the “four spheres” framework for sustainability
TRANSCRIPT
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e c o l o g i c a l c o m p l e x i t y 3 ( 2 0 0 6 ) 2 8 5 – 2 9 2
Viewpoint
The ‘‘Four Spheres’’ framework for sustainability
Martin O’Connor a,b,*aUniversite de Versailles St-Quentin-en-Yvelines (UVSQ), FrancebCentre d’Economie et d’Ethique pour l’Environnement et le Developpement, C3ED—UMR No. 063, UVSQ et IRD,
47 boulevard Vauban, 78047 Guyancourt Cedex, France
a r t i c l e i n f o
Keywords:
Complexity
Deliberation
Economy
Environment
Ethics
Governance
Multi-criteria evaluation
Politics
Social dimension
Sustainability
Triple bottom line
a b s t r a c t
This paper presents in a synthetic way, a complex systems perspective on sustainability that
highlights systems integrity and ethical integrity as complements. Sustainability is char-
acterised as coevolution of economic, social and environmental systems respecting a
dynamic ‘‘triple bottom line’’—the simultaneous satisfaction of quality/performance goals
pertaining to each of the three spheres. The theme of system regulation and governance
leads to demarcation of a fourth fundamental category of organisation, the political sphere
whose role is regulation of the economic and social spheres and thus of relations with (and
within) the environmental sphere. Perspectives for the application of this ‘‘Tetrahedral
Model’’ in sustainability science and policy analyses are outlined, relating to the ‘‘four
capitals’’ and to the question of monetary evaluation of changes in social and environ-
mental domains. The paper concludes by making a link between the triple bottom line,
complexity and deliberation in sustainability politics.
# 2007 Published by Elsevier B.V.
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1. Sustainability and the ‘‘Four Spheres’’
The systems approach to sustainability (Passet, 1979) high-
lights the interdependence of three ‘‘spheres’’ or classes of
system: the economic, the social and the environmental. This
is an asymmetric interdependence: economic production,
exchange, transport and consumption activities are
embedded within the social sphere (with its affective,
symbolic and material dimensions); human community
(including the ‘‘economic’’) is embedded as a component of
biophysical processes within the biosphere.
The economic sphere, often the principal focus of develop-
ment policy discourses and indicators, thus depends for its
viability on the vitality of the social and environmental spheres.
In economics jargon, environmental assets are now considered
‘‘natural capital’’ that is both limited and fragile. A similar
* Tel.: +33 1 39 25 53 75; fax: +33 1 39 25 53 00.E-mail address: [email protected].
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argument may be made for the social sphere, where cultural
forms, symbolic bonds and community infrastructures are
identified as ‘‘social capital’’ upon which economic perfor-
mance completely depends. To the extent that activity of ‘‘the
economy’’ has ‘‘negative impacts’’ on social and environmental
systems, it may be that the economic activity is undermining
the conditions for long run sustainability. It follows that an
essential component of governance for sustainability must be
the regulation of the economic sphere in relation to the two
other spheres, so as to ensure a respect for conditions of natural
and social system integrity upon which long-run economic
activity depends. However this is only one facet of the overall
governance challenge. Achieving sustainability would mean a
process of co-evolution respecting a ‘‘triple bottom line’’, that is,
the simultaneous respect for (or satisfaction of) quality/
performance goals pertaining to each of the three spheres.
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Fig. 1 – Governance for sustainability: the ‘‘Four Spheres’’.
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This ‘‘triple bottom line’’ as a normative reference point
proposed by and for a society, is a complex quality criterion. It
affirms that economic activity, while having its specific
imperatives (innovation, competitive search for profits, etc.)
and a certain organizational autonomy, must be nonetheless
‘‘in the service of’’ the wider social sphere; it presumes that
society’s purposes or values include environmental sustain-
ability; finally it presumes that the biophysical environment
does hold the potentialities for some meaningful sort of long-
run sustaining of economy and society. This means that
prospects of and policy norms for sustainability cannot be
defined for the three spheres separately. On the contrary,
analyses of the challenges of governance for sustainability
must propose a characterization not only of principles of
performance and quality in each sphere, but also of the basis
for regulating the interactions between the three spheres.
