sudf newsletter june 2011

8/6/2019 SUDF Newsletter June 2011

1/8

June 1, 2011

Volume 1, Issue 1

Swaziland UnitedDemocratic Front

(SUDF)

Introducing SUDF Monthly Newsletter

Tinkhundla Accussed No: 1

The Newsletter

forces as we learn from history.

The idea of fighting together wasgalvanised during the 1996 strike

action for 27 demands. It was

during this period of the struggle

where it became evident that no

one carried the blueprint of the

way forward and it was also here

that people, ordinary masses,

realised their power in unity. The

formation of the SDA was there-

fore not a surprise. The mindset

of the people shifted from

worker-related issues to all is-

sues affecting the Swazi society.

By Ace Lushaba and Victim

Shongwe

We are happy to introduce toyou our first issue of theFRONTLINE, a monthly newslet-ter of the Swaziland UnitedDemocratic Front (SUDF).SUDF is an umbrella organiza-tion of pro-democracy move-ments in Swaziland which in-clude, from amongst others,labor, consumer organizations,students, youth and political

organizations.

The Frontline seeks to unpack

the day-to-day struggles and

sufferings of the people of Swa-

ziland and the challenges faced

by pro democracy activists andgroups in bringing down the

Tinkhundla dictatorship of Swa-

ziland. This newsletter aims to

profile the daily struggles of the

people of Swaziland and to

provide an alternative voice for

all those peace-loving people of

Swaziland who no longer have a

voice in mainstream media. The

newsletter also aims to be a

powerful weapon in the hands

of those fighting to advance a

free and democratic Swaziland.The idea of a united front is not

entirely new in the progressive

Inside this issue:

SUDF Monthly News-

letter

1

Update on Max and

Ngubeni explosivescase

2

The formation of TU-

COSWA

2

SUDF conduct civic

education workshop

3

SFTU ILO Statement 4

Poem

the true viewof my country: Swazi-land

5

Sipho Jele first anniver-

sary

6

Frontline

NEWSLETTER


2/8

Focus on the explosives case

ally, Uniswa, attempted to frus-trate Maxs attempts to sit hisexams. Uniswa demanded that

Max be escorted to write hisexams at its Kwaluseni maincampus. His Majestys Correc-tional Services, on the otherhand, argued that they did nothave adequate security to facili-tate that arrangement. For thatreason, they preferred Max towrite his exams in prison.Uniswa would have none of it,arguing that they neither hadenough personnel nor wouldthey be able to guarantee thesecurity of the exam papers if

this happened.

The defence team subsequentlysuccessfully obtained a courtorder allowing Max to sit hisexams at Kwaluseni. The courtorder provided a hitherto palingglimmer of hope that perhaps

justice could still be expectedafter all. Max will now write theremaining two papers duringthe July Supplementary Examsseason. It is however true thatthe Uniswa Senate will, despitethe court order, first have todecide if and what type of exam

to allow Max to write in July. Somuch for the democratic princi-ple of the rule of law underundemocratic Tinkhundla!

Meanwhile the SUDF commis-sioned its campaign wing, theSwaziland Democracy Cam-paign (SDC) to organize aprayer for Thursday 19th May,the day before the abandonedHigh Court bail review hearingon May 20th. The prayer tookplace at the Swaziland CatholicCentre (Caritas), in Manzini. Itattracted over 50 pro-democracy activists from acrossthe country. Catholic ReverendPius Magagula led the servicewith some inspiring scripture

readings.

Prospects for discharge/conviction?

For all intents and purposes,the guilty verdict or convictionis a foregone conclusion. Never

mind the absence of compellingevidence. While one wouldordinarily wish to avoid pre-empting the trial and its conclu-

By Dr Sikelela Dlamini

(SUDF Coordinator)

Maxwell Dlamini was firstarrested on Sunday 10th April2011 at a police roadblock atSidvwashini (Mbabane) along-side Sifiso Mabuza of the Swa-ziland Youth Congress(SWAYOCO), SamkelisoGinindza, Deputy SecretaryGeneral of the SwazilandNational Union of Students(SNUS) of which Maxwell isthe President, & ThembaMabuza of the SwazilandUnited Democratic Front

(SUDF). The four politicalactivists were driving in thesame car, returning from aweekend workshop in theMpumalanga town of Wit-bank, South Africa. They werecharged under the interna-tionally-condemned Suppres-sion of Terrorism Act (2008).These charges were howeversubsequently dropped without

much explanation.

