tam ia 2014 aspect part i and ii
TRANSCRIPT
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AspectA framework for analysis
Lecture 3
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So far...
Temporal interpretation=COMPOSITIONAL
< the relations which obtain between three time
intervals: ST/RT/ET
ST/RT (tense morpheme + time adv.) = TENSE
ET/RT (have + en, be + ing , PPs) = ASPECT
ET/ST = existential status
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So far...
John has left.
ET before RT [perfective]
John is running.
ET at/around RT [progressive]
= ASPECT
BUT: aspect = ?perfective = ?
progressive = ?
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Today
Defining aspect
Situation-type aspect
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Aspect
Aspect:
defined in terms of the relationship between ET and RT
its interpretation is not related to ST not deictic
tense = the ‘situation external time’ < RT/ST
aspect =the ‘situation-internal time’ < ET/RT
(Comrie 1976)
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Aspect
To speak of aspect is to speak of a time-
ordering separate from tense that deals with
the internal temporal structuring, e.g. therelative duration, inception, and completion
of verbal activities. (Freed 1979)
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Aspect
(1)
a. He is dancing. [+ dynamic][+progressive][+durative]
ET encompasses RT
b. He danced the whole day .[+dynamic][-resultative][+durative]
ET = RT
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Aspect
(1)
c. He has fixed the car. [+dynamic] [+resultative] [+durative]
ET before RT
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Aspect
[+/-perfective] [+/-progressive]
[+/- durative] [+/- resultative] ….
information about the internal structure of the
situation and about the way in which the
speaker perceives this situation
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Aspect
Aspect =
"the semantic domain of the temporal structure
of situations (events and states) and their presentation." (Smith 1991)
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Aspect
A situation can be presented/viewed in two
ways:
(i) Presented as a whole, with no explicit
reference to its internal phases, the focus
being mainly on the completion of the
event, i.e. the endpoint is included
the perfective viewpoint
11
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Aspect
(2) John has already left.
ST = now
RT = ST [Present tense]ET before RT [perfective viewpoint]
==========================
ET before ST [historical existential status]
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Aspect
(ii) with focus on an internal stage/on some
internal stages (a ‘time-space slice’ of an
‘open’ situation; the endpoint is excluded
the imperfective viewpoint
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Aspect
(3) John is dancing in the rain.
ST = nowRT = ST [Present tense]
ET encompasses RT [imperfective viewpoint]
==========================
ET encompasses ST [non- historical existential status]
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Aspect
"the semantic domain of the temporal structure of
situations (events and states) and their presentation."
So far: (i) perfective < have – en
(ii) imperfective < be – ing
i.e. English has grammatical markers for viewpointaspect
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Aspect
(4)
a. He has fixed the car. [+dynamic] [+resultative] [+durative]
ET before RT < have + -en
b. I have known him for a long time.
[-dynamic] [+durative] [-resultative]
ET (before RT &) extends into RT
< have + -en & ...?
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Aspect
(5) John is singing in the rain.
ET encompasses RT [imperfective viewpoint]
< be – ing
(6) Bucharest is the capital of Romania.
ET encompasses RT [imperfective viewpoint]
< the meaning of the predicate & ...?
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Aspect
"the semantic domain of the temporal structure of
situations (events and states) and their presentation."
So far: (i) perfective
(ii) imperfective
< progressive: be – ing
< general imperfective
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Aspect
the type of situation denoted by the predicate is
relevant to aspectual value (ET/ RT)
< the semantic domain of the temporal structure of
situations and their presentation.“
situation-type aspect viewpoint aspect
19
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Aspect
STA
an idealization of types of situations
characterized by a bundle of semantic featureseach class: unique interpretive properties and
unique distributional properties
indirect syntactic correlates of semantic
concepts
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Situation-type aspect
Situation-types classify events/states in terms of
clusters of semantic features
The linguistic unit which realizes situation-type
is "the verb constellation"
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Aspect
situation-type aspect:
(i) the lexical meaning of the verb(ii) the internal and the external arguments of
the verb
(iii) certain adjuncts
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Aspect
(5)
a. John ate an apple. = [+telic]
b. John ate popcorn. = [-telic]
the type of DO is relevant to the aspectual
value of the predicate
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Aspect
(6)
a.Students have been discovering this library
for ages. b.??John has been discovering this library for
ages.