Each sphere being interdependent (one way and another)
with the others, a variety of claims will be made about the
roles that are, or should be (or should not be) played by one
sphere relative to the others. These ‘‘claims’’ (or exactions, or
pressures, etc.) may be in conflict and incompatible, and these
conflicts must somehow be resolved. Speaking of choice,
conflict resolution and governance implies agency, and so we
are led to postulate a fourth category of organisation, the
political sphere, which is constituted through the emergence
within society of conventions, rules and institutional frame-
works for the regulation of the economic and social spheres
and, indirectly, the environmental sphere. This leads to a
systems model of ‘‘Four Spheres’’, here named the tetrahedral
model of sustainability (see tables and diagrammatic pre-
sentation below). Analyses for sustainability must focus
attention on the interfaces, the interactions and the inter-
dependencies between the economic, social and environ-
mental spheres, on the characterization of principles of
performance and quality in each sphere, and on the principles
of rights, respect or responsibility proposed for one sphere in
relation to another. The political sphere has the role of the
‘‘referee’’ that arbitrates in relation to the different – and often
incompatible – claims made by the actors of the social and
economic sphere for themselves and with regard to the other
spheres (including the environmental sphere).
If we consider interfaces between each pair of ‘‘spheres’’
(that is, two different ‘types’ of organization), then with the
four spheres there are six pairings. In Fig. 1, these are
portrayed as the ‘‘edges’’ of the tetrahedron. We may also
use a simple 4 � 4 matrix array to present the facets of
analysis, as in Table 1, in which the diagonal cells evoke
performance concepts and criteria that relate principally to a
single organizational form, and the off diagonal cells signal
performance concepts and criteria arising as ‘‘interferences’’
of two organizational forms.
The interface aspects can be characterized through
investigation of the ‘‘claims’’ or ‘‘demands’’ made by each
sphere relative to the others. Systems analyses focus on the
roles, services or behavior that is needed of, expected of, or
sought by one sphere from each of the other spheres, in order
to permit its ‘‘good functioning’’. This requires not just
biophysical and economic modeling but also analyses with
explicit anthropological, symbolic and moral dimensions that
highlight the reasons, meanings, principles and purposes
attached to these demands or expectations. In particular, in
explaining the functioning of the political sphere, it is
necessary to investigate the justifications emanating from
the social and economic sphere for this or that principle of
need, respect or responsibility for any one sphere in relation to
another.
In reality, of course, many issues involve ‘‘cumulative
causation’’ with the interference of all four organizational
forms. In a fundamental sense, it is meaningless to treat any
sphere or interface in isolation from the others (e.g., the
economic and political are inseparable from the social, and the
economic cannot exist without the environmental, etc.). The
restriction to a pair-wise classification of interfaces is didactic
but artificial. For analytical purposes, it is convenient to
highlight as complementary: (1) descriptions centred on the
internal functioning of each sphere having a degree of
autonomy relative to the other spheres; (2) descriptions of
interactions between two spheres. Through following a
sequence of binary links, we can build up examples of ‘‘causal
pathways’’ of influence ramifying through the whole system. In
Table 2, we present some of the distinctive features of the four
spheres and their six interfaces. The rest of this short paper
discusses, with reference to existing themes in the literature,
some options and conventions for application of this ‘‘Tetra-
hedral Model’’ in sustainability science and policy analyses.
2. Systems science and societal choices
Since the 1980s, scientific fields such as ecological economics
and model-based integrated environmental assessment (IEA)
have addressed the interdependencies between the economic
and environmental spheres, characterised on the interface by,
on the one hand, environmental pressures and, on the other
hand, environmental functions/services. Governance on this
interface seeks to ensure a double performance criterion: (1)
economic welfare through production of economic goods and
services as emphasised in traditional economics, and (2) the
permanence of an ecological welfare base through assuring
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Table 1 – The Four Spheres and their interfaces
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maintenance of environmental functions. For integrated
analyses of sustainability challenges, societal options can be
framed in a comparative scenario context for the exploration
of the ‘‘ecological-economic space of opportunities’’ for
society into the future. This means to explore, within the
limits of what might be feasible, a range of alternative
evolutions that, on various societal grounds, might be judged
as more or less desirable, or undesirable.
The Tetrahedral Model (Fig. 1) may, in this regard, be
construed as the articulation of two complementary axes that
together, portray ‘‘the problem of social choice’’.
� T
he first axis, feasibility, is the ‘‘edge’’ composed of theinterdependent ecological and economic spheres. This is the
realm of systems science and integrated economy-environ-
ment modelling.