Alternative Charges

Max was re-arrested alongsideMusa Ngubeni, Treasurer ofthe Manzini branch of thePeoples United DemocraticMovement (PUDEMO) onWednesday 13th April 2011,the day after the now famous12th April 2011 mass protestswhich were brutally crushedby the state security forces.This time Max and Musa werecharged with contraveningsections 8 and 9 of the little-

used Explosives Act (1964).

Bail hearing

For a charge with a maximumsentence of 4 years on convic-tion, the bail application forMax and Musa has alreadygone down the annals ofSwazi magistrate court casehistory as the most frequentlypostponed and vigorouslyopposed. When the applica-

tion was finally heard by mag-istrate Florence Msibi, investi-gating officer, Assistant Super-intendent Sihlongonyane,

argued that releasing Max andMusa wouldnt be in the inter-est of justice on grounds that it

was highly likely to cause publicuproar/unrest. He also fearedthat the accused might interferewith state witnesses and/orevidence. He told the court inhis evidence-in-chief that Maxand Musa had connections inSouth Africa and that this madethem a flight risk and they might

abscond trial.

Of note was that while none ofthe 4 crown witnesses hadsufficient legal basis for oppos-ing bail, magistrate Msibis 3-minute summary of the 4-dayhearing stunned the packedpublic gallery when she deniedMax and Musa bail on thebarely established groundsearlier cited by Sihlongonyane.Equally noteworthy was magis-trate Msibis uncharacteristicbehaviour on the day. She spedthrough her summary, handeddown the verdict, and hurriedoff the courtroom, leaving thecourt interpreter to fulfil herpart in her absence. Her erraticbehaviour smacked of discom-

fort and only she knows what

was going through her mind.

It is now history that defencelawyer, Mandla Mkhwanazi,immediately applied for a HighCourt review of magistrateMsibis judgment. It is also his-tory that the High Court hear-ing was on May 20th summarilypostponed when the judgeassigned to hear the mattersuddenly recused himself, citingclose affinity to the father ofone of the accused. The matteris therefore pending at the High

CourtMissed exams

Max is a third-year Diploma inCommerce (Dip.Com) studentat Uniswa. At the time of hisarrest he was preparing towrite his final exams. He missedtwo of his papers due to thepostponements of the bail hear-

ings. It will come as no surprisetoo that despite Max not yethaving been convicted of any

crime, the state and its close

Comrade Maxwell Dlamini addressing during March

Page 2 Frontline NEWSLETTER

Max and Fundizwi at a workshop

Max (wearing a light blue golf shirt) withSUDFs organising secretary Themba Mabuzaduring SUDFs strategic planning workshop at

the Glogal Village

Musa Ngubeni and Max Dlamini at a bail hear-


3/8


4/8

SUDF Conducts Civic Education Workshops!

By Dr Sikelela Dlamini

SUDF Coordinator

Introduction

The SUDF kicked-off its civiceducation programme in May asoutlined in its Africa Contact-sponsored Project. The firstworkshop attracted over 20

activists from 10 civil societyorganizations, comprising SUDFaffiliates, prospective affiliates,and partners. This group con-stitutes civic educators who will

in the second half of 2011 facili-tate countrywide community-based civic education uponcompletion of their training.One more training workshopwill take place in June. ThisSUDF initiative responds to aglaring need to empower civilsociety for incisive analysis oftheir daily socioeconomic real-ity in order to be able to influ-ence public decisions abouttheir future existence from ahighly informed standpoint. TheSUDF notes that state-fundedcivic education exercises havedeliberately skirted the perti-

nent issues and tended more towardindoctrination aimed at sustaining thestatus quo. Independent civic educationefforts have, for various reasons, beenboth limited in scope and less-than-exhaustive in approach. The first four-day training workshop focused onmedia relations; democracy, good govern-

ance, human rights; and gender and

poverty eradication.