The external argument of V is relevant to
the aspectual value of the predicate
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Aspect
(7)
a. John ran in the park . [-telic]
b. John ran to the park . [+telic]c. We walked six miles.
d. We walked to the post office.
certain adjuncts are relevant to the aspectual
value of the predicate
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Aspect
the core semantic features which distinguish
among the various situation-types are:
(i ) stativi ty
(ii) tel ici ty ++
(ii i) duration
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situations
states
[+ stative]
occurrences
[-stative]
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Aspect
(8) John is tall. [+ stative]
(9) John is running. [-stative]
[+/- stative]
A stative situation (STATE)
= no dynamics
= no internal change
= holds for a moment or an interval, with an arbitrary
final point (-telic)
= the same throughout its duration (homogeneous)
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Aspect
= a stable condition of the entity expressed by the
subject
= no change assumed to appear between any time
moments
= no development or culmination point.
be tall, be sick, know English,
know the answer, likelinguistics, despise thieves,
hate liars
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Aspect
(10)
a. John loves Mary.
b. Mary is a linguist.
c. Mary believes linguistics is fun.
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Aspect
(11)
a. *John is being tall.
b. John is being polite.
(12)
a. ?? John is tall every day.
b. John is polite every now and then.
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Aspect
state predicates which denote exclusively
permanent properties
state predicates which denote episodic
situations or which allow an episodic reading
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Aspect
(13)
a. Cricket is more widespread than baseball.
b. ?? John is widespread.c. Dinosaurs are extinct.
d. ?? A dinosaur is being extinct at the
moment. some predicates: exclusively permanent properties
constraints on the subject
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Aspect
kind: dogs, potatoes, politicians
individual: Bobiţă , Vanghelie
stage: Bobiţă is barking right now.
= a temporary instantiation of an individual
= a time-space slice of...
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Aspect
e.g. rare, widespread, in short supply, extinct,
common
their subject can only be a kind-referring
entity
e.g. this kind of NP, each species of NP, man
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Aspect
states which denote permanent properties
(normally) resist the progressive:
(14)
a. *John is being tall.
b. *John is knowing Bill.
c. * John is owning a farm.
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Aspect
(i) stage-level predicates (SLPs)
= temporary or accidental properties
tired , angry, run (ii) kind – level (KLPs) and individual-level
predicates (ILPs)
= (more or less) permanent or inherent propertiesintelligent, tall, own
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Aspect
the vast majority of state predicates are compatible
with both a SL and an IL reading:
(15) a. John is polite.
b. John is rude.
c. John likes parties.
(16) a. John is polite today./ John is being polite
today. What’s the matter with him? b. John is rude to his father. Please stop him!
c. I really like this party!
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Aspect
(17)
a. The statue stands in the middle of the square.
b. Your box is standing in the middle of the room.
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Aspect
(17)
a. John is lying in the grass.
b. John is standing in the doorway.c. You are being rude!
These statives allow a stage-level interpretation, theycan denote an episodic situation
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Aspect
States which cannot be interpreted as stage-
level predicates resist the progressive.
States which can be interpreted as stage-
level predicates can be used in the progressive
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Aspect
States combine freely with a present tense
simple form to convey: ET encompasses RT
(=ST)
(18)
a. The flag is blue.
b. She is angry now.c. *She dances in the kitchen now.
d. *They wait for her answer at the moment.
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Aspect
(19) At 5.00 she was still in her office.
ET encompasses RT
Vs.
(20)
a. At 5.00 she made herself an omelette.
b. At 5.00 she was making herself an omelette.
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Aspect
(21)When he left she was still upset.
vs.(22)
a.When he left she made a phone call.
b.When he left she was making a phone call.
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Aspect
Adverbials of time can refer to a point
within the duration of a state but not of anevent which is [-progressive]
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situations
states
[+ stative]
occurrences
[-stative]
So far ...
