asV
'AP9
which does not, in factp occur on the plate quoted and
seems to be the result of confusion between writings O-f t_ý and
ýh spss.
6 Wbov Vp 2319 10-
7 lbidep
Vq 231-233-
8 RIP Ip 133p 3; 1349 7-
9 Erichseng loc. cit..
10 Beep Christophey Melanges Masperot '19 fasc-4v 23-
11 Gardinerp Gramm . Sign Listp 0.16.
12 Loc. cit.; Faulknerp Con. Dict., 293-
13 Gardiner, loc* cit..
14 Habachiv ASAN52 (1954)v 503-
15 See sbbtq aboveo P*227ff.
16 C-einy and Gardiner, loc, cit*,
17 E. g.69 at Amarnap Daviesv El-Ama=a, Ip pl, XXV; III, pl. XIII; and
at Medinet Habug H61scher, Exc. Mede Habu, 1119 P1-4-
18 Eg, p J6quierg L'Architecturet III, pls*25 (Edfu); 37 (KOIROmbo);
56 (Denderah); 72 (Esna)o
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2116
tW3
Dyn. XIX Ptol.2
ptol.
ptol. 4
Ty,%,
4i'T
The W6rterbuch dates this term to the Graeco-Roman period only.5
How-
everp 6sing has suggested that the first writing quoted above-p which
comes from the Nineteenth Dynasty Anastasi Papyrus IIIp is an early
example of tw-3.6
The passage in question is badly damaged but concerns work carried
out in the royal workshopsp among which are;
(2 --b- J4 %NI
/A---* ///, '10ý, JA
C-3'M III -_. Vi
III. A-U
I'll
Caminos interpreted this as 11dwt of willow-wood of the three great
doors". Osingg however, has demonstrated that the second word is not
trt "willow-wood" but tri "door" and he prefers to take tw3-trl as a
compound noun meaning "Thr-Pfosten".9
Such a compound would seem to
have been an illogical choice for"door-jambs"
since eitherbntw
orhtri(w) would have been preferable and both terms were in use in the
Nineteenth Dynasty.
dsing suggested that the compound tw3-tr: 'l could be compared to
the use of a compound htri-sbsp meaning "door-jamb" which occurs in
Papyrus Harris I. This compound does notp in fact, existf the examples
in this papyrus being all writings of "the door-frames (4triw) and
the door-leaves (sb3w)t111O where both elements were made of the same
material* The order of the two terms could also be reversed, 11 and
the separate identities of latr and sb5 are confirmed from other pass-
ages where the two are made of different materials,12
It isv therefore,
most unlikely that tw3-trl is a compound noun and it is probably to
be interpreted in the same wayp as "the tw341columnslland the trl-doors. 11
Since tri could be used of any of the elements which went to make
up a door13
it is possible that these tr1w are "door-leaves"* The
tw3w couldv thereforep be the "door-jambs" although either bn-sw or]Xtriw would have been preferable.
In the Graeco-Roman temples tW3 is used as a general noun for a
column14,a logical development from the etymological origin of the
term in tw3 "to raise up, to supportit.15
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2-1-1
166sing also proposed that tw3 be regaxded as the ancestor of the
Coptic -royo, '*door-post" or "lintel"17
refuting the suggestion of
Pecht that --roYcx originated in an, as yet unfound, compound *tpy-cb.18
The recognition of tw3 in Anastasi III pushes back the known
history of the texm to the Nineteenth Dynasty although it would seem
to have changed slightly in meaning between then and the Graeco-Roman
period.
Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellaniesp 309 12 (P. An. IIIv versop
19 8).
2 DInicheng Baugeschichte des Denderatempelsp pl. XXMIIP 5 (Ma=iette,
Denderah, Ip P1-7p b gives ^d\ for the second sign).
3 Do Wit, Cho d'Eg- 36 NO-71 (Jan. 1961), 69.
4 Dbmichen, OP- cit- , 4-
5 In., Vt 2509 1ge
6 6singj Nominalbildung, 635-,
7 Gardinert loc. cito,
8 Cazinosy Late Egyptian Miseellaniesp 107-
9
6sing, loc.cit. 9 see also t3A, note 22 belowq P-283-
10 Erichsenq Papyrus Harris Iq 59 10; 9,16; 949 8-
11 Ibido, 6t 7; 109 11.
12 Ibidev 689 13-14; 70t 2.
13 See below, tr3. pe 281ff.
14 Vimicheng 02- cit-t Pls-XV9 4; XXXVIII9 5; De Witt loce cit**
15 TI.t
V9 248-250-
16 6sing, opa cit., 148; 634-637-
17 Cnmv A Coptic Dictionaryo 443b.
18 Fechtv Wortakzent und Silbenstrukturq 103-104v 194-, Both sagi; estions
for the etymology of -Taja. are noted by Westendorf, Koptisi:: hes Hand-
w6rterbuch, 251v but -royo. is omitted from 6erny's Coptic Etymol-
ogical Dictionary.
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alls
tp-4wt
Dyne Vs, 2ad.
Dyne XXIIIntell Dyne V2
, ),I)yn. XVII, ptol.
3
Dyne XVIII, XIX94 Dyne xvili5 N, Kq
6
XXIIP XXV, Ptol.
1 C-3J5)5
1Dyne XX7
9Dyne XXII9 Ptol,
ldmýnk1-3 =I C3
kp 'CI.M C-3
=
Ptol.10
Tlie W6rterbuch translates tp-4wt as "der Dach" 11 and this meaning is
in no doubts Originallyp presumablyt the term would have described
only the roof of a temple (tLwt) and this is its most usual meaning in
Egyptian texts, although it could also be used for the roof of other
types of buildings. In the Admonitions,, tp-hwt refers to the roof of
a private house,12
and in the new Kamose stela tp-bwt_describes the
roof of the palace (? )at Avaris*13 The tp-4wt of another palace ('4)
isattested'on a
New-Xingdomstelal4as is the tp-bwt of a storehouse
on a Ramesside papyrus.15
Most oftenp howevert tp-4wt describes the roof of a templet and it
is as such that it first occurs in the Abusir Papyri and on the Pale=o
Stone, both of the Fifth Dynasty.