� T
he second axis, desirability, is the ‘‘edge’’ composed by theinterference of the political and social spheres. This signifies
the governance problem of institutional arrangements for
coordination of the actors in society with their disparate
interests and preoccupations.
The advantage of this framing is that it highlights the
fundamental complementarity of, on the one hand, systems
analyses with natural sciences foundations and, on the other
hand, social sciences and humanities for the characterisation of
what is good, justand acceptable (includingfor whom and why).
As another illustration of the ‘‘interference’’ of societal
with economic-environmental systems science considera-
tions, we can consider the ‘‘social demand’’ for respect of the
environment as it emergence in principles and practices of
corporate social responsibility (CSR). Since the 1970s, in the
face of concerns expressed in the social sphere for justice and
environmental quality in development, actors in the economic
sphere have been subjected to new societal demands to
demonstrate respect for the natural environment and for the
integrity and viability of communities. In effect, governance
concepts have been promulgated from the political sphere
under the heading of CSR that propose a ‘‘triple bottom line’’ in
industrial and commercial practice. For example, in the words
of the European Commission (EC, 2001):
‘‘By expressing their Social Responsibility, companies are
affirming their role in social and territorial cohesion, quality
and environment. Through production, employment rela-
tions, and their investments, companies are able to
influence employment, the quality of jobs and the quality
of industrial relations, including respecting fundamental
rights, equal opportunities, non-discrimination, the quality
of goods and services, health and the environment’’.
This means, substantively, that companies (as actors in the
economic sphere) are required to demonstrate that their
operations are respectful of environmental and social concerns.
It also means, procedurally, that companies are being required,
individually and collectively, to develop new forms of dialogue
with an enlarged spectrum of stakeholders as a basis for their
reporting, strategy definition and decision-making.
Actions for ‘‘CSR’’ address (as the term itself implies) the
social–economic interface but also, indirectly, the economic–
environmental and the social–environmental interfaces. This
happens through the intermediary of the political sphere; and
this highlights that there is more often an indirect link
between the political and environmental spheres than there is
direct ‘‘governance’’ of the environment. The movement from
the political sphere towards the environmental sphere would
consist, in a formal sense, of the ‘‘supply’’ of public policy
aiming to influence the functioning of environmental sys-
tems. Environmental management actions may seek, for
example, to regulate the conditions of access to ‘‘natural
capital’’ as a factor of production of economic goods and
services, to ensure the long-term maintenance (or enhance-
ment) of environmental functions; or in any other way to
promote a ‘‘respect for’’ environment. But, this supply of
environmental governance is mediated by economic and
societal actors. As regards the movement in the opposite
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Table 2 – The tetrahedral model for sustainability studies
Component Elements of characterization
The three spheres The ‘‘three spheres’’ . . .
Economic Economic self-organisation, e.g., markets, performance imperatives such as efficiency, growth (K. Marx:
‘‘accumulate, accumulate, its the law and the prophets’’, etc.) governing production, transport and
consumption activities
Social Social self-organisation, notably forms of collective identity and the frameworks of meaning (symbols,
culture, etc.) and of relationships (networks, memberships, etc.) through which people situate
themselves in human communities and within the biophysical world
Environmental Environmental self-organisation, e.g., the dynamic structures of physical and biological activity including
atmosphere and ocean circulation, water and nutrient cycles, living organisms from the virus up to
the scale of the biosphere
The fourth sphere . . . and the institutional arrangements for their governance . . .
Political The governance dimension of organisation is constituted through the emergence of conventions and
procedures for the regulation of each sphere in relation to the others, in order to assure the simultaneous
respect for (or satisfaction of) quality/performance goals pertaining to all three spheres. This is the sphere of
arbitrage amongst diverse principles and claims of interest, achieved de facto or by design through force and
institutional arrangements ranging from town and county councils through national government structures
to international agencies of the United Nations
Policy domains The three domains of governance/regulation
Political, economic Pol to Econ: supply of ‘‘economic policy’’ or ‘‘governance’’ of the economic domain
Econ to Pol: demands (with accompanying arguments, reasons, principles) made on government by
economic actors concerning ‘‘the economy’’ and with regard to the social and environmental spheres
Political) environmental Pol to Env: supply of ‘‘environmental policy’’. Environmental management for sustainability may seek: first,
the contribution of ‘‘natural capital’’ to economic welfare as a factor of production of economic goods and
services; second, the permanence of the ecological welfare base through maintenance of environmental
functions; and third, ‘‘respect for’’ environment
[The Env-to-Pol linkage is presumed to be ‘‘mute’’ because non-human nature does not voice demands
directly in any political forum.]