Media Relations

This session centred on the questionhow to maximize the impact of themedia for purposes of advancing Swazi-lands struggle for multiparty democ-racy. The workshops highly interactivedelivery format inspired participants todo some deep soul-searching. Therewas eventual consensus that the me-dias agenda entails essentially siftingfrom all social issues or stories avail-able to it what, from the standpoint oftheir editorial policy, is refreshingly

newsworthy and equally unique.

Activists were made to appreciate the

extremely difficult and uncomfortable

overall responsibility of endeavouring

to establish and sustain an amicable

working relationship with media practi-

tioners from various media houses.

Forming negative impressions of and

shunning the media were not options

whatsoever. Activists need to be on

hand to correct misrepresentations

and the misperceptions they createamong a diverse consuming public. In

fact, a lot of misrepresentations reflect


Tibiyo Taka Ngwane

today represents a multi-

billion Emalangenifinancial conglomerate,

which today holds a

controlling stake in allmajor corporations in thecountry.

ignorance. There are, nonetheless, those that are generated deliber-

ately in order to provoke a particular angled reaction from either

those close to the subject or the readership/viewership. If activists

choose to snub the reporter, no one will set the record straight. Thathas the unintended outcome of often tarnishing or permanently dam-

aging the image of the struggle.

The workshop delved into the subject of image. Image manifests itselfvia various forms and at different levels. To begin with, activists needto physically present themselves in a manner that inspires respectfrom reporters, or their shabby appearance could easily become thealternative focus of media practitioners. More importantly, activistswhose conduct is less-than-exemplary forget that journalists are al-ways looking for a controversial story about them. The fewer scan-dals the better! Activists have an obligation to uphold values that

dispel existing stereotyping with regard to how the media portraysthemselves, their organizations, and ultimately the struggle.

Activists were also called upon to know the different levels of com-

munities they will be interacting with. It is, after all, from understand-

ing ones target audience that one is able to package one s intended

message in such a manner as to attract their attention and sustain

their interest. The right content has the potential to antagonize an

audience if it employs offensive language or uses examples that are

deemed to be insensitive to local realities (e.g., power relations/land

disputes). The media inevitably emerged as one constituency or com-

munity that activists need to research on in order to know how to

handle their various ways of going about their assignments.

Evolution of Status Quo: Tinkhundla Dictatorship

Whether it is the contentious land issue or the spiralling economic

meltdown, the genesis of the crushing socioeconomic headache facing

Swaziland today resonates with the yet-to-be-acknowledged constitu-

tional dishonesty that dates back to the colonial era. For example,

King Sobhuza II established Lifa Fund to which every Swazi family

contributed originally in order to buy back Swazi Nation Land lost

through concessions to Afrikaner settlers in the 19th century. Sobhuza

was to transform Lifa Fund to Tibiyo Taka Ngwane in 1964. TibiyoTaka Ngwane represents a multi-billion Emalangeni financial conglom-

erate, which today holds a controlling stake in all major corporations

in the country. Tibiyo, as a private royal institution, evades taxation

and its financial position is subject to neither parliamentary debate

nor public audit; thus contributing to the countrys increasingly un-

healthy economic performance.

For the record, the Swazi monarchy has always resented anything to

do with constitutionalism because constitutions, by their nature,

expose leadership to public scrutiny and criticism. Swazi monarchs

have for the same reason equally always detested the very notion ofmultiparty politics. The reason is that political parties contest the

same state power that Swazi kings traditionally inherit.

Cops stationed outside a civil society meeting


5/8

bust activism around govern-

ance issues.

The growing concerns around

governance led to the Establish-

ment of Parliament Order of

1992, which ushered in direct

election to parliament from

Swazilands 55 Tinkhundla cen-

tres. It both replaced the dubi-

ous Electoral College and

brought in voter registration

instead. Swaziland currently has

a bi-cameral parliament consist-

ing of the House of Assembly

(55 elected + 10 appointed by

king) and Senate (20 nominated

by House of Assembly + 10

appointed by king). Over the

decades, the overwhelming

majority of nominees have

often been friends or associates

of the kings direct appointees.

The numerical significance of

the kings appointees comes to

the fore when issues of consti-

tutional amendments are con-

sidered. A two-thirds majority

is required for this to happen as

well as for a successful vote of

no confidence in the Prime

Minister or his entire cabinet.