In the Abusir Papyri tp-4wt is used for ther roof of the mortuary
temple of Neferirkare.16
As such it was one of the places included in
the duty-rota, for the priests of the temple "those who are on watch
(on) the tp-4wt u 17 On the Palermo Stone are the first indications of
the existence of'chapels dedicated to the god Re on the roofs of temples
of other gods.18
This would seem to have been quite a common practice
and is particularly well-attested for the temple of Amun at Karnako19
This chapel-seems
to have been called a swt-r _920
and it is possible
that the other roof-chapels dedicated to Re were given the same names
Tp-bwt has also been found in texts which describe-other templesP
In the Specs Artemidos inscription of Hatshepsut the 4wt-ntr of theLady of Casae is described as being in ruinp "the eaxth had swallowed
up its noble bmp and children danced on its tp_bwt. j,22
Similarlyo in
the Twenty-Fifth Dynastyp Taharqa found the temple of Amfin at Kawa in
disrepair, the sand-drifts having accumulated up to the level of the
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2-lq
tp_tLwto23
The term may occur in the demotio script24
but does not seem to
recur in Coptic.
Tp-4wt was used-for the roof of a building, particularl. Y a temPl0v
from the Old Kingdom to the Ptolemaic Periodq a-ad dibes not seem to have
had any other meaning.
Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalp The Abu Sir Papyri, pls-IIIAp e;
Up aq 1; XIAq i; Gardinerf Admonitionso, 139 3; Legraing Statues
at Statuetteov 1119 32v 2.
2 Urk, q IV9 244P 3; 2489 1; Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalp op- cit-9
pls. xjjA,, a; XIVAq B; IXMIA9 Be
3 Habachiq The Second Stela of Kamoseq, pl*VIP abbol2s 8; Marietteg
Denderahv IV9 ple2e
4 Benedite, Tombeau de Neferhotpoup pl, III9 upper regiater; Gardinerf
Late Egyptian Storiesq 2,2; Cerny and Gardiner, Hieratic Ostrakat
11 pl*XLVP 49 5; Chicago Universityp Oriental Institutev The Bub-
astite Portalt pl*229 11; Chassinatt Edfout Iv 513; Faulknerp The
Papyrus Bremner-Rhindt 33P 5; Macadamq, The Temples of Kawa, 19 pl.
12t 16.
5 qrk-P IV9 386t 6; 1760P 7-6 Schiaparelliq Museo Archeologico di Firenzeq Antichita Egiziev Iv
491; Macadamp op* citev Iv pl, 89 lle
7 Gardiner, Onomev pl, XII (Amenemope, 6v 3)-
8 legraing opo cit-P 1119 80P fo 3; Marietta, Monumemts Diverso ple
479 Be
9 Id. 1, Denderahp IVP Pls-7; 9; 10; Brugschp Thesaurus 539-
10 Chassinat, op. cit-, 1,549-
11 Wboy 1119 2tI; V9 2909 9-18,
12 Gardinerv Admonitions, 13,3*
13 Habachip loc. ci ..
14 Schisparellip loc. cit. *
15 Gardiner, Ramesside Administrative Documentst 37,1. The W6rterbuch
(Vt 290,11)quotes Sinahe B. 19 as an example of tp-4wt to describe
the roof of a fortress* However other variants of the text have tp
Inbwwhich is probably to be preferred (Blackmanp Middle Egypti
Stories, 12; Barns, The Ashmolean Ostrakon of Sinuhev recto, 16).
16 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalf op. cit., pl. VA9 at 1; XIA9 i;
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ago
XIIA, e; XIVA, B; LXXVIIA9 Be See also; Posener. -Kri6ger, Archives
Neferirkare, 510-511-
17 Posener-Krieger and De Cenivalt op* citq pl, II3: Av ee
18 Urk.
9
19 2449 3; 248,1-
19 Spiegelberg, Rec, de Trav- 35P (1913)t 38; El-Sayed, BIFAQ 78 (1
978)9 462-463; legrain, loc. cit Faulkner, loc. citderny
and
Gardiner,, loc. cite; Mariettev Monuments Divers P1-47y Be
20 Chicago University, Oriental Institutev loc. cit*. See further,
swt-r'-I above P*261.
21 Benedite.. loc. cit.; Mariettev Denderabi, IVv pls. 2; 7; 9; 10;
'7 . Chassinat, op. cit.., 1,549-
22 Urke 9 IVv 386,6.
23 Maoadampop, citeg, pls*8j 11; 121,16.
24 Exichsen, Demotisches Glossar 627 OP-09
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28%
tri
Dyne XIX1
%\Dyne XIX, XX
2Dyne
3
ICAIýý xu
Dyne XIX4 DyneXX5
J4 \\t4_1C-3
11ý144 will
6 C=>I)yno XX Dyne xx7 Dyne
ý4c:it
44 17-3xx
Dyne XX9 Dyne XXI10
IT)
Trl seems to have been first used in the reign of Ramesses II, to des-
cribe doors at Thebes. In one case the word is found in the plural
but, as it is followed by the dual adjective wrty, it is presumably
to be understood as 4 dual.11
Plantikow-Munster, following Yoyotte,12
identified these two tri as the doorways leading from the outer hall
to the inner hall of the Eastern Temple of Razesses II at the back of
the temple of A= at Karnak.13
This text certainly refers to the
Eastern Temple but the suggested identification for the trl'W remains
open to doubt. They are described as being "great, of electrump their
beauty joining with the sky9s,14
and it is, perhapst more likely that
such a description would refer to the great gilded doors at the main
entrance to the temple rather than to minor doorways within the build: -
ing. This is also suggested by the fact that the description of the
tri -wcomes between that of the gardens and that of the flagstaffsp
both of which would be more closely associated with the main entrance
than with inner doorways. The use of the dual and also the material
of which the tr1w are made imply that it is the doorleaves which are
being described.
Another inscription of the same reign, however, uses the same word
for an entire doorwaye This text notes the meeting of the 1ýnbt-council
at the 'r'yt of Pharaoh, in the Southern City (Thebes) beside 11hrw-
15ib 4r M3-tg the great tri of Razesses-Miamune" This gateway, the
precise location of which is unknowng is also mentioned in anothertext where it is called a sb3p
16indicating that sbS and trl were
interchangeable at this date. In such a context tri is unlikely to
have referred to the door-leaves alone.