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Task: identify the [+stative] predicates
When I was younger I thought I was fat, even though
I was actually skinny, looking at photos.
We sat by the fire, listened to the news on the radio
and ate baked beans.We sat down to smoked salmon in herbs and large
king prawns.
The Regent Theatre stood halfway down ShaftesburyAvenue towards the Piccadilly end.
Gravellier stood up, blood washing over his face.
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Task: identify the type of entity K, I,S and the type
of predicate (KL, IL, ST)
Worms are a staple diet and these have been in short supply
due to the summer drought.
Glamour is in short supply on the streets of Harlesden.
Pure beef cattle are rare.Snakes hiss.
The snake raised its head, hissing in fear or anger.
Lions are dangerous.
This lion is very dangerous.Going there today might be dangerous.
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AspectA framework for analysis
Lecture 4
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So far
Aspect
defined in terms of the relationship between ET and RT the ‘situation-internal time’ < ET/RT its interpretation is not related to ST not deictic
the semantic domain of the temporal structure of
situations (SITUATION-TYPE aspect) and their
presentation (VIEWPOINT aspect)
STA: an idealization of types of situations characterized
by a bundle of semantic features: stativity, telicity,
duration < the verb constellation
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situations
states
[+ stative]
occurrences
[-stative]
So far ...
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= a stable condition of the entity expressed by the subject
= no change assumed to appear between any time moments
= homogeneous
= (i) states which are exclusively KLP/ILP
(ii) states which are SLP/allow a SLP interpretation
= states can be used in the simple form to convey ET
encompasses RT
= states do not freely occur with the progressive
So far ...
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Today
STA cont.
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State predicates cont.: other stativity tests
(1) force/persuade
a. *John forced/persuaded Bill to be tall.
b. John forced/persuaded Bill to study for the exam.
If [+stative] : NO
If [- stative] : YES
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State predicates cont.: other stativity tests
(2) imperatives
a. *Be tall!
b. Study for the exam!
If [+stative] : NO
If [- stative] : YES
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State predicates cont.: other stativity tests
(3) deliberately, carefully
a. *John was carefully tall.
b. John carefully studied for the exam.
If [+stative] : NO
If [- stative] : YES
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State predicates cont.: other stativity tests
(4) deliberately, carefully
a. *John was carefully tall.
b. John carefully studied for the exam.
If [+stative] : NO
If [- stative] : YES
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State predicates cont.: other stativity tests
(5) pseudo-cleft constructions
a. * What John did was be tall.
b. What John did was study for the exam.
If [+stative] : NO
If [- stative] : YES
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State predicates cont.: other stativity tests
(6) habitual reading in non-progressive forms
a. John is tall.
b. John studies for exams.
If [+stative] : NO
If [- stative] : YES
St ti it t t i
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Stativity tests: summing upTEST +stative -stative
free occurrence in the progressive
/
habitual reading with non-progressive forms/
can freely occur in imperatives
/
co-occurrence with carefully, deliberately,attentively/
complement of force, persuade/
can occur in pseudo-cleft constructions
‘ET encompasses RT’ with non-progressive forms
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occurrences
[-stative]
Activities/processes[- telic ]
Definite changes ofstate
[+telic]
Occurrences: first attempt
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Aspect
(7)
a. John dances beautifully. [-telic]
b. John made a chair . [+telic]
c. They noticed her in the crowd. [+telic]
[+/- telic]
A telic event = has a natural end point/culmination
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Aspect
ACTIVITIES
= dynamic
= durative
= no natural end point [atelic]
= consist entirely in the process
= denote homogeneous situations
run in the park, dance
with John, rain, eat
cherries, laugh, make
noise, roll, rain, snow,play the piano
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Aspect
BUT:
(8)
a. John ran.
b. John ran to the store.
(9)
a. John played the piano.
b. John played a sonata.
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Aspect
(10)
a. John wrote a poem.
b. John wrote poetry.
(11)
a. John ate two huge ice-creams.
b. John ate vanilla ice-cream.
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Aspect
(12)
a. John drove that car for years.
b. John drove that car away.