Naturally, no kings appointee is

expected to vote out other

kings appointees as this act

indirectly amounts to a vote of

no confidence in the appointing

authority. It is traditionally

unSwazi to even remotely ap-

pear to be in opposition to the

monarch.

Continued worker and political

activism resulted in 27 demands

and the pressure for govern-

ment to re-introduce a written

constitution, inter-alia. It how-

ever took the Tinkhundla gov-

ernment an entire decade to

develop a written constitution.

It is unavoidable to note at this

point that King Mswati III, who

ascended the throne in 1986,

strategically appointed princes

to head the various nationalconsultative committees for

constitution making. These

princes were also given inalter-

In the wake of the acceleratedpush for British Africas return toself-rule, the British colonialadministration attempted to re-organize Swazi politics through amodern constitution. Existing

political parties such as the Swa-ziland Democratic Party, the

Swaziland Progressive Party, theNgwane National LiberatoryCongress (NNLC), etc., werevehemently opposed to a royalstipulation that every Swazisinterest was represented in theSwazi National Council (SNC).As a result, a subsequent Consti-tutional Committee proposed 8SNC representatives and 8 frompolitical parties. It goes withoutthat the SNC questioned this

arrangement.

The continued disagreement on

the political question induced

King Sobhuza II to commission a

national referendum. The refer-

endum asked Swazis to choose

between a rather unfamiliar rein-

deer (mpondompondo), symboliz-

ing a monster, and a lion

(Ingwenyama), symbolizing the

king. The highly predictable result

was overwhelming in favour of

the lion.

The British colonial administra-tion ultimately convinced Sob-huza to form a political party tocontest the other 8 seats in the1967 parliamentary elections.The British maintained that theywere not going to give any inde-pendence instrument to an indi-vidual. The kings ImbokodvoNational Movement (INM) wonthe first elections with a landslide

victory.

Contrary to widespread reports

by the Swazi royal leadership, the

1967 Independence constitutional

arrangement was a product of

local discussions between 8 SNC

and 8 political party representa-

tives, constituting themselves as a

constituent assembly. The West-

minster constitution was thus not

entirely a British imposition as it

is widely documented in the

countrys official annuls of his-

tory.

Sobhuza advanced the sameexcuse, in addition to the factthat the constitution was divi-sive and unworkable, as hismain argument for abrogatingthe constitution through a De-

cree on 12th

April 1973. Thetruth is that the NNLC had

managed to win three seats inthe 1972 parliamentary elec-tions. For the first time in Swazihistory there was an officialopposition in parliament. KingSobhuza II could not stomachthe unseemly prospect of hav-ing to share power with com-moners. That is why politicalparties were and remain bannedthirty-eighty years later. It helpsto note that not all aspects of1967 (Independence) Constitu-

tion were removed. Strategi-cally, only those to do withgovernance and which directlythreatened the powers of the

king were omitted.

The Establishment of Parliament

Order of 1978 both restored

parliament and ushered in the

notorious Tinkhundla as a sys-

tem of governance with 40

electoral centres throughout

the country. There were no

voters rolls and often people

simply joined shortest lines/

queues to vote irrespective of

who the candidate at the end of

a queue was. Successful election

candidates joined an Electoral

College, which then elected

Parliamentarians. No wonder

there were always some prede-

termined lists/faces for parlia-

ment through a nebulous voting

system known as kuhlaba).

Essentially, Swazis voted for its

own sake.

King Sobhuza II died in 1981

and the Supreme Council of

State, Liqoqo, took over and

subsequently deposed Queen

Regent Dzeliwe. The Peoples

United Democratic Movement

(PUDEMO) emerged in 1983

from its then base at the Uni-

versity of Swaziland (Uniswa). It

vigorously agitated for Dze-liwes re-instatement while at

the same time introducing ro-

able terms of reference (ToRs) in

favour of the status quo. The deliber-

ately skewed composition of the con-

stitution review committees and their

rigid ToRs, inter alia, caused the lead-

ers of progressive groups such asPUDEMO, Swaziland Federation of

Trade Unions (SFTU), Institute for

Democracy and Leadership (IDEAL),

etc., to decline their curiously indi-

vidualised inclusion in these royal

committees.