In Papyrus Harris I most of the occurrences of tri can be best
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ITZ
be translated as "door-leaves" since tLtrw and wmwt are used to des-
cribe the door frames and the tr1w are made of woodp decorated with
precious metals.17
However in the same papyrus trl is also used of
the door frames. For example, the description of work of Ramesses III
in the temple of Amun speaks of Jr1W of granite with sb3w and 4trw in16
sb3wt in this case,, being used for the door-lea-;19
gold, 27eaves. A Sim-
ilar example is found in the temple of Medinet Habu where the tr1w
were of gold inlaid with precious stones while the door-leaves were20
decorated with ktmt-gold,
A final example of tri used to mean an entire doorway occurs in
the story of the Two Brothers where the blood of the bull falls beside
the two door jambs (LnL5w, qqvoý of his majesty, "one on each side of
the great tri of Pharaoh. "71
Other occurrences of the word may also
be for the doorway, rather than the door-leaves,22
Kitchen has suggested that trl is a loan-word from West Semitic
dl23
which would explain the relatively late appearance of the word,
in the Nineteenth Dynasty and the varied syllabic writingsq With the24
;,possible exception of one text, tri is used only for monumental doors
in either templesor palaces and was probably restricted
inuse
to
these large, highly decorated doors,
Like sb3, tr1l could be used for the entire doorway, the frame or
the leavesp25
so each occurrence of tri will have to be judged on its
context, Tri does not occur in either demotic or Coptic.
I Plantikow-Manster, ZIS-95 (1969)t 1199 abb, 19 b, 6.
2 E=way ZAS 17 (1879), 72; Erichaen, Papyrus Harris It 4P 8; 50P 12;
67P 1; 67,13; 689 4-
3 Gardinerg Late Egyptian Miscellanies, 30t 12.
4 Kitchent JU 60 (1974)9 173, fig-It 40
5 Gardiner, Late Egyptian Storiesq 26,13; 27,1.
6 Legraint Statues et Statuettes, 119 539 d, 4-
7 Gardiner, Chester Beatty It plolnig, 'll.
8 Erichsen, op. cit., 6,1; 6,6.
9 KRI9 Vt 74,4-10 Hamadap ASLE 47 (1947)9 179 5-
11 Plantikow-Mýnsterq op, citog 128, notes z and dd*
12 Yoyotteq K;mi 14 (1957)9 88-
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293
13 Plantikow-Milnster, op. cite, 128, note dd. For the situation of
these two doors see; Barguet, ASAE 50 (1950)t 270t C and D; L119
II, pl. XVIII, Me Yoyotte, (loc. cit. ) also included as one of the
tr1W "the Upper Gate", the main entrance to the temple (Barguet,
ON cite P 270# A).
14 Plantikow-Mfinster, op. cit. t 119t abb. 1, b, 6.
15 Ezmanj loc* cit*,
16 Gardiner, Late Egyptian Miscellanieso 39p 2; Caminos, Late Egypt-
ian MsCellanies, 148.
17 Erichsen, op. cit. 967,1; 67,13; 68P 4- Other examples where tri
is probably used for door-leaves include; ibid*9 49 8; 6,1; 509
12; Legraint loc. cit.; Kitchen, loc. cit.. For a discussion of
tri in Papyrus Harris I see; Christophel Melanges Masperop I, face.
4,23,111, be
18 Erichsen, opo cit. t6.6.
19 See sb-s p. 222. One final occliLrrence of tri in Papyrus Harris I is
problematical since, among the door parts, it lists 4trw, wmt,
sb3w and tr1w (Erichsen, opo cite, 50t 12)o
20 KRI, V9 74,4- For ktmtpa
kindof gold, see;
Harrist Minerals,
37-38-
21 Gardiners late Egyptian Stories, 26,13; 27,1.
22 Hamada, loco cite; Gardiner, Chester Beatty I pl-179 10 (this is
the curious spelling which Gardiner (Ibid., 38, note 2) takes
to be a writing of trio If ao this is the only example where trl
does not refer to a monumental dooro One finall damagedg writing
of tri may occur in Po Anastasi III (Gardiner, Late Egyptian Misc-
ellaniesq 309 12). This was taken by Caminos (Late Egyptian Misc-
ellanies, 106) to be for trt "willow-wood" but this has been re-
futed by 6sing (Nominalbildung 635) who prefers to see this as
a writing of a compound dw3w-tri, meaning "door-poststlo See further
under tw3 p* 276.
23 Kitchen, opo cit-ý 170.
24 See note 22 aboveo
25 For the dictionary entry for tri see; ILbol V9 318,14-17o
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218+
Dyn. XVIII
tMThis word is known from only one text, on a granite block from the
sanctuary of Tuthmosis III in the temple of Amun at Karnak.2
The
inscription records benefactions of the king to the god consisting
of building projects within the temple and also gifts to the temple
treasury.
Unfortunately this interesting text is badly preserved and it
is not possible to be certain to which parts of the temple the
inscription refers. The line immediately before that which mentions
the t3 columns gives the name of the door of the Sixth Pylon "Imn
'-. '*gfYt-3
After a break in the textq the relevant line is;A14
4z=> %1-= 00 CO
0--%^
Nimsp who first published the complete textp translated this as;
"a great spacious hallp ti-pillars of sandstone, inlaid with electXn3m
and costly stone . *,. "5"and
originally identified this wsbt with
one ofthe two
courtsto the
north and south of the sanctuaryp thecolumns of which are papyriform clusters.
6However, lateA Nims
decided that this passage did in fact refer to the "festival hall"
of Tuthmosis III at Ka=ak7 in which case the t3-pillars would
be the formalized stone tent-poles which are peculiar to this hall.
It is impossible to identify this hall at Karnak with any
degree of certainty. As well as the festival hallp, Tathmosis III
created, the courts with the papyrifo= cluster colonnades On
either side ofthe Sixth Pylon and also changed the plan of the hall
of Tuthmosis I between the Fourth and Fifth Pylons,9
The description
of the hall as a wsbt 13t w. dyt could well fit the last 6f these
which is elsewhere described variously as alwnytp
a wsht and a
w3dyt.10
The exact meaning of w3ct as an adjective is unclear.
Nims' translation gives "spacious","
unless this is a reflection
of the "breadth" of the wsbty in which case he leaves w3dy un-
translated. A parallel to this is found on a stela of SebekhotepIVY also from Karnakp in which mention is made of work carried
out m wsýt w3-dyt nt bwt-ntr tn.12
Helckv who published the text
translated wsLit w3dyt as "S"aulenhalle"13
but since this must haNe
referred to a part of the now-destroyed Middle-Kingdom templev it
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21?
is impossible to identify the hall. If w.3dyt in these two cases ref-
lects the fact that the halls were columnedq then one would have
little hesitatioij in identifying the wsljt c3t w.3dyt of Tuthmosis III
with the hall of Tuthmosis It as was suggested by Barguet14 who gave
a copyo in fountl of the sentencei wsh. '3t w3d inr n rwdtt t3W MI
which he translated as "grande salle (ou cour) i colonnes. o.... ep en
pierre de, gres. 11However this would mean that taw would have to refer
to the single-stem papyriform columns of this hallp which is hardly
satisfactory since these were elsewhere called w34w and the three
determinatives of the t3-columns, although indistinct in formt have
"closed" capitals.