Political, social Pol to Soci: supply of ‘‘social policy’’ which may seek, in various ways, to mobilise society for the needs
of the economic and/or to promote and ensure respect for specified forms of community (etc.)
Soci to Pol: demands (with accompanying arguments, reasons, principles) made on government concerning
civil society, the community (etc.) and with regard to economic and environmental spheres
Systems interfaces Characterisation of the interfaces of the three spheres
Environmental, economic The economic sphere seeks the ‘‘services’’ of ‘‘natural capital’’ to economic welfare as a factor of
production; this engenders ‘‘environmental pressures’’ and ‘‘impacts’’ on environmental functioning
and (future) services, including (sometimes disruptive) feedback effects on economy and community
Economic, social The economic sphere seeks the ‘‘services’’ of ‘‘human capital’’ (and also of ‘‘social capital’’) to economic
welfare; this signifies, on the one hand (sought-after) opportunities for wealth, revenues, goods and services
but, on the other hand, exploitation and perturbation of existing community forms. For the Social sphere,
the economic is a means and not an end, and the question is whether ‘‘opportunities’’ provided by the
economic are nourishing or perturbing of the affirmed values and forms of community
Social, environmental This is the domain of environmental values and the matrix of ‘‘culture’’ that determines the ‘‘meanings of
nature’’ or the spectrum of ‘‘environmental functions’’ identified by/for a society, e.g., nature as a cosmology,
roles as a ‘‘source’’ of well being or wealth, perceived quality of landscape. This is therefore the
material-symbolic space of meanings that (among other things) permits members of society to articulate
‘‘risks’’ and to affirm values: sustainability of what, why and for whom (e.g., productive land uses,
biodiversity conservation, reverence for nature; rights and duties of the current generation to
consume natural capital relative to rights/duties of respect towards future generations . . .)
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sense, from the environmental sphere towards the political
sphere, non-human nature does not voice demands directly in
political forums. Rather, societal demands ‘‘on behalf of the
environment’’ are relayed through other interfaces, notably
via the environmental–social then social–political interfaces,
or the environmental–economic then economic–political
interfaces.
3. The four capitals
Up to this point, the argument has been developed as if the
distinction between economic, social and environmental
spheres is plain and clear. It is not as simple as that. The
economic, social, political and environmental dimensions of
human activity are inter-penetrating and the boundaries
between them are ‘‘fuzzy’’ (in the sense of ‘belonging’ in fuzzy
set theory). Reasoning in terms of governance activity (the
political sphere) addressing a ‘‘triple bottom line’’ (of
sustainability for the social, environmental and economic
spheres) requires us to specify conventions for making the
distinctions between the ‘‘economic’’ and the ‘‘social’’
spheres, between the ‘‘economic’’ and ‘‘environmental’’
spheres, between the ‘‘social’’ and the ‘‘political’’ spheres,
and so on. These questions have long histories in metaphysics,
philosophy and the social sciences. Two specific strands of the
question will be considered here, relating to the concept of
‘‘capital’’ in sustainability analysis and to the uses of
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monetary evaluation of changes in social and environmental
domains.
Economic analysis since the 1970s, responding to poverty
and environmental concerns, proposed the framing of
sustainability requirements in terms of the maintenance of
‘‘four capitals’’—the economic, natural, social and human
capitals. Because this ‘‘four capitals’’ model has widespread
currency as a sort of halfway house between economics and
systems science, it is useful to determine how it can be related
to the four spheres of our Tetrahedral Model. In effect, three of
the capitals are, in the economist’s jargon, ‘‘funds’’ corre-
sponding to the three spheres—the economic (built capital),
the environmental (natural capital: land, water and the
biosphere) and the social (social capital as communities and
networks of meaning and shared identity). Human capital, by
contrast, is not associated with any single organisational type.