The Constitution of 2005/2006 nota-

bly fails the primary test of the extent

to which it departs or does not depart

from the 1973 Decree. It ultimately

reflects the notorious Decree in that

it introduces individual merit (Section79) as opposed to group representa-

tion/political parties, whose registra-

tion it does not provide for (e.g., no

associations Act). It also does not

ensure effective separation of powers

between the Executive, the Judiciary,

and the Legislature. It was first PM

Barnabas Sibusiso Dlaminis arrogant

assertion that Parliament reports to

him and latterly king Mswati IIIs order

for the PM to withdraw the land case

from the courts and for Parliament to

drop the debate thereof that finallyproved the absence of separation of

powers under Tinkhundla.

Page 5

The Establishment of ParliamentOrder of 1978 both restoredparliament and ushered in the

notorious Tinkhundla as a system

of governance with 40 electoralcentres throughout the country.

Volume 1, Issue 1


6/8

An illustrative practical exercise

revealed that often male activists

refer to their female comrades as

Comrade She, for instance.

Such needless qualifications reflect

deep-seated yet subtle genderstereotyping that needs to be

confronted head-on. A comrade is

a comrade and there does not

have to be any qualification if the

same does not apply to males and

females alike. The same applies to

practices such as males giving up

front seats in trucks for the

benefit of their female com-

rades without the latter even

asking for the favour. The as-

sumption is often that they cant

board at the back primarily be-

cause they are female. That is

gender stereotyping couched in

terms ofcourtesy.

The last point brings to the fore

the definition of gender as distinct

from sex. No one can or cannot

perform certain socially deter-

mined tasks on the basis of their

sex. Sex has to do with the bio-

logically predetermined physical

differences between males and

females. Gender, on the other

hand, refers to the socially desig-

nated roles of males and females

based on their presumed differen-

tial abilities. They have nothing to

do with natural capabilities and/or

roles. They are society-given.

Gender varies from society to

society while sex is universal. For

instance, Indian wives pay dowry

while Swazi husbands pay lobola.

Law-making in effect still rests in theking in parliament wherein the Legisla-ture endorses the kings laws and theking can also veto bills. The king canalso disband parliament before its termwithout giving reasons for doing so.

Let us not forget that the Prime Minis-ter is the kings appointee. Barnabas

appointment was also extra-constitutional in that he was not ap-pointed from the House of Assembly

as per the constitution.

The kings constitutional powers re-main so pervasive and overarching thatthey totally corrode the notion ofseparation of powers. Parliamentariansand cabinet literally duly swear alle-giance only to the king on assumingoffice. While the king purportedly actsin consultation, in actual fact he may ormay not take any constitutional organsadvice. By the way, the king also ap-

points all such organs. Certain mattershave been taken away from the juris-diction of the constitution and strategi-cally located in the SLC or Liqoqo. Ofnote is the fact that the king is the finalarbiter in matters referred to this

forum.

The session emphasized to participants

that good governance obtains at the

political and fiscal levels. Participants

were made to appreciate that amend-

ments recently effected in Royal

Emoluments and Civil Lists remove all

accountability and transparency in as

far as the highly secretive and questionable spending of the rul-

ing royal household is concerned. The SUDF has no doubt thatits emerging team of civic educators is getting a firm grounding

in the evolution of the obtaining political order with all its inher-

ent socioeconomic problems. This pertinent training will defi-

nitely empower them and inform how they fashion their interac-

tion strategies at the various communities targeted for the

SUDFs civic education exercise.

Gender and Politics

This session foregrounded the concepts of advocacy and lobby-ing as critically important components of any campaign, includingthe on-going campaign for multiparty democracy in Swaziland. It

emerged that advocacy should take place at the level of raisingor creating awareness at the grassroots or constituency level.Once sensitization or conscientization has been sufficiently gen-erated, lobbying kicks in to garner the support and buy-in ofinfluential figures and organs in society at the decision-makinglevel. No campaign will ever be successful until the final decision

and instrument(s) for effecting a change can be guaranteed.