This feature of the t-sw could correspond to either of the sets of
papyrus cluster columns behind the Fifth and Sixth Pylons or to the
tent-pole columns of the festival hall. The former type is elsewhere
called w3rl and 4bt15 so that one would hesitate to suggest that this
one column-form could have had a third name, t3.
Cn the other hand one would have expected the tent-pole columns
to have been called caw since this was the name of the original
wooden columns which were reproduced in stone in the festival halland, in fact, a dedication inscription on one of these columns reads;
As reproduced in Urkunden IV the so signs are
clearly 1: -columns although it is possibley if improbablep that these
ideograms were to be read as t3w rather than I:sw.
Probably t3w was an alternative name for the tent-pole columns ofthe festival hall. This would explain why the word has not been found
elsewhore17 as these columns were unique in Egyptian stone architecture.
1 Nimso Studies in Ilonor of John A Wilsong fig-7v x+3*
2 Ibid., 69-74-
3 Ibid,p fig-79 x+2.
4 LbLd-9 fig-79 x+3-
5 Ibidog 709 UP (3); 71, note d.
6 Ibid.P 72p II; LMp 119 92-97; pls. XI9 VI; XIIv VI; Barguetp Templey
115-136. Forphotographs of these columns see Jequier, Architecturev
Iv Pl-489 1-
7 Nims, Beitrige Bf. 129 Pestschrift Rickel 107, note 3-
8 PMt Up 110-111; plsoXII9 2; XIIII 1; Bargueto op, cit , 167-182;
Por photographs of these columns see; Jequierv Architecture, I.
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ý226
pls-49-50-
9 For a detailed description of the building projects of Tathmosis
III in the Amun temple see; Borchardtp Baugeschichtep 21-33-
10 See the separate entries for each of these words.
11 Nimsy Studies in Honor of John A. Wilsonp 70P Ili (3)-
12 Helckq MDLIK 24 (1969), 199, -n;pl. XVII.
13 ibid. p 196.
14 Bargaety op. cit*p 54. Barguet reproduces the determinatives of
11w as "'.. columns.
15 See under each entry.
16 Urk-9 IVP 857-17. The forms of these columns are depicted more
accurately in the determinative
M
of the word 4rt-ib(Urk,
p IV,856.8 and note c. ) which was used to describe the festival hall
itselfe see above p*192ff.
17 There remains the possibility that the t3, sign is an ancient
error on the part of either the scribe who composed the text or
the mason who transferred it t6 the wall of the temple. If the
sign were to be omitted altogether then the three columns could
be taken as the determinatives of w3ýjytq indicating the unusual
column-type involved.
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281
tsmt
Dyn. XIX' Dyn. XX2 Dyn. XX3
I[C)-46- M
Dyne XX4 Dyn9 XXV5 Dyn, XXV6== hell M Z=> gl -.; - =- r-3
=1--. 41-
M1-."- 1t%
--0-
1 -u
1
Dyn. XXV7 Roman
Tamt occursq in the plural formp along withlrwt and tkrwt in Papyrus9
11arris 1, as a part of the enclosure walls of the temples of Inhurp-
Wepwavetq 10 Thothp" and Osiris.12
The term is also used in the dea-
cription of a wall around a wellt this time without crwt and tkrw*13
Tsmwt is not found in relation to the enclosure wall at Medinet Rabue
In theoryt thereforeq tsmt should be the name of an architectural
feature which is omitted from the enclosure wall of the mortuary
temple of Ramesses III, but exists at the other temples* Unfortunately
the walls of this king at the other sites*have not survivedp so the
temple plans cannot be compared with the descriptions given in the
papyrus.
The excavators at Medinet Habu assumed that both the inner and
outer enclosure walls had crenellated ramparts14 but these do not
seem to have been preserved* The possible absence of the rarenellations
is interesting as Gardiner has suggested that this is the meaning of
tsmwt.15
The main evidence which would support this theory comes
from the stela of Pianchig where the king is beseiging the city of
Memphis; "His majesty saw that it was strongp the sbty having been
raised by'new buildingp the tsmw(t) manned by strong men. "16
How-17
evert Traunecker has since suggested that tsmwt were "bastions ta
translation which would also fit the Pianchi textt and he has pointed18
out that there were no bastions on the enclosure walls at Medinet Habu.
T#e earliest occurrence of this term is of the reign of Merenptahv
on the Israel stelat where messengers are described as being sheltered
from the heatof
thesun
by the temwt.19
In the Cnomasticonq tsmt
20occurs between the two major "wall" wordsp sbty and
Inb,suggest-
ing that it wasp in itselft a prominent feature* This writing is in
the singular form as is another writing in the Pianchi stela which
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Ise
has the curious determinative -21
Tefnakhte is telling his troops
that they will be safe in Memphis; sbtyq a gmeat tsm(t) has
betn built, constructed with skillful workmanship. "22
Later in the same dynasty, Montuemhat records the rebuilding of
the'sbty of the temple of Aman at Karnakp including the re-erectiong
in brickq of tsmwt which have fallen to the ground.23
Finallyp tsm(t p again in the singular formp occurs on a stela of
the Roman periodg describihg work carried out at Luxor for the emperor
Tiberius.24
Traunecker has pointed out that the Roman wall at Luxor
did have bastions.25
The balance of the evidence would seem to support the saggestion.
that tamt should be translated as "bastion##*
1 Spiegelbergg ýLS 34 (1896)p 89 3-
2 Erichseng Papyrus Harris 1,66,18; 68,13; 949 7-8.
3 Pýid., 679 12; 68P 4-
4 Gardiner, Onom., pl,. XIIA, 6,1.
5 Wreszinakil Orientalistische literaturzeitang 13 (1910)p Pl-IIIP
10 (after P-387)-
6 Urk*p 1119 319 3-
7 Ibid,, 1119 29p 15-
8 Daressyq ASAE 19 (1919)p 165-
9 Ericheent opo cit., 66,18,
10 Ibidep 68p 13-
11 Ibid., 67v 12.
12 Ibid., 689 4.
13 Ibidet 94P 7-8.,
14 H61scher, Exe. Med. Habup IVP 1-3; pl. 2.
15 Gardiner, op. cit. p 119 213*9 F4-4-5ý
16 Urk-9 1119 319 3*
17 Traunecker, Karnak Vq 151-152.
18 Ibid. 9 151P note 5-
19 Spiegelbergq loc. cit..
20 Gardinerpop. cit. 9 pl.
XIIAt 6,1.
