Fortnight Publications Ltd.

The Dungiven StoryAuthor(s): Geoffrey BellSource: Fortnight, No. 20 (Jun. 25, 1971), pp. 5-6Published by: Fortnight Publications Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25543578 .

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FORTNIGHT 5

The Dungiven Story

Geoffrey Bell tells the full

story of the "traditional"

Orange March through Dun

given from its origin way

back in 1953.

ML

"I'm trying to organise a parade to get the government to ban government bans on parades."

Only future events can tell what the repercussions of the

Dungiven affair will be, but the

County Derry town's place in

history, has been guaranteed by what no doubt, will be known in

Orange fables to come as "The Battle of the River Roe." If

Orange power, which was born

by the crossing of one river, was to end by the failure to cross another river, it would be a nice ironic end to the Ulster drama.

But as to that we must wait and see. Whatever, Dungiven deserves

recognition: it must be given its due.

1953, coronation year, saw the

start, of the Dungiven story. For

many years prior to that there had been no orange parades or demonstrations in the town, which even then was predominat ely Catholic. 1953 saw a fancy dress parade in celebration of the coronation, and it was

suggested that the Orange band from the nearby village of

Boveva, should lead the parade. This suggestion was resisted by the Catholic community and was

eventually dropped, but the affair raised passions which had been dormant for some time and the Boveva band determined to exert their "right" to march through

Dungiven. Repeated attempts to do so met with objections from the police and the Ministry of

Home Affairs and it was not until 1958 that the Boveva band were permitted to march through the streets of Dungiven. The

march caused a good deal of ill will especially when a union jack was placed in the local Catholic church. As a result there was a

boycott of Protestant traders in the town, though it only lasted a short time. Still, the con

sequences of the march did seem to justify the former reluctance on the part of the authorities to

permit Orange demonstrations in the town and in 1959 the march

by the Boveva band was again prohibited.

The following year a new situation arose with the formation of an Orange Lodge in Dungiven. It should be noted that there

was little demand for this move in Dungiven itself and of the 75

men who made up the new

Lodge less than twenty came from Dungiven. In fact it is fair to speculate that the purpose in

forming it was to give the brethren from the surrounding area a legitimate reason for

marching through Dungiven.The County Grand Lodge also sug gested that instead of a simple

march a drumhead service should be held, thereby giving the demonstration a religious signifi cance which would make the

prohibition of the march less

likely. The Orange leaders may also have been encouraged by the fact that there was now a new Minister for Home Affairs. That new Minister was Brian

Faulkner, and indeed it was he who permitted the march to go ahead in 1960, thus reversing the

policy which had been in existence for a number of years,

with the exception of 1958. The services were held annually from 1960 onwards, the first serious trouble occuring in 1969.

It is at this point pertinent to ask whether an eleven year record makes the Dungiven parade traditional, as the Orange leaders claimed. In banning the

march the government claimed it was not and it does, I suppose depend on one's definition of "traditional." However it is inter

esting to note that in defending the Dungiven march in 1969,

Robert Porter, then Minister of Home Affairs said, "This proces sion is a customary or traditional

procession, which follows the same route every year." The

Dungiven parade must be one of the few events that is traditional after nine years and non

traditional after eleven. The parade in 1969, came in

the wake of October 5th in

Derry and Burntollet, only a few miles from the town. (In the light of this the police requested the

Dungiven marchers to change their route. This request was denied and trouble broke out when the marchers passed a Gaelic football ground in which a match was in progress. In

defending the Dungiven marchers Brian Faulkner was to say,"We have heard a great deal about the right of small minorities to demonstrate and to make their voice heard, but it must be

recognised that we too, intend to exercise that right and are entitled to do so without hindrance. It was a tribute to the rank and file membership of the Order that in the face of extreme provacation great res traint was exercised by Orange

men."