Activists quickly discovered that gender inequalities existed anddisenfranchised womenfolk even at the level of the struggle. Tobegin with, the number of women at the workshop was almostone-fourths (a mere quarter). The SUDF was urged to con-sciously mainstream gender in all its activities; starting with (en)

gendered invitations to workshops such as this one.


The kings constitutional powers remain so pervasive and

overarching that they totally corrode the notion of separationof powers

Marches in Mbabane on March 18, 2011


7/8

SUMMARY OF THE ILC JUDGEMENT

The International Labour Conference (ILC) expressed its profounddisappointment, the lack of progress in resolving the matters whichwere discussed during the same conference in June 2010. It ob-served that there were no time frames set by the government todeal with the areas of concern to workers especially the amend-ment and or repeal of oppressive laws in Swaziland. These laws arean impediment to the exercise of fundamental freedoms and de-mocracy. They include the 1973 Kings Proclamation, the 1963Public Order Act, the 2008 Suppression of Terrorism Act, the2009 Public Service Bill and many other instruments that facilitatethe political suppression of dissenting voices. The Swaziland gov-ernment has long been dragging its feet and delaying to amend thePrisons Act in order to allow correctional services officers to formand join a trade union as per ILO Conventions 87, to which she issignatory. The conference further noted and was gravely disap-pointed by the fact that the government has no roadmap to con-

cretely resolve the problems as sighted over the years.

The Conference condemned highly the continued harassment,

raids, and arrest, detention and intimidation interrogations of trade

unionist in Swaziland.

The overwhelming support and the mountains of evidence forcedthe GORNMENT to fail even to plead for exclusion from the spe-

cial paragraph.

The committee then included its conclusions in the special para-

graph of its report.

CONCLUSION.

In conclusion we once again thank all workers, employers andgovernments of the world who supported our cause during thisconference. Indeed their efforts were not in vain. The significanceof this achievement is that the Swazi is once again proved to benoble by the world. However, the people of the world expectSwazis to lead in the prosecution of this struggle. They are behindus and we should be in the forefront. The current economic crisis

gives an opportunity to reach the democratic dispensation in theshortest possible time in order to save our people from further

suffering.

The largely problematic powerrelations that arise as a result ofpreconceived male and femaleroles have more to do withpatriarchy or the socially deter-mined domination of females by

their male counterparts thanthe cultural practices of paying

dowry or lobola, for example.At this point it becomes im-perative to state categoricallythat the culture or culturalpractices of any societal con-text are never God-given ornatural. Instead, they are so-

cially determined over time.

Activists were then led to a

stark awareness that gender

inequality represents anotherform of disenfranchising wom-

enfolk and that society cannot

develop maximally until this

anomaly is corrected. They

noted that land ownership in

Swaziland is currently deter-

mined along gender lines. Land

is unfortunately the key means

of productions in a predomi-

nantly agrarian economy such

as that of Swaziland.

At the end of the session the

activists were in no doubt that

a lot still needs to be done to

attain gender equality right

from the ranks of the struggle

all the way to the wider Swazi

society. They determined to do

their utmost best in contribut-

ing to that paradigm shift when

the civic education programme

is rolled out in earnest in the

second half of 2011.

SWAZILAND FEDERA-

TION OF TRADE UNIONS

STATEMENT ON THE

WORKERS VICTORY IN

GENEVA

INTRODUCTION

The Swaziland Federation ofTrade Unions (SFTU) welcomesthe conclusions of the Interna-tional Labour Conference(ILCs) Committee on the Ap-plication of Standards (CAS) onthe case put before it by the

workers against the perennialhuman and trade union rightsviolations perpetrated by theundemocratic Swaziland Gov-

ernment which were pronounced onFriday, 10 June 2011. We are humbledby the solidarity rendered to us by thepeople of the world. We applaud theirunanimous refusal to turn a blind eyeon the oppression and human rightsviolations taking place in our country.

In this regard our respect goes to theworkers of Africa, the European Unionand the Nordic countries for their

unwavering support.

The current crisis in Swaziland is aman-made disaster resulting from apolitical system underpinned by tyr-anny, greed, corruption, brutality and

selfishness.