21 The form of this determinative has been checked on the stela in
the Cairo Museum and resembles that given in Urk. s 1119 299 15-P
Marietteg Monuments Diverst Pl-4p 88 hasc9 while De Rouge, Chrest
omathiet No 47 gives 42%-
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299
22 Urk. , III p 29v 15-
23 Wreszinski, loc. cit. *
24 Daressy, loc. citoi,
25 Traunecker, op* citts
(opposite P- 468).
1519 eiting liabachi, ASAE 51 (1951)9 pl-1
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lqo
tkrvr
qc:; N% ,Dyn
36 C--311
Tkrw is only known from Papyrus Harris I where it occurap always in
the pluralp in association with Irwt and tsaw an parts of an enclosure
wall (sbty)e That of the mortuary temple of Ramesses III at Medinet
Habu is described as having only Irw t and tkrw (of sandstone)p2
while
the other temples have tomwt as wel, 43 As has been noted above4 the
outer enclosure wall at Medinet Rabla which had turrets straddling the
wall and fortified gates at the entrancep was faced with sandstone*5
Since Irt comes from a stem which means "to climb" this torm was
probably applied to the turrets on the top of the wall,, while tkrwt6
from a somitic stem meaning "to lock" referred to the gates at the
entrance to the enclosure. -
1 Erichsen, Papyras Harriis It 49 11; 66,18; 679 12; 689 4; 689 13-
2 Ibidop 49 11-
3 ibid. 966,18; 67v 12; 681,4; 68,13-
4 See '-rtt P-39-
5 U61scher Exc. Mode Habug Vp 1-31 pl*2*6 Holckv Die Beziehungen igyptenn
zu Vorderanian im 3 und 2 Jahr-
tausend Ve Chrey 525, Noo297; Burchardtg Fremdworte und Eigennameng
IIP 599 11729
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2q%
d3cls
Dyn * XTI1
11ý IMM3Dyn. XVIII
25
QC==Dyne XVIII
0Dyn. XIX4
XX3ý0ý 1111C-3 I I, 'op'o
Dyn. XX6
DynejX7
D5m" XXI8
Lai Q tj ý\
106Dyn. XX19 Alex. II
jo UýPtol.
11
1 -317tA
12C-3
Ptol. ptol. 13
WUL.
J
The first point to note concerning dsýU 9is that the writings quoted
above may not all be variants of the same term, The earliest exampleg
occurs on a granite doorway from Qdntir.14
The door wasp apparentlyo
first erected and inscribed by Amenemhat 115
and was re-inscribed
later in the same dynastyp by Sesostris 111.16 Two identical texts of
the latter king, on the jambst read; "He made as his monumentp the
erecting of the sbi of the d3d3w of Amenemhatj by renewing that which 17
his fatherv the King of Upper and Lower Egyptt Sehetepibrep had made*"
Unfortunatelyt the noun.. d3d-SW Sp on both jambsg inscribed over
the joins between the lintel and the jambs, and is, therefore, badly
damagedg so that the form of the determinative cannot be confirmed
from the photograph. Habachi reads the word as dzdAw, and identifies
the building as a "palacellp since the doorway does not have either
the name ofq or a dedicatory inscription top any god. Bietak 18 trans-
literates the term, wronglyp as S1.3dw,and equates it with the noun
for a "Beratungs oder Audienzhalle" in the palace.19
The building in question has not been excavated since the greater
part of it lies under a modern village, but a brick wallp three metres
thickv led off from either side of the doorway, and limestone blocks
were found in the vicinityg one of which showed. the king andv' presum-
ablyp Seshat participating in a foundation ceremony. 20 A statue of
Amenemhat 19 which describes him as "beloved of Ba-neb-djedl,21
is
also said to have been found "lying not far from the stones*of the
door".22
The block with the foundation ceremony might suggest that
WYMAmenemhat was a templep or a shrine within a temple enclosure,
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act I
but the determinative usedq and the absence of a deity on the door-
way would tend to support Habachils view that this building was of
a secular rather than a religious nature.
It is possiblev thereforet that this example of ought to be
distinguished from the others which refer to temple-buildings. The
problem could only be satisfactorily resolved if the Qantir building
were to be excavated, and its true nature revealed,
Although the remaining examples of Lisd,ý are all identifiable as
religious structuresp few can be actually related to any known build-
ings. The earliest writing from the New Kingdom occurs on a stela of
king Ahmose. "He (made) as his monumentp adsdz. anewp for his father
Monthu.., 1123 Despite the unusual order of -the variuus elements in
this sentence (a more usual order would be; Ir. nf m mnw.f nIt. f
Mntw ..... ýid3) there can be no doubt that the d-5d-5 is the building
which has been constructed* This stela is unprovenanced but the fact
that the Od3 is dedicated to 'Wonthup Lord of Thebesq who is in the
midst of (hry-17b) Armant"j, would suggest that Armant was its original
provenance. Cne block of Ahmose has been found in the temple at
Armant24
andthree
pieces oflimestone
relief-wo: rkp showingAhmose
25offering to Monthug were re-used in the construction of the Bucheum.
These blocks may come from the did3 of Ahmoset or from the temple to
which the d3di was attached.
Barguetv who has discussed the meaning of this term in some detailp
considers that a dsdi is a "colonnade" erected before the entrance
to a temple, such as those of Taharqa at Karnak.26
The evidence would
certainly seem to suggest that a d3d3 was a separate structure sit-
uated outside of the main temple building. It is often linked with
processions of the god27
and could be positioned on the side of a28 29 30
canalt , sacred lake or quays
The only real description of a 43ds comes from the Nineteenth-
Dynasty inscription of Bakenkhonst concerning the Eastern Temple of
Ramesses II at Karnak, 11erected obelisks in it (lwt-ntrgranite,in
their beauty reaching up to heaveng a di. in front of it (4wt-nt
instonet in front of
(m Mf [tjý=
n) Thebes,,,
31
From this descrip-tion it can be assumed that the dsýb stood before the entrance tot
the templet on the site now occupied by the colonnade of Taharqa*32
One can only assume that it was some kind of kiosk or peripteral
chapel.