The Orange leaders agreed to a change of route in 1970, but there was still some minor trouble when scuffles broke out and some Orange bowler hats

were destroyed. The orange hall in Dungiven, first built in 1968, has been attacked a number of

times, once being severely dam

aged. It is not surprising there

fore, that Brian Faulkner banned the march this year, but his action is somewhat inconsistent

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6 FRIDAY, 25th JUNE, 1971

with his earlier attitude. This makes the words of evangelical Protestant Norman Porter all the

more ironical when fie appealed to Brian Faulkner at the opening of the Dungiven Orange Hall, at

which Mr. Faulkner was present, "To find time in his busy life to give attention and tfiought to the need for greater leadership within Unionism to the principles of Orangeism and Protestantism in general." Mr. Porter added, "No man could do it better than

Mr. Faulkner."

The man behind Orangeism in

Dungiven is William Douglas, Limavady District Master, and, in 1970, chairman of the mid

Derry Unionist Association. It was he, who as organising secretary,, was chiefly responsible for getting the Dungiven Lodge off the ground in the early years. It is clear that one of Mr.

Douglas's main ambitions was to establish Orange processions in

Dungiven so that their regularity couldn't be challenged. In 1968 he had said that the numbers in the Dungiven parades would dwindle. "If we establish our

right to march through the town." Obviously neither 1969 or 1970 established that right. Fur thermore speaking in 1954, after the coronation parade row, Mr.

Douglas had warned that, "peace , could be bought too dearly at the price of liberties." In fact in 1953 he had suggested that peace could have been maintained, in the event of the Orange march,

by 200 'B' Specials equipped with bayonets. It was this type of resolution Brian Faulkner was

testing when he banned the

Dungiven march. Mr. Douglas is a farmer of 250 acres and is a

Justice of the Peace.

Also prominent in Dungiven Orangeism are William McFar lane, an Ex-District Commander of the 'B' Specials who told the Scarman Tribunal that Orange

men should not march if a

parade was banned; the Rev. John Brown, who refused to

appear before the Cameron Com mission; and M.P. Joseph Burns, a regular marcher in Dungiven

who said of the 1969 march, "We (Orangemen) never beat up policemen or human beings of

any kind. Even when our people are abused we do not retaliate."

The Dungiven affair is open to

a number of interpretations. It can be seen as an act of defiance by the right wing elements inside the Orange Order, represented by the Rev. Martin Smyth, against a govern ment they have little confidence

in. It can be seen in the context of Unionism in the Derry area,

which since October 1968, have felt they have been betrayed by their masters in Belfast. Finally it can be seen as the latest in a

long list of attempts by Orange men in the Dungiven district to, "establish our right to march

through the town." 'whichever

explanation is preferred few would question the wisdom of Norman Porter's words, when he said at Dungiven in 1969, "Ulster could be one of the most

peaceful places in the world if it were not for the noisy, disruptive elements exercising the privileges of democracy."

The Orange Marchers

A preview of the centres and

the prospects for this year's marchers by Martyn Turner.

It is clear that there is little desire from any of the main

political parties to impose a total ban on parades. The government pursues a policy of judging each demonstration on its merits, or

demerits, the Opposition presses for the rerouting of marches to avoid the so-called "flashpoint" areas. The original claim by John

Hume and Ivan Cooper that there were over 200 parades scheduled for this summer has

now been drastically reduced, they claim, as a result of a

private "deal" between Mr. Faulkner and the Grand Orange Lodge. This may be plausible but it should be remembered that

"Just like his da."

most Orange parades are organ ised locally and are not subject to any central control. Unlike the

Hibernians who have declared their intention to cancel all

parades this summer the Orange Order has issued no specific directive, leaving all decisions to be taken locally. The Headquar ters of the Order in Belfast receive no notification of parades

which take place outside their immediate jurisdiction.

The government is not keen on

designating "flashpoint" areas or on discussing eventualities in advance of their manifestation. But there are a number of

parades scheduled for the next two .months which the security forces cannot ignore and must

already be making arrangements to avoid or combat any likely trouble. Prior to the 12th itself there are two parades, in Coalisland on the 1st July and on the Circular Road in Belfast on the following day which will need special attention.

The following week there is the "mini-twelfth" taking place on

July 4th and the Church parades which will this year be on July 11. These numerous small local affairs serve as warm up bouts for the Twelfth itself which will involve marches throughout the six counties at nineteen different locations. Many of these are to be

held in predominately Catholic areas. In Enniskillen the 15 district Lodges of Fermanagh will be marching along with some

representing Co. Cavan and Co.

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