Rather it is a constituent within each of the four spheres, that
is, a building block for each of the four organisational forms. It
mediates between the economic, environmental and social
spheres (see Fig. 2) and is also a constitutive element of the
fourth (political) sphere: the individual as political actor (voter,
citizen, stakeholder, etc.). The political sphere – which has the
role of ‘‘referee’’ that arbitrates on claims made by the actors
of the social and economic sphere for themselves and with
regard to the environment – has no ‘‘fund’’ or class of capital
specifically associated with it.
The terms ‘‘strong sustainability’’ and ‘‘strong criterion of
sustainability’’ refer, since the 1980s, to the guideline of
maintenance (non-negative change) in the ‘‘stock’’ of natural
capital and, by generalisation, of the other ‘‘funds’’ (social and
human capitals). A simple formulation of strong sustainability
refers to natural capital in aggregate terms, separate from
manufactured capital, and requires non-negative change in
the ‘‘natural capital stock’’ through time. However, there is no
meaningful way of aggregating the grand diversity of natural
resources, environmental services and ecosystems (etc.) so as
to quantify this rule. A more operational approach can be
obtained through introducing the concept of ‘critical natural
capital’ referring to specific environmental resources or
system capacities that perform important welfare support
(or other) functions and for which no substitute in terms of
manufactured, human and social capital exist. Strong sustain-
ability is then framed in terms of the requirement for
maintenance of these environmental capacities or functions,
meaning maintenance of the integrity of the environment
Fig. 2 – Human capital in the four capital model. The four
capitals are the ‘‘FUNDS’’ of the ‘‘three spheres’’ plus
‘‘human capital’’ which is the ‘‘go-between’’ of the three.
(which, in this sense, is considered loosely as a ‘‘fund’’ or a
‘‘capital stock’’ in the economist’s sense, without however
presuming being able to make an aggregate valuation of this
stock). Policy applications will then proceed by specifying of
environmental standards or thresholds below which the
environmental function is not maintained, or there is a
significant risk of it being lost or impaired (etc.). Once targets
are set, cost-effectiveness analyses can be elaborated by
exploring the least-economic-cost way of achieving the
defined norm. This gives an operational meaning to the
notion of ‘‘economic costs for respecting the integrity of the
environment’’ on the interface of the economic and environ-
mental spheres (Faucheux and O’Connor, 2001, 2003).
Returning to our wider Four Spheres framework, a general-
isation of the strong sustainability criterion to require
maintenance of social capital can be proposed formally as a
matter of analogy with this treatment of natural capital. And,
as in the case of natural capital, it rapidly becomes clear that it
is hardly meaningful to quantify an absolute value for the
‘‘fund’’ of social capital. Rather, what is important is to identify
significant changes in the capacities of communities and
societies, and to explore the costs or constraints on economic
activity associated with assuring their integrity through time.
In this way, the framework is established for evaluating
‘‘economic costs for respecting the integrity of social capital’’,
on the interface of the economic and social spheres.
4. Values, evaluation and the frontiers ofmonetization
The language of costs recalls the ongoing debates, whose
precursors go back more than a century, about the role and
limits of monetary valuation techniques in such domains as
human health, education and environmental quality and,
more specifically, for estimating the ‘‘impacts’’ of activities in
the economic sphere on social and environmental systems.
We may introduce the concept of a Monetization Frontier
whose role is to signal thresholds or limits beyond which
assessing trade-offs, choices or the consequences of choices
on the basis of monetary measures alone is of questionable
pertinence. These limits or thresholds may exist for two main
reasons: either the estimation is scientifically very difficult
(due to uncertainties, complexities, non-linearities, etc.), or
the implication of a trade-off is deemed morally inappropriate
(Faucheux and O’Connor, 2001).
This concept of a Monetization Frontier (or, more exactly, a
set of frontiers) functions as a demarcation line separating
phenomena attributed to the economic sphere from phenom-
ena attributed to, respectively, the environmental and social
spheres. In the language of the four capitals, it allows the
demarcation between distinct zones of wealth and commu-
nities of interest considered as non-substitutable and com-
plementary:
� In
the case of natural capital we identify, on one side of theMonetization Frontier, resources and assets that are valued
within the conventional logic of the economic sphere, that
is, from the point of view of their potential conversion into
commercially priced goods and services (trees into wood
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products, for example); and, on the other side, assets that
are valued from the point of view of their permanent roles in
the bio/natural sphere as in situ services as sites, scenery,
scientific interest and ecological life-support in complement
to economic sphere activity.