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193
Althoggh Barguet is convinced that the Tsharqa "colonnades" are
didiw there is no evidence fmr this in the texts of the colonnades
themselves, so that this identification must remain a matter of spec-
ulation. Barguet is not the only writer t6 have discussed the nature
of cI'sdSwq although none have reached any definite conclusions as to
the appearance and function of these structures033
The evidence that does exist would suggest that a d3d,3 was an
edifice within a temple's environs but separate from the main temple-
buildingo and often situated by the side of a canal or lake where it
served as a resting-place for the image of the god when in procession,
It wouldq therefore, seem to be most likely that d3d3 was a term for
a peripteral chapel.
Despite it3frequent use in Ptolemaic, hieroglyphic texts, 113d3
does not appear to have been employed in the contemporary demotio
texts., less surprisinglyq it does not recur in Coptic.
1 Habachi, ASAE 52 (1954)9 451; Pl-IV-
2 Stewartq Egyptian Stelae, Reliefs and Paintingsv Iv pl. 1v I.
3 Hayes, JEL 46(1960)t
pl. XAv 89 1.4 Plantikow-Miinsterg ZAS 95 (1969)9 119p abb*lbv 5-
5 Marciniakq Deir EI-Baharit Iv pl*XII Av 7*
6 Mariette, Karnakv Pl-40Y 7--
7 Gardinerg Ramesside Administrative Documenta, 62,12.
a Brugsch, Reise nach der Grossen Oase El-Khargehp pl. XXII9 9.
9 Barguety Templeg 36 (Egypt Exploration Fundq Arphaeological Rep-
ortv 1906-1907,21-22).
10 Barguety Le Papyras N. 3176 (S) du Musee du Louvreg 209 1; 209 7;
229 1.
11 Chassinat, Edf 9 VP 350,6; 351,1; Alliot, le Culte d'Horus a
Edfou au temps des Ptolemees,, 266-267, takes this to be for 41ýd-3
! aw (also writing 12). However, see Gardiner, ZIS 73 (1937), 74-
12 Mmichen, Bauurkunde der Tempelanlagen von Dendera pl*XVII, dep-
icts the bird as %,., as does Brugschq Thesaurusq 365* However,
Marietteg Denderah,, It pl... 6ý2,99 h and iq shows the bird as alýo
and this is followed by Alliotq loc. cit** These writings areq un-
fortunately, in the part of the temple not yet re-published by
Chassinat.
13 Sauneront Esnap 111,110 1979 18.
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29+
14 Habachip Op- cit-9 448-458-
15 Ibid. 9 pleIII9
16 Ibidop pl*IV*
17 Ibidet 455; PLIV-
18 Bietakv Tell El-Dablaq Up 37.
19 Wb-p Vp 527P 11-15-
20 Habachig op. citp pl. VIIp A.
21 Ibid. p 453; Pl-V-
22 Ibidev 452.
23 Stewartp loco cit,. Stewart reads as d3d3y pw
and translates it as "this edifice" (Lbid.t 1,1. note 2).
24 Mond and Myers, Temples of Armantq It 172; 11, pl. C, 6..
25 Id. p The Bucheump 11,50; IIIt pl. LIV9 46 ( the reliefs each have
a vertical dedicatory-text of which only /n, f m mnw. /// remains. )
26 Barguet, Temple, 301-302; Idop Le Papyrus N-3176 (S) du Musee du
Iouvret 39-41 -27 Brugsch, Reise nach der Grossen Oase El-Khargeh, pl*XXII9 9; Barg-
uet, op, ci op 20,1; 20,7; 22,1; Mariette, loc, cit. * See fur-
ther; Alliotp loc,cit.,
28 Hayesp loc. cit.,
29 Mariette, Karnakq Pl-40,7-
30 Sauneron, loc. cit.. See further, Id., las Fetes religieuses dIEsna
343p note (1).
31 Plantikow-Miinster, loc. cit..
32 PM. 9 119 208ff; pl. XVIII.
33 Cf., for examplep*Yoyotte, Kemi 14 (1957)t 86, note 4,, which gives
a wimmary of the opinions of earlier writers; Sauneron, loc. cit.;
Alliotp loc. ci o; Hayesq OP- ci -, 36, note jo
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,2q 6
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3z+
-e,
Egyptian Index
:wt 10.
3b 911
3h-mnwp 192-193-
3b-Inýr, 168.
3h Stl-mrl-pt4 ja pr Pt4,255-
3ht-nt 204; 254.
lt, wt 2519 n-40-lwn-m t. fp 12.
lwn n fnds 12-
Jwn k=t, 12.
'Iwnt, 12.
'Iwliw, 12.
lptt 134-
Imy-lbl, 138e
Imy- re rrwt 9 48
Imy-rwn crrytt 48-
IMY-r watt, 93-
Imy-r jr4l mdwn wahtt
Imy-r rrytt 1511 154,
Imy-r rat nswt 152-
im.v-r 4wt n Swt4p 169.
ImY-ttp 139-1=-,
-3-Bfyt#284-
'Imn-m-wo4t* 102; 1059
'Imn-mn-=wt 253.
'Imn-rng 2479
`Bm-st-lbq 200; 204-
1=-sbm-fs 0 221o
'Imn-dar-st, 200o
'Imn-gor-derwo 204-lnbtt 29o
101.
n. 6.
106.
)jnbwýj=-m. 4jtq 26; 248-
"Inbw 94t 26.
"Inbw 113;p 26; 248s
Inbw §jTM: jjLwZv 249-
qnpw m sbLit io4t(t)t 231-
13.nr, n rw-dtt 182.
1inr n rwdt It cjw esrt 204; 257o
Inr bd nfr n cnwp 126; 130, n-47;
182a
Iinr ]ýý nfr n rwdto 182o
1inr ii-d nfr n
g3ctq 189.
ji!ý nfr nts 189,
n-47-35, n. 14-
'=tp 48-
lry-p-t (I)r(y) 4nbw ws4t, 99.
IrywsbJjtt 230-
1 1000
k:st nw 4wt-ntr I=p 181.
123; 125; 137.
ct t3t9 11.
'It wlbtg 82-
't spssty 11; 249-
'Inh-11 , 265 n, 8-
'r/. i'ro 41; 47-
chv 205-
'# (n wsbt)p 97; 146.
tlýtg 172,n.