Some verbs are actually unspecified for
telicity in the lexicon; in this case telicity is
derived compositionally, in conjunction
with the semantics of the arguments of
the verb and of the semantics of certain
adjuncts.
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Aspect
Homogeneity seems to underlie telicity.
atelic predicates denote homogeneous situations
(e.g. states, activities)
telic predicates denote non-homogeneous situations
various semantic tests which distinguish
between activities and telic occurrences
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Aspect
(13)
a. Something was slithering along the dark corridor
floor.
b.Derek, laughing heartily, gave me the key.
c.They are laughing and joking.
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Aspect
A. different entailments of progressive sentences
Does x is/was V-ing (pragmatically) entail x (has) V-ed?
(14) John is dancing. John has danced.
(15) John is making a cake. John has made a cake.
(16) It is raining It has rained.
(17) It was raining It rained.If atelic : YES
If telic: NO
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Aspect
B. Different entailmens of stop +V-ing
Does x has stopped V-ing (pragmatically) entail x has
V-ed?
(18) John stopped running. He ran.
(19) John stopped painting a picture. he painted a
picture.If atelic: YES
If telic: NO
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Aspect
C. Free occurrence with for x time phrases:
(20) They danced for hours.
(21) ??They found the apple for 3 hours.
If atelic: YES
If telic: NO
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Aspect
D. Free occurrence with in x time phrases:
(22) *They danced in two hours.(23) They ate the apple in 3 minutes.
If atelic: NO
If telic: YES
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Aspect
E. different entailments when the predicate is the
complement of stop
(24) John stopped making a chair.
(25) John stopped running.
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Aspect
E. the complement of finish
(26) John finished making a chair.
(27) *John finished noticing an error.
(28) * John finished running.
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Aspect
Activities can freely combine with the progressive
with no change in situation-type but not with the
simple present (when the conveyed reading is: ET
encompasses RT)
(26) They are dancing now.
(27) *They dance now.
Vs. states
Telicity tests: summing up
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Telicity tests: summing upTEST + telic - Telic
x is/was V-ing (pragmatically) entails x (has) V-ed
stop V-ing entails V-ed
free occurrence in the progressive with no change in
situation-type / co-occurrence with in x time phrase
co-occurrence with for x time phrase/
occur as the complement of finish /
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occurrences
[-stative]
Activities/processes[- telic ]
Definite changes ofstate
[+telic]
so far...
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Aspect
(28) John built a house. [+telic] [+durative]
(29) John noticed a mistake. [+ telic] [-durative]
[+/- durative]
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Definite changesof state
[-stative] [+telic]
Achievements
[-durative]
Accomplishments
[+ durative ]
So far...
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Aspect
ACCOMPLISHMENTS
[+dynamic]
[+telic][+durative]
build a house, build a
bridge, make a cake,
draw a circle, paint a
picture
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Aspect
they do not refer to homogeneous situations.
their internal stages are successive. But thesestages and the final point are seen as a single event
= complex events made up of a series of successive
stages and a natural end point
a process + an outcome
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Aspect
(30) He cooled the soup.
[he did something] which caused [the soup tobecome to be cool]
DO _CAUSE _ BECOME state
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Aspect
(31) John wrote letters. activity
John wrote letters for two hours.
(32) John wrote ten letters. accomplishment
John wrote ten letters in 30 minutes.
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Aspect
(33) a. John ran. activity b. John ran for an hour./*in an hour.
(34) John ran a mile.
an adverbial of extent [a delimiter]
accomplishment
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Aspect
(35)a.The child swam. activity.
b.The child swam to the shore.
a delimiter accomplishment
(36)
a. John hammered the metal. activity b. John hammered the metal flat. accomplishment
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Aspect
(37)
a. He drank.
b. He drank a glass of wine.
c. He drank himself under the table.
(38)
a. He shouted.
b. He shouted his voice hoarse.
some
accomplishments
are ‘derived’ telic predicates
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Aspect
(39) a. John ran a mile in an hour.
b. John ran a mile ??for an hour.
c. John painted a picture ?? for an hour.