We wish to make special mention ofthe employers of Swaziland for theprogressive input they made during the

case which was far more improvedthan in 2010. Workers know fully that

employers and the economy stand tobenefit from a democratic dispensationin Swaziland. We were disappointed bysome SADC governments led by Zim-babwe for supporting the continuedviolation of human and trade unionrights in our country. We wish to takea moment and salute the governmentof the Republic of South Africa whoafter having been correctly briefedwithdrew at the last minute from sup-porting the continuation of the repres-sion and suppression of the peoples ofSwaziland. SADC governments mustdesist from the tendency of trying to

maintain Swaziland as a cultural mu-seum and a haven of an ancient life-

style.

Page 7Volume 1, Issue 1

Muzi Masuku leading discussions during Sidla Inhloko dialogue


8/8

1989, The convention on the Rightsof the child.

Sipho Jele First

anniversary com-

memoration 2010-

2011

By Victim Shongwe

Let me remember the fallen heroesand heroines of our struggle; allowme to salute in particular the latecde Sipho Jele who unceremoniouslydied for merely wearing a t-shirt an issue so trivial to be the cause ofdeath yet too important to scare the

lion.

Peace and democracy loving peopleof Swaziland and the world joinhands with the oppressed and suffer-ing masses of our struggle in Swazi-land as we salute and honour a

worker, a liberator, a fighter and ason of the revolution in the late cdeSipho Jele who died at Their Majes-ties Corrections Services in Sid-vwashini, Mbabane. We shall con-tinue to call for a total transforma-tion of the insane tinkhundla systemto even stop more people dying fortheir political believes and for fight-ing for a free and democratic Swazi-

land.

We applaud the formation of TU-COSWA which coincided with the

first anniversary of Sipho Jeles ab-duction and his eventual death; wesalute the workers of Swaziland forhonouring the comrade with such a

gift to the democratic forces.

Long live the spirit of none surrender

long live

The true View of Mycountry: Swaziland

By Alex The Poet

The true colors of my countryThe true Swaziland

How long have you been deceived?How long have you receivedHow long have you conceived

Deceived of a peaceful countryReceived about a democratic countryConceived a developing countryThis then is melody of the true SwazilandA voice of the real SwazilandA roar of the future of Swaziland

Around the cities of ManziniAround the mountains of MdzimbaAround the rivers of ShiselweniAround the 'deserts' of LavumisaYou shall find the poor SwazisYou shall find the poor schoolsYou shall find the starving SwazisYou shall find the dying Swazis

Around the cities of AfricaAround the cities of EuropeAround the hospitals of South AfricaYou shall find children of the leaders of Swazi-landYou shall find brothers of the leader of Swazi-land

For our education is less valuedFor our hospitals are criticalFor our salaries are dropsFor our lives are miserable

A feeling of Scarcity, Shortages and SanctionsA feeling of Wakes, Weeds and WeaknessesA feeling of Abuse, Affliction and AnnihilationA feeling of Zigzags and ZeroesA feeling of Immorality, Illness, InconvenienceA feeling of Limits and limitations, Laments andlamentationsA feeling of Abuse, Affliction and AnnihilationA feeling of Danger, Darkness and Detention

Where is your respect SwazilandWhere is your thinking?

Where is your love for the people?Cant you see from your cousin Europe?Cant you see from your father Africa?Cant you see from your brother South Af-rica??

Why not respect 1948Why not respect 1965Why not respect 1979Why not respect 1989

1948, The UN Declaration of Human Rights1965, The International Convention on Elimina-tionElimination of all forms of racial discrimination

1979, Convention on the Elimination of dis-crimination Against women

Swaziland United Democratic

Front

Frontline

About SUDF

United and driven by the com-

mon historical objective to build a

truly democratic constitutional

dispensation grounded on the

universal principles, codes and

practices of multiparty democracy

and conscious of the fact that the

liberation of Swaziland is a na-

tional responsibility, and that our

strength lies in joint action in theestablishment and marshalling of a

broad front of struggle, activism

and unflinching commitment to

fight until the oppressive Tink-

hundla regime is uprooted in all its

forms and vestiges, and with full

recognition that the respect of

individual organisational identity

and programme is the cornerstone

of democracy

sudf newsletter june 2011

Documents