15-
".hnwtY» 145-
! lbg 83-
w3d9 30-
1L3Ldytac1J-)v 94-95; 264-285-
!ýbp 2649
w"btp 160.
wcn, 252; 257, n-13-
wbzj>t, 73, n. 41-
wnbp 83-
! Ltt 249 n»29
wbm '3 n nswy 152.
whmn crrYts 48o
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325
wbmnswv 152o
wlýmnsw tpys 152o
wIlmtpy n 'Irrytt 152.
Wý= tpy n nswg 152.
lrbg eq. n-30-
walo 241-
Wsbt 93-
wsbt m.ctYwo114-
wobt =9 , 97.
wtn bnr, 9jo
woot Wyt, 9'1; 104, n. 90o
wds, 96.
wd' mdir zawaqtt 100-
wdhg 258o
bnbn, 196.
bnrt, U5-
(mansion)t 118-
(stone)t ZIO-
p3 m3rw n)jtn n ps3Itn m sht-litno
261.
prs hr (c3 9pas n hhw n =pwt Pr-*%4-
c3 hr Imnttwasto IYO-, 1'159
n*75-
pPImn-htp n P3 039 IZI.
Pr-439 98; 125-
pr wrw, 46-47; lb8-
pr n nwb, 195-
pr-now, 1251 145; 154, n-7-
pr nor, 99*
pr n obtf 1000
pr-lýfy n p-&>Itn m pr.! Itn m 3ht-
"Itn, 262-264; 267, n-39-
pr,-hdt
123; 181-
pr-dw3g 127; 184.
pryt pr-r, 39 123-
PMP 46-49-
pd-las 169.
m hnt, 62.
M319 253; 257-
ITn, bpi--rc ýI=-dsr-stv 2009
m=t, 241.
mdt, 78-
2FJ-WsDt-Ntq 99,
Rjwt, 167.
Ebp 217.
nbwy, 83, n. 1; 215-
Nmty-m-wsb v 105, n. 106.
Nn-W3*1-r-fs, 146.nhbt, 133-
nhmt, 133-
!!ýbt 133-
Ntr-=w, 23; 182; 19o, n. 85-
Ntrt n hrt-ib wrt,, 193-
-rt38, n. 8; 160.
r-l-wos_, 217-
r6-rwty, 145.
rPytp 269.
rbyt, log.
hp loo.
L3-9 157-
IlYt 114-
hyt, 161.
hbny n tPW t13SWtv 252.
H.w-Ib-hr-m3'-t. 50; 281.
4wYt 196.
4wt-'-3t, 192; 205; 231-
Vwt Wsr-m3lt-rl mry"ý m pr
)Imn, 255-
ýwt nt hhw I'L rnPwtv 79; 96; 127;
110; 1*15, n. 66, GI; 239-
Vwt-k3-Pt4,144-
hb-sdv 198-199.L-ýbytl ill, n*24-
"-njr, 264-
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U6
ým-njr wdýt Ilthr, 99- snw, 61, n. 121*
Ahro 114- r4w, 96.
Hr m abht rOA09 2319 Sbm5l'yt, 2379 addendum*
9 292. plikrt 217-
hry w3dytt 64, addOnd"Jn- OS, 210.
Rry p3 w1pp 85- sgr,. 264.
hryw hmwt nw 4wt-ntzt 181* stp-s p 1259''
hrwq 215--smsw -rrYtt 48-
4tp wsbt, 93; 101. 154, n. 6.
htrt 1979 no27..L-
sn' n htpw-ntrp 220.
449 93.gn"
, 252.h3p 980X
ýnwt, 209*-
12ty, 161.knbt, 44; 45; 49; 50-
204--
ýcdp 10; 25.
%,bm (image? )p 201, nolO.
ktmt, 36, n-35; 2B2; 283, n*20
fto 1980grg Prp 124-125.
X-Ilm-darp 2DO; 2029 n-43-
ts (weave), 274-
ts m hd, 217-ýnztt 239
lanty ab-n; r, 252o Irto 2839 n-22o*tpy-cs. 34; 277.
hnty-S, 180.tnwlv 210.
ýntt St M V3ýytq 63-tsl 249-
brP webt, 93- v
brp ag wshtg 100.drp 217-
trp sl m welit 100.d-sdw, 291o
St-1l)-R't 47-n prp 123-
dx7tq 25; 230-
039 214P no17. do-ft 220; 247.ll'Aw, 214, n, 179
4t, 144-0 32 c"rYt . 48 -
B3 9 nee nbwyg,
0ZVI (=Yt)t
-44;152*
41 217.E% 2 <=>sb3(atar)t 112, n. 32, 11acl (hwt-ntr)t 183; 254-
cl
obbo 2Zt-220.
abbt (ecreen)p 2309
Sbbt ts pn, 232.
a 264o
moib, 1261 127-
mew h2ytt 100-1011 150*
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327
Index of A=bLitectural Signs*
(Iýffibt)t 44-
(and variantst 'rrY )p 43-44; 48-
(I=t)t 2BS, n. 21.
33; 221; 222; 231-
145; 237, n. 82.
(in dual)p 149-1509 n. 63-
220.
274-
228o
234, no2le
45.
1%] 137.0
25-C'3 123-124-
M 1009 nole
rD1009 nl.(and variants)t 92.
103-184; 254-255-
270-
165-167-
190-199.256, n-34,
30-
IM 162, n. 13*
206, n. 16.
50-59; 68; 134-
284-285-
133o
133-
240.
220o
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321?
Topographical Index
Abu Gurob, sun temple of Niuserre, 121*
Abu Simbelp 260.
Abusirp mortuary temple of Neferirkarep 46-47; 94; 133; 168; 178;
220; 2471 278; mortaary temple of Niuserret 121.
Abydosq archaic Ifortalp 166-167; archaic royal tombsq 166; 167#
chapel of Tetisheri, 169; temple of Osirist 87; 108; 138; 145;
166; 178; 184; 188, n*25; 195; 240; 270; 287; temple of Razesses
119 371 119; 122; 205; 221; 269; temple of Seti 1,14; 19; 23;
96; 119; 122; 146; 184; 193; 200; 205; 222; 231; 274-
Alexandriat 88; 240-Amadat Eighteenth-Dynasty temple, 13; 18; 109; 138-
Amarna, 'great palacelt 96; 98; 262-264; 267, n-39; great temple of
the Atent 96; 112; 103; Maxuaten, 261-262*
Axmantq the Bucheum, 292; templep 221; 292.
Ithribis, the w'bt of the Falconp 38v n, 8; 160; temple, 241.
Avaring 278.
Beni Haean, 139; tomb of Khnumhotep 11,34; 37; 270-
Bubastis, see Tell Basta.