Accomplishmentscan freely co-occur
with in x time phrase
Accomplishments very
marginally co-occur with for x time phrases
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Aspect
(40) John ran for an hour.
He ran at any time during that hour .
(41) John made a chair for an hour.
It is not the case that he made a chair at any
time during that hour.
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Aspect
(42) The sheriff of Nottingham jailed Robin Hood for
four years.
(i) repetitive reading
(ii) the duration of the result-state < act of jailing
(43) The sheriff of Nottingham rode a white horse for
four years.
(i) repetitive reading Some accomplishments:ambiguity with for x
time phrases
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Aspect
the adverb ALMOST: different effects on activities
and accomplishments:
(44) He almost ran.(45) He almost painted a picture.
(46) He almost killed her.
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Aspect
with accomplishments (process + resultant
state) = ambiguity (vs. activities)
(i) ALMOST [he did something] which
caused [her to become dead]
(ii) [he did something] which ALMOSTcaused [her to become dead]
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Aspect
The imperfective paradox:
Does x is/was V-ing (pragmatically) entail x (has) V-
ed?
(47)He is making a chair. He has made a chair.
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Aspect
Also:
(48) John finished making a chair.
(49) ??? John finished running.
(50) * John finished noticing an error.
only accomplishments
can normally be thecomplement of finish
Summing up: activities vs. accomplishments
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g p pTEST accomplishment activity
x is/was V-ing (pragmatically) entails x (has) V-ed
stop V-ing entails V-ed
free occurrence in the progressive with no change in
situation-type
occur as the complement of finish
co-occurrence with for x time phrases?
ambiguity of for x time phrases
ambiguity with almost
co-occurrence with in x time phrases
S f
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Definite changesof state
[-stative] [+telic]
Achievements
[-durative]
Accomplishments
[+ durative ][-homogeneous]
So far...
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Achievements
occurrences[+ dynamic]
denote a definite change of state, entail the
existence of a result[+telic]
denote instantaneous situations [-durative]
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Achievements
(51)
a. ??John noticed the error for 5 minutes.
b. John noticed the error in 5 minutes.
?? John spent 5 minutes noticing the error.vs.
(52)
John made a chair in 5 minutes. John spent 5 minutes making a chair.
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Achievements
(53)
a. The room is darkening in a couple of minutes.
b. The weather is cooling in three days.
c. The plane is landing in 30 minutes.
the modifier locates
the end point of the
event
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Achievements
(53)
a. *John stopped noticing the error.
b. *John finished noticing the error.
c. *John began to notice the error.
achievements cannot
be the complement ofaspectual verbs
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Achievements
(54) John almost noticed the error.
no ambiguity
(55) ?? John
carefully/attentively/carefully/vigilantly/studiously
detected the error.
Summing up: prototypical achievements
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TEST achievement accomplishment
occur as the complement of aspectual verbs
co-occurrence with for x time phrases?? ?
ambiguity with almost
co-occurrence with carefully, attentively, vigilantly,
studiously, obediently
co-occurrence with in x time phrases
V + in x time phrase = spend x time phrase V-ing
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Achievements
(56) John noticed an error.
* John is noticing an error.
John has been noticing errors for the last 30 minutes.
(57) John is winning the game.
(58)The soup is cooling.
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Achievements
(59)
a. The soup cooled for an hour.
b. The soup cooled in an hour.
(60)
a. John noticed the error in a second.
b. ??John noticed the error for a second.
Achievements
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(61) They reached the summit in five hours/afterfive hours.
In/after five hours= at the end of a
time interval of 5
hours
= in a fraction of a
second !
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Achievements
(62) She noticed Bill in/after 5 minutes.
In five minutes =
at the end of atime interval of ...
= in a fraction of a
second
Achievements do
not represent ahomogeneous class
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Achievements
A. notice, spot, find, lose vs. reach the
summit, land (on), fall from, win a game
A hi
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Achievements
(i) Ach. which denote situations with no preliminarystages:
find, notice, recognize
(ii) Ach. which denote situations which ‘include’ preliminary stages:
reach the top, win a race
[+/- progressive]
A t
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Aspect
(63)
a.*John is noticing a mistake.
b.* I am finding a book.