� In
the case of social capital we may consider, on one side, thepotential of societal assets as factors of production for
economic wealth creation; but, on the other side, we
designate the contours of the social sphere by specifying
the classes of community spanning (present humanity,
future humanity and non-human communities) meriting to
be sustained.
The demarcations between economic and, respectively,
natural and social capitals are thus directly correlated with the
two main axes along which a ‘‘frontier of monetization’’ may
be identified, as suggested in Fig. 3:
� T
he first relates to physical system complexity and, primafacie with reference to the environmental sphere, concerns
matters of scale and aggregation. Physical and ecological
systems have an autonomy and existence in large measure
independent of human actions. Although vulnerable to
modification under human influence, they are partly
exogenous and pre-existing. This has as one corollary, in
particular where the physical and temporal scales of the
systems under scrutiny are very large (e.g., climate and
marine ecosystems, irreversible genetic and toxic chemical
transformations), the scientific uncertainties about system
dynamics, process interdependencies and (hence) what may
come to pass ‘‘in the longer term’’ are inevitably high. The
definition of relative opportunity costs, as required for
monetary valuation estimates, becomes difficult and some-
times arbitrary.
� T
he second relates to ethical appropriateness and, withprimary reference to the social sphere, concerns the kinds of
value involved. All technology choice, land use, infrastruc-
ture investment and territorial governance (etc.) decisions
have ethical components. These are seen, in some cases, in
questions of present-day fairness (as in north–south redis-
tribution) and in the equity issues relating to future
generations (the opportunities afforded to them and to
Fig. 3 – The Moneti
the dangers and burdens we have imposed), and also in
debates about the moral acceptability and social justifica-
tions for intervening in the genetic integrity of organisms,
destroying habitats of endangered species (and so on).
Where cultural or ethical convictions are fundamental, and
where the values of nature in question involve notions of
respect (for self and for others), of justice and honour,
cultural identity (and so on), then assessment problems take
the form more of arbitration between different principles,
forms of life, forms of community (etc.) to sustain or respect,
than of a comparison of monetary values as in economic
optimisation.
This didactic concept of a Monetization Frontier allows us
to approach questions of policy evaluation and of the ‘‘social
demand’’ for sustainability expressed as principles of respect
for economic, environmental and social/cultural values, in a
rigorous way with a multiple criteria perspective integrating
systems function and ethical commitment aspects. Private
and public policy, investment and stewardship decisions
respond to the various demands made by actors from the
social and the economic spheres, towards the political sphere:
� c
za
laims about what should be respected and sustained (in the
economic, social and environmental spheres),
� a
ccompanied by propositions of reasons why these thingsshould be respected and sustained.
Proposals for environmental protection or the mainte-
nance of ‘‘critical natural capital’’ will often be justified by
systems-type arguments of the need for these environmental
functions as a pre-condition for economic (and social)
sustainability. But they will also, very often, be justified in
terms of ethical or environmentalist attitudes that affirm a
duty or desire for respect of the existence of the environmental
features in question, and/or of the forms of community
(human and otherwise) supported by these environments. In
other words, the ethical appropriateness considerations
(signalled along the horizontal axis of Fig. 3), which relate to
moral and cultural determinants of the pertinence of
monetary valuations, are as much pertinent for the environ-
mental as for the social sphere.
tion Frontier.
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5. Conclusions: the passage from analysis todeliberation
Within a sustainability framework, any strategic assessment
therefore needs to make reference to two sets of principles—
‘‘systems integrity’’ and ‘‘ethical integrity’’. The systems
integrity concern can be translated, in general terms, as the
principle of maintenance of the ‘‘four capitals’’. A necessary
complement is added by considerations along ethical planes,
namely the application of a principle of respect for multiple
classes of community. This ‘‘social dimension’’ of sustain-
ability performance assessment is given operational definition
through a sort of ‘‘ethical appropriateness’’ test, epitomised by
expressions such as ‘‘save the whales’’ or ‘‘you don’t sell your
own grandmother’’—declarations that point to something
other than a purely economic/utilitarian motive for the
respect of systems integrity, whether in the environmental
or social domain.
But principles of respect are not panaceas. On the contrary,
there arise, in every sustainability policy domain, difficult
questions of fairness in the distribution of opportunities,
benefits, costs and risks within each community of interest.