Buhen, 103; 251; northern temple, 138; southern templep 13; 108-109;
189, n-47-
Byblos, 39-
Crocodilopolieg temple of Sobekq 57-58; 94; 213-
Cusaet temple of Hathort 199; 278.
DaGhur, valley temple of Snofera, 168e
Deir el-Bahexi, 42; temple of Hatshepsutt 22; 126; 180; 181-182; 203;
204; 2101 252-253; 2601 temple of Menthuhotep-Nebhepetrep 178.
Deir el-Gebrawi, 257*
Doir el-Medinah, 132; 228; 235, n-40; 246.
Dender: a, 1511 temple of Hathort 14; 31; 63; 70; 119; 160; 192; 193-
Edfut temple of 110rull, 31; 160; 192; 193; 206; 270*
El-Bershaht tomb 5P 57-
El-Kabo 15, n*24; 249; 255-
El-Kharga oasis, temple of Hibist 59; 77; 79; 160ý
Elephantine, 193; 213; temple of M=Um, 13P 18; 109; 138; 180; 184;
221*
Hanat 160; 241-
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Gebel Barkalt 122.
Gizat 124; tomb of Debhenp 137; 229-230; tomb of Iymerit 252-
Gurnaq 140; temple of Seti 1,68; 71; 72; 118; 184; 187; 200; 206;
241; 260.
Hatnub, 178; 209.
Heliopolisp temple of Ret 22; 38; 70; 127; 184; 206; 239-
Heracleopolist temple of Horshefv 70; 79; 90-91; 159-
Hermopolis (Upper Egyptian)q temple of Amm, 87; temple of Nehmetawyy
59; 160; temple of Thothq 70; 121; 145; 178; 220; 240; 287-
Hierakonpolis, axchaic templet 1889 n. 25-
Kadeshp 239-
Kahunt 57-
Kanaisq temple of Seti 1.184-
Karnakv temple of Amin, 23; 34; 137; 40, n-5; 55; 70; 74t n. 5ý1; 82;
86; 96; 119; 127; 138; 139; 159; 160; 170; 178; 160-181; 182;
184; 195; 215; 217; 221; 231; 232; 240; 249; 254; 255; 270; 286;
288; 292; 293; barque-shrine of Amenhotep It 253; barque-shrine
of Tathmosis IIIt 254; Bubastite gatet 76; 79; chapels of Tuth-
mosisIII behind the Sixth Pylong 273,
n-43; court ofTuthmonis
I behind the Fifth Pylon, 17; 110; court of Tuthmosis III be-
hind the Sixth Pylong 83; 95; 284; 285; eastern templet 67-68;
69; 139; 180; 181; 254; 281; 292; E!dth Pylon, 146; 231-232;
235j n. 53; 236t n-78; festival complex of Tathmosis 1119 15, no
24; 30; 95; 126; 130; 138; 181; U32; 192-193; 243, n. 29; 284;
285; Fourth Pylon, 118-119; 145-146; 159; 180; 2379 addendum;
246; Fifth Pylon, 118-119; 145-146; forecourt of Sheshonq, It 63;
110; hall of Tuthmosis IV before the Fourth Pylong 13; 18-19;
209 n-7; 21, n-33; 113; 2379 addendum; E[ypostyle lially 58; 59;
68-69; 105, n. 93; 181; 210; hypostyle hall of Tuthmosis I bet-
ween the Fourth and Fifth Pylons, 18; 19; 59; 62-63; 95-96; 104t
n. 90; 108; 110-111; 204-205; 284-285; Middle Kingdom temple, 94-
95; 179; 193; 194; 220-221; 284-285; palace of Hatshepsut, 97;
roof-chapel of Ret 261; 278; sanctuary of Hatshepsut, 55; 62;
108;181; 1909 n-74; 200-201; 203-204; 253; sanctuary of Philip
Arrhidaeus, 206; Second Pylon, 127; 235i n-53; Sixth Pylon, 119;284; southern approachp 145; 146; temple of Ramesses 111,319 70;126; 181; 184; 282; Tenth Pylon, 229; Third Pylon, 217; 231; 2359n-53; 236, n-70-
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Karnakt temple of Khonsut 58; 110; 119; 139; 181; 232; 240; 255;
temple of Monthut 86; 139; 181; 232; temple of Muto 59; 138;
139; 181; 240; temple of Opet, 206; 208, n. 63; temple of Ptaho
85-86; 138; 139; 180; 181; 204-
Kawa, temple of Taharqa, 84; 85; 119; 126; 146; 278-
Kermap 248; 251j n-40-
Koptosv 139; 240; 270; temple of Min, 47; 126; 138; 221.
Kumma, temple of Tuthmosis III, 18o; 189, n. 47.
Lahunp 94-
Letopolis, 198-199; 200.
Ushto 26; 239-
Inxorv templet 55; 58; 68; 69; 85; 86; 68, n. 10; 96; 109; 133; 139;184; 187; 205; 255; 271; 288,
Medamud, templet 96; 109; 121; 188, n. 25; 220*
Medinet Habut Eighteenth-Dynasty templet 15, n,, 24; 200; temple of
Horemheb, 61i n-25; temple of Ramesses IIIv 39; 67; 70; 96;
109; 119; 146; 195; 206; 240; 241; 244, n-51; 255; 260; 261;
282; 287; 290.
Megiddo, 25; 26; 239; 243, n. 29.
Memphis, 26; 144; 184; 240; 287; 26p; temple of Amenhotep 1119 79;
96; 239; temple of Ptaht 70; 105, n. 93; 112; 184; 206; temple of
Seti It 255.
Meydumq tomb of Rahotep, 12.
Moalla, tomb of Ankhtifi, 15, n. 27; 158; 213-
Naga ed-Der, 11.
Naharain, 125-
Hapatal 239; temple of Amun, 66-67; 131; 159; 184-
Nebeshah, 199.
Neferusy, 238; 249.
Nubia, 12; 15, n. 231 fortresses, 26; 248-249; 251, n-40,
Hy, 239-
Philaep 13; temple of Isis, 86; 110; 160.
Pi-Ramesse, 39-
quantirt 'palace' of Amenemhat It 220; 291-292.
Redesiehl, temple of Seti 1,184-
Saiv tomb 2,64-
Saqq,p.a, archaic tombs, 166; mortuary temple of Queen Wedjebten, 144;
147; pyramid-temple of Merenrep 220; pyramid-temple of Unas, 84;
Serapeum, 1759 n. 67,184-185; 255; Step Pyramid complex, 12; 57;