(64)
a. John is winning the race.
b. She is recovering slowly.
c. The young men were reaching the summit when it began to rain.
d. The team was losing the game when the storm
began.
A t
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Aspect
B.
(65)
a. The gap widened 10% in a year.
b. The wine cooled 5o in two hours.
c. The child grew 10 cm in a year.
d. The grapes dried completely.
Degree
achievements: cool,
dry, lengthen, grow,
widen, sink, age
A t
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Aspect
(66)
a. The soup cooled for an hour.
b. The soup cooled in an hour.
c. The soup began to cool.d. The soup was cooling slowly.
Degree achievements
do not behave like
prototypical
achievements; they
display both telic and
atelic behaviour
A t
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Aspect
< their argument undergoes a change of statein some property
< are derived from a gradable adjective = a
property on a scale
< a measure of the degree to which the
argument changes relative to this gradable
property
A
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A
(67) The soup cooled.
(i) the soup became cool.
(ii) the soup became cooler.
(68)
a. The soup cooled in an instant. b. The soup cooled for several minutes.
A t
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Aspect
The degree to which the property changes
(i) can be bounded
= [ + telic]
(ii) can be unbounded
= [ - telic]
A t
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Aspect
(68)
a. The water cooled 4 degrees.
b. The clothes dried completely.
c. John aged 20 years during that experience.
d. The ship sank for an hour (before going under
completely).
S f
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So far ..
States
Activities
Accomplishments
Achievements
O l
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One more class...
knock, hiccup, flap a wing, flash, hiccup, sneeze,belch, burp, cough, jump
= denote single action events= [+ instantaneous]
= they take place over the shortest possible interval
= semelfactives
S lf i
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Semelfactives
(69)a. He jumped in 5 seconds.
b. Bill was kicking him when he saw me, so he
stopped midway (and didn’t kick him).(70)
a. He was knocking on the door when I saw him.
b John knocked on the door (repeatedly) for several
minutes.
S lf ti
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Semelfactives
At first sight, ambiguous behaviour with respect
to telicity
2 analyses available in the literature
(i) [-stative] [-durative] [- telic]
(ii) [-stative] [-durative] [+ telic]
Semelfactives
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Semelfactives
(71)
a. He coughed twice.
b. She sneezed three times.
c. The child jumped twice. can be counted
(i) the single
events(ii) iterations of
events
Semelfactives
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Semelfactives
(72)
a. She jumped again and again.
b. She jumped for several minutes.
Vs.
(73)
a. He ran again and again.
b. He ran for several minutes.
Semelfactives
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Semelfactives
(74) He gave a jump/a kick/ a wink.
(75) He had a walk/a run/a swim.
(76) He jumped in a minute.
He ran in a minute.single events vs.
extended events
Semelfactives
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Semelfactives
they have some internal structure: jump, wink, kick
minimal atomic events, countable;
[+telic]
activities can be formed out of them < iterated
reading
a. all semelfactive predicates have
a homonymous activity reading
Semelfactives
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Semelfactives
(77)
a. He knocked on the door.
b. He was jumping up and down.
c. He was sneezing.d. He blinked for 5 minutes.
e. He clicked his pen throughout the lecture.
f. Teh child coughed all night.
reinterpreted as activities (repeated events)
Summing up: semelfactives
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TEST Semelfactives Activities Telic predicates
co-occurrence with in x time
phrases/telic modifiers
V-ing can induce the
imperfective paradox
V-ing entails V-ed
co-occurence with for x time
phrases/ atelic modifiers ??
Summing up
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Summing up
Situation-types:an idealization of types ofsituations characterized by a bundle of semantic
features: telicity, stativity. duration
each class: unique semantic properties and unique
distributional properties
the linguistic unit: the verb constellation
Summing up
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+/- stativeSituations
Occurrences
[-stative]
Activities
[-telic][+telic]
Semelfactives
duration
Achievements
duration
Accomplishments
+ duration
States
[+ stative]