This suggests a two-tiered framework for the articulation of
performance goals or criteria with reference to diverse
stakeholder communities.
� T
he primary level of analysis would specify obligations ofrespect for the stakeholder classes or communities given
standing—in other words, identification of the classes of
community meriting respect and of the forms or norms for
expression of that respect. (Given the ‘monopoly’ presence
of the present generation, it is up to today’s policymakers
and citizens to affirm duties towards – or, by proxy, the
‘entitlements’ of – future generations, endangered species
and ecosystems, vulnerable peoples, etc.)
� T
he second level of analysis would address fairness orunfairness in access to services, distribution of opportu-
nities, vulnerability, stresses and risks (etc.) within each
class.
Questions of which principles, values or classes of
community are to be sustained, or of what criterion of
fairness or justice to apply, are often controversial and difficult
to resolve. Social and environmental dimensions of evaluation
analysis are always interlinked, because there are always
asymmetries of need and of access to environmental benefits
(and of exposure to harms or risks) between different classes
of stakeholders. Very often, a plurality of reasonable con-
siderations can be put forward, which cannot all simulta-
neously be respected. This is the meaning of the question that
might have been made this short paper’s title: Sustainability of
what, for whom and why? In some situations, qualitative
considerations such as non-violence and poverty alleviation
can provide benchmarks for respect of specific classes of
system or community, or sectors within any given commu-
nity. Indicators may be selected that signal when a community
(human or non-human) is in danger, and directions to move
away from danger (viz., reduce the community’s vulnerabil-
ity). But, very often, there is not a societal consensus on the
distribution of sustainability.
In such conditions of controversy, more information (in the
systems science and even social science modes) does not
necessarily lead closer to resolution of ‘‘what should be
done?’’. On the contrary, sustainability policy must often
address situations characterised by complexity, which, for our
purposes, can be evoked through three considerations that
reinforce and interfere with each other:
� S
cientific knowledge advising of irreducible uncertaintiesand/or irreversibilities associated with courses of action.
� P
lurality of value systems, political and moral convictions,and justification criteria within society.
� H
igh decision stakes including economic interests andstrategic security concerns for nations or ethnic minorities
(etc.), and also consequences of environmental change for
public health, organism integrity and future economic
possibilities.
These features – characteristic of what Funtowicz and
Ravetz (1990, 1994) call ‘‘post-normal’’ situations, or what
Rittel (1982) and others have termed ‘‘wicked problems’’, of
what O’Connor (2002) refers to as ‘‘impossible’’ social choice
dilemmas – make it difficult to formulate and justify simple
rules of action. Apparently simple desiderata such as
‘‘maximum net benefit’’ (with monetary cost-benefit ana-
lysis) or ‘‘avoid risks’’ (with the precautionary principle) fall
down because, either they do not adequately address the
decision issues (viz., they do not furnish a clear ‘‘counsel’’
about what to do), or the way that they do this does not have
plausibility or acceptability to key stakeholders. There is no
clear bridge between knowledge and right action. This
does not mean that a reasoned use of a scientific knowledge
base for policy is impossible. What it means is that,
if reasoned basis for action is to be established for ‘‘post-
normal’’, ‘‘wicked’’ or ‘‘impossible’’ problems, then knowl-
edge and reasoning must be employed in a deliberative
way.
In the Four Spheres model, a deliberative political
process is very fundamentally necessary as the process of
exploring and building a future together. Sustainability
politics are about mobilising resources in perspectives of
respect and reconciliation across several axes and over the
long term (O’Connor, 1995; Martinez-Alier et al., 1999). In
addressing the multiple bottom lines, the challenge is to
work with a permanent ‘‘argumentation’’ between the
several contradictory positions. In the words of Rittel
(1982), an analyst needs to be like a ‘‘midwife of problems’’,
helping to raise into visibility, ‘‘questions and issues
towards which you can assume different positions, and
with the evidence gathered and arguments built for and
against these different positions’’. Collective action is like
the decision to build a boat in order, as Rittel puts it, to
‘‘embark on the risk together’’. By accepting the dilemmas of
evaluating performance against multiple bottom lines of
systems integrity and ethical engagement, explored across
economic, social and environmental spheres that are
coevolving through time, we admit the complexities – both
scientific and moral – of sustainability questions, at the
same time as defining clear roles for science, human
science, economics, and political